LI  B  R.ARY 

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ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

[From  his  first  photograph,  taken  in  Chicago  in  1857.    The  original  in  possession  of  Mrs.  Harriet  Chapman, 

Charleston,  111.] 


ABEAHAM    LINCOLN 


BY 

CHARLES   CAKLETON   COFFIN 

AUTHOR  OF 

'THE  BOYS  OF  '76"  "DRUM-BEAT  OF  THE  NATION"  "MARCHING  TO  VICTORY" 
"REDEEMING  THE  REPUBLIC"  "FREEDOM  TRIUMPHANT"  ETC. 


Iilu0traicd 


NEW    YORK 

HARPER   &   BROTHERS,   FRANKLIN    SQUARE 

1893 


Copyright,  1892,  by  HARPER  &  BROTHERS. 
All  rights  reserved. 


4 

. 


BeMcateD 

TO 

MY   SISTER   AND   BROTHERS 
APPHIA  C.  LITTLE,  FREDERICK  W.  COFFIN 

AND 

ENOCH  COFFIN 

AND   TO   THE   MEMORY   OF 

MARY  K.  CARLETON  AND  ELVIRA  AMES 

SISTERS   WHO   HAVE   PASSED   TO 

THE  LARGER  LIFE 


INTRODUCTION. 


A  LITTLE  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  has  passed  since  the 
death  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  Much  has  been  written  concerning 
him,  and  doubtless  much  more  will  be  written.  My  acquaintance  with 
him.  began  in  his  Springfield  home  the  night  following  his  nomination 
as  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  It  was  such  an  acquaintance  as  a  cor- 
respondent of  a  leading  journal  was  privileged  to  have  with  public  men. 
I  saw  him  frequently  during  his  Presidential  term  met  him  socially  on 
several  occasions,  and  walked  with  him  through  the  streets  of  burning 
Richmond.  In  preparing  this  work  I  have  visited  the  scenes  of  his 
early  years— the  spot  where  he  was  born,  the  sites  of  his  Kentucky  and 
Indiana  homes,  also  that  at  JS"ew  Salem,  111.  From  playmates  of  his 
childhood,  and  from  those  who  knew  him  in  later  years,  I  have  obtained 
information  which  may  be  accepted  as  authentic.  I  am  especially  in- 
debted to  Joseph  Gentry,  of  Gentryville,  Ind. ;  William  G.  Green,  of 
Tolula,  and  Mrs.  Hill,  of  Petersburg,  111.,  for  information  relating  to 
Mr.  Lincoln's  early  years  ;  and  to  Mrs.  Harriet  Chapman,  of  Charleston, 
111.,  for  a  copy  of  the  first  photograph  ever  taken  of  him. 

This  volume  is  to  be  regarded  as  a  sketch  of  the  life  and  times  of 
Abraham  Lincoln  rather  than  as  a  biography.  His  intellectual  and 
moral  qualities  will  be  seen  far  better  in  the  historic  narration  than  by 
any  analysis  that  might  be  given. 

The  Muse  of  History  has  recognized  him  as  the  liberator  of  a  race, 
redeemer  of  a  republic,  and  one  of  the  great  benefactors  of  all  time. 
It  is  to  be  hoped  that  eulogy  never  will  place  him  upon  a  pedestal  or 
smooth  out  -the  lines  that  make  up  the  true  portrait  of  this  man  of  the 
people,  appointed  by  divine  Providence  to  render  inestimable  service 
to  his  fellow-men. 

CHARLES  CARLETON  COFFIN. 

BOSTON,  July,  1892. 


CONTENTS. 


ANCESTRY 


CHAPTER  I. 

,..-...  1 


CHAPTER  II. 
EARLY  YEARS  ..................................................................    18 

CHAPTER  III. 
LIFE  IN  INDIANA  ...............................................................    30 

CHAPTER  IV. 
A  CITIZEN  OF  ILLINOIS  .........................................................    46 


CHAPTER  V. 
LIFE  AT  NEW  SALEM 


CHAPTER  VI. 
IN  PUBLIC  LIFE 


CHAPTER  VII. 
RIDING  THE  CIRCUIT 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
SEVEN  YEARS  OF  ACTIVE  LIFE 


CHAPTER  IX. 

BEGINNING  OF  THE  CONFLICT  BETWEEN  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY  .................  134 

CHAPTER  X. 

KANSAS-NEBRASKA  STRUGGLE  ...................................................  151 

CHAPTER  XI. 
NOMINATED  FOR  THE  PRESIDENCY  ...............................................  182 


CHAPTER  XII. 
THE  ELECTION,  1860  ...........................................................  204 


X  .  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XIII.  "OK 

OUTBREAK  OF  THE  REBELLION 233 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
FIRST  MONTHS  OF  THE  WAR 256 

CHAPTER  XV. 
AUTUMN  OF  1861 274 

CHAPTER  XVI. 
WINTER  OF  1862 290 

CHAPTER  XVII. 
PRELIMINARY  TO  EMANCIPATION 312 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 
EMANCIPATION • , 333 

CHAPTER  XIX. 
DARKNESS  BEFORE  THE  DAWN 354 

CHAPTER  XX. 
GETTYSBURG 378 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

SPRING  OF  1864 392 

r 

CHAPTER  XXII. 
SUMMER  OF  1864 411 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 
PEACE  DEMOCRACY 437 

CHAPTER   XXIV. 
RE  ELECTED  PRESIDENT 455 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

THE  END  OF  SLAVERY 472 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

SECOND  PRESIDENTIAL  TERM 487 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 
IN  RICHMOND 496 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 
THE  CLOSING  SCENE 511 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

APOTHEOSIS.  .  .  527 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Abraham  Lincoln.  (From  his  first  photo- 
graph, taken  in  Chicago  in  1857 ').  Frontispiece. 

Norwich  Cathedral 2 

Public  Square,  Norwich 3 

The  Meadows  of  Norfolk 5 

Hiugham  Meeting-house 6 

Freehold  Meeting-house 7 

Daniel  Boone 9 

Captured  by  the  Indians 10 

The  Site  of  Bryant's  Fort 11 

Defending  the  Fort 13 

The  Spot   once   occupied    by  the    Cabin   in 

which  Abraham  Lincoln  was  Born.    (From 

a  photograph  taken  by  the  author,  1890)  18 

A  Dutch-oven.     (From  a  photograph  taken 

by  the  author,  Nolin's  Creek,  Ky. ,  October, 

1891) 19 

The   Listening   Boy   Hears    the   Wonderful 

Story 21 

Little  Mound  Meeting-house,  Hodgensville, 
Ky.  (From  a  photograph  taken  by  the  au- 
thor, October,  1891) 24 

Site  of  Thomas  Lincoln's  Home  on  Knob 
Creek.  (From  a  photograph  taken  by  the 

author,  October,  1891) 25 

Points  of  Interest  in  the  Early  Life  of  Abra- 
ham Lincoln 26 

Junction  of  Salt  River  with  the  Ohio,  where 
Thomas  Lincoln's  Boat  was  Capsized. 
(From  a  photograph  taken  by  the  author, 

1890) 27 

Grave  of  Nancy  Hanks  Lincoln,  Pigeon 
Creek,  Ind.  (From  a  photograph  taken 

by  the  author,  October,  1890) 28 

Site  of  Thomas  Lincoln's  Indiana  Home. .    .31 


Learning  Arithmetic  Under  Difficulties 33 

Sarah  Bush  Lincoln.      (From  a  photograph 
in  possession   of   Mrs.  Harriet  Chapman, 

Charleston,  111.) 36 

Site    of  Jones's    Store    at   Gentryville,  Ind. 
(From  a  photograph  taken  by  the  author, 

1890) 37 

Dennis  Hanks.     (From  a  photograph  taken 

in  1889) 38 

Two  Shining  Half-dollars 39 

Planter's  Home 41 

Homes  of  the  Slaves 42 

Flat-boats 43 

Making  a  Camp  for  the  Night 47 

"  I  cannot  bear  to  see  even  a  puppy  in  dis- 
tress"    51 

Places  in  Illinois  Frequented  by  Abraham 

Lincoln 54 

Sangamon  River  near  New  Salem.      (From 

a  photograph  taken  by  the  author  in.  1890)  55 
"  He  stood  in  the  auction-room  where  they 

were  sold" 57 

A  Creole  Home  in  New  Orleans 61 

The  Lincoln  Home,  Farmington,  111.     (From 

a  photograph  taken  in  1890) 65 

Rutledge's  Mill.  (From  a  photograph  by  C.  S. 

McCullough,  Petersburg,  111.) *. 74 

Oak-trees  Standing  near  the  Site  of  Berry  & 
Lincoln's  Store.     (From  a  photograph  by 

C.  S.  McCullough,  Petersburg,  111.) 77 

William  G.  Green,  October,  1890 78 

George  D.  Prentice 79 

Grave  of  Ann  Rutledge.  (From  a  photograph 

by  C.  S.  McCullough,  Petersburg,  111.) 86 

William  Lloyd  Garrison 92 


"To  front  a  lie  in  arras  and  not  to  yield — 
This  shows,  methinks,  God's  plan 
And  measure  of  a  stalwart  man." 

JAMES  RUSSELL  LOWELL. 


"There  are  no  mistakes  in  the  universe  of  God." — CHARLES  SUMNER. 


"That  God  rules  in  the  affairs  of  men  is  as  certain  as   any  truth  of   physical 
science." — GEORGE  BANCROFT. 


"The  great  master-spirits  of  the  world  are  not  so  much  distinguished,  after  all,  by 
the  acts  they  do  as  by  the  sense  itself  of  some  mysterious  girding  of  the  Almighty 
upon  them,  whose  behests  they  are  set  to  fulfil." — HORACE  BUSHNELL. 


"  I  claim  not  to  have  controlled  events,  but  confess  plainly  that  events  have  con- 
trolled me." 

"No  human  council  has  devised,  nor  hath  any  mortal  hand  worked  out,  these  great 
things.  They  are  the  gracious  gifts  of  the  Most  High  God." — ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


CHAPTER   I. 

AXCESTRY. 

FAR  back  in  the  centuries  the  river  Witham,  which  win-ds  through 
the  lowlands  of  eastern  England,  was  known  as  the  Lindis.     The 
town  which  the  Romans  built  on  the  bank  of  the  stream  received  the 
name  of  Lindum.     When  the  Normans  made  themselves  masters  of 
England  they  built  a  castle  on  the  top  of  the  hill  that  overlooks  the 
town  and  changed  the  name  to  Lincoln.  (')     In  the  course  of  years  it 
became  the  name  of  a  family.     Possibly  there  were  several  families 
bearing  the  name  in  Norfolk  and  Lincoln  counties.     We  know 

1620. 

that  one  such  family  had  its  home  in  Hingham,  and  that  Samuel 
Lincoln  was  an  infant  on  that  day  when  the  Pilgrims,  in  December, 
1620,  established  a  government  of  the  people  in  America.  We  also 
know  that  there  was  an  older  brother,  Thomas ;  but  it  is  not  certain 
that  we  shall  ever  learn  much  about  their  parents.  It  seems  probable 
that  they  were  obliged  to  work  hard  to  obtain  a  living  for  themselves 
and  their  children.  We  may  conclude  that  their  home  was  a  cottage 
thatched  with  straw.  We  may  think  of  the  brothers  as  playing  in  the 
streets,  or  going  into  the  green  fields  and  gathering  daisies,  listening  to 
the  larks  and  nightingales.  They  could  look  across  the  meadows  and 
see  the  tall  spire  of  Norwich  Cathedral,  and  in  the  hush  and  stillness 
hear  the  great  bell  sending  forth  its  music. 

Quite  likely  they  heard  their  parents  say  that  King  James  had  died, 
and  that  his  son,  Charles  L,  was   King.     Then  the  talk  was  about 
troublesome  times.     The  King  maintained  that  he  was  ordained 
by  God  to  rule  the  nation,  and  that  it  was  the  duty  of  the  peo- 
ple to  obey.     The  bishop  preached  that  the  King  could  do  no  wrong. 


NORWICH  CATHEDRAL. 


Charles  wanted  money,  and  levied  taxes  without  consulting  Parliament. 
The  Puritans  who  would  not  pay,  together  with  those  who  would  not 
accept  the  ritual  prepared  by  the  bishop,  were  arrested  —so  many  that 
the  jail  and  the  Guildhall  in  Norwich  were  filled.  When  the  officers 
undertook  to  collect  the  tax  in  Lincoln  the  people  pelted  them  with 


ANCESTRY.  3 

stones.  The  Puritans  all  over  England  were  resisting  the  demands  of  the 
King.  Possibly  it  was  the  desire  of  Charles  to  get  rid  of  them,  that  led 
him  to  grant  a  charter  for  a  government  of  their  own  in  America.  The 
persecution  of  the  bishop  and  the  arbitrary  acts  of  the  King  made  life  so 
bitter  that  thousands  of  Puritans  were  ready  to  quit  England  forever. 

Many  of  the  people  of  Norfolk  and  Lincoln  counties  had  sailed  for 
Massachusetts ;  others  were  ready  to  join  them.  The  ships  Rose  and 

H  the  John  and  Dorothy  were  at  Yarmouth,  preparing  to  sail. 
Francis  Lawes  resolved  to  become  an  emigrant ;  and  it  seems 
probable  that  Samuel  Lincoln  was  ready  to  join  his  brother,  who  had 
settled  in  Hingham,  near  Boston.  (2)  We  see  them  travelling  across 
the  meadows  and  lowlands,  with  others,  to  Yarmouth  town.  Together 
the  ships  sail  across  the  Atlantic,  to  drop  their  anchors  in  Salem  Harbor. 

It  is  probable  that  Samuel  Lincoln,  for  lack  of  wool,  did  not  do 


PUBLIC    SQUARE,   NORWICH. 

[The  Guildhall  in  which  the  Puritans  wore  imprisoned  is  seen  in  the  centre  of  the  picture.] 


4  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  ' 

much  weaving  in  the  town  of  Ipswich,  where  his  master  settled.  The 
only  sheep  in  Massachusetts  were  a  few  which  were  pastured  on  the 
islands  in  Boston  harbor,  where  the  wolves  could  not  get  at  them. 

When  the  apprentice  became  of  age  he  joined  his  brother  Thomas 
in  Hingham.     He  had  learned  a  trade ;   it  is  not  certain  that  he  fol- 
lowed it,  but  probably  he  became  a  farmer.      A  maiden  named 
Martha  became  his  wife;  her  parental  name  is  not  known.    Their 
children  were  Samuel,  Daniel,  Mordecai,  Mary,  Martha,  Sarah,  and  Re- 
becca. (3) 

Startling  news  came  that  the  Indians  were  murdering  the  settlers 

of  Swanzey.      It  was  the  beginning  of  the  war  with  the  Pequots,  under 

their  chief,  Philip.    Samuel,  the  oldest  son,  seized  his  father's  gun 

and  powder-horn  and  became  a  soldier.     A  year  passed,  in  which 

more  than  six  hundred  of  the  settlers  were  killed ;  but  the  chief  was 

dead,  and  his  head  was  hanging  on  a  gibbet  in  Plymouth.     The 

captured  Indians  were  sold  as  slaves  to  the  Spaniards. 

Mordecai  Lincoln,  the  while,  was  blowing  the  bellows  and  making 

the  anvil  ring  in  a  blacksmith's  shop.     When  he  became  of  age  he  set 

up  his  own  forge  in  Hull.     Perhaps  Sarah  Jones  may  have  influenced 

him  in  settling  there,  for  she  soon  became  his  wife.(4) 

The  year  1686  was  a  memorable  one  to  the  blacksmith,  for  a  son 
wras  born  to  him — Mordecai,  junior.  Just  before  his  birth  the  frigate 
Rose  sailed  into  Boston  harbor,  bringing1  Sir  Edmund  Andros, 
who  had  been  appointed  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  Plymouth, 
Rhode  Island,  and  Connecticut.  He  had  brought  over  two  companies 
of  troops  to  aid  him  in  upsetting  the  government  of  the  people.  It 
seems  that  Mordecai  Lincoln  could  look  from  his  shop  door  and  see 
the  frigate  running  out  its  guns  and  firing  a  salute,  and  the  cannon  of 
the  castle  replying.  James  II.  had  determined  to  overthrow  the  Puri- 
tan commonwealth.  The  people  were  no  longer  to  assemble  in  town 
meeting  or  make  their  own  laws.  We  may  be  sure  that  the  farmers 
who  came  to  have  their  horses  shod  or  their  ploughshares  sharpened, 
or  fishermen  who  wanted  work  done,  expressed  their  minds  freely  upon 
public  affairs,  and  that  the  blacksmith  had  something  to  say  while 
making  the  anvil  ring  by  his  sturdy  blows.  Three  years  passed,  and 
Sir  Edmund  Andros  saw  the  streets  of  Boston  suddenly  swrarming  with 
armed  men,  wrho  came  from  Cambridge,  Roxbury,  Hingham,  Hull. 
and  other  towns,  put  an  end  to  his  government,  and  re-established 
their  own. 

Blacksmith  Lincoln  thought  the  time  had  come  when  the  people  of 


ANCESTRY.  5 

Massachusetts   should  no  longer  be  dependent  on  England  for  iron. 

There  was  an  abundant  supply  of  ore  in  the  bogs  and  meadows  of  Scitu- 

ate  and  Hingham.    Through  his  efforts  a  furnace  was  constructed, 

1  *7AJ. 

'  and  the  ore  dug  from  a  bog  and  smelted.  It  was  the  beginning 
of  an  industry  which  lasted  many  years.  His  enterprise  went  further. 
He  built  a  mill  on  Bound  Brook,  where  the  water  tumbled  over  the 
rocks  on  its  way  to  the  sea.  The  brook  at  the  falls  was  the  boundary 


THE   MEADOWS   OF   NORFOLK. 


between  the  colonies  of  Plymouth  and  Massachusetts.  It  was  of  great 
service  for  a  large  section  of  the  country  in  both  colonies. (5) 

Mordecai  Lincoln  helped  build  the  Hingham  meeting-house.  The 
elders  decided  just  what  seats  people  should  occupy,  and  they  assigned 
an  honorable  seat  to  him  in  the  front  gallery. 

He  wanted  his  grandchildren  to  be  well  educated,  and  in  his  will 
bequeathed  £10  to  aid  them  in  Harvard  College. (6)  We  do  not  know 
in  what  year  the  blacksmith's  oldest  son,  Mordecai,  junior,  married ; 
neither  is  the  maiden  name  of  his  wife  to  be  found  on  any  record. 
We  only  know  that  after  the  birth  of  a  son  the  husband  became  a 
widower. 

Although  Massachusetts  was  sparsely  settled,  people  were  emigrating 
from  the  province.  Mordecai  Lincoln,  with  his  son  John,  made  his  way 
to  Freehold,  Monmouth  County,  N.  J.  The  citizens  of  that  county  re- 
garded him  as  being  worthy  of  their  esteem.  Hannah  Salter,  daugh- 
ter of  Eichard  and  Sarah  Bowne  Salter,  gave  him  her  hand  in  mar- 
riage. Mr.  Salter  was  a  lawyer,  judge,  and  member  of  the  Provincial 
Assembly.  Hannah's  uncle,  Captain  John  Bowne,  was  rich.  He  re- 
membered Hannah  Salter  Lincoln  in  his  will,  giving  her  £250.  Her 
husband  was  so  greatly  esteemed  that  in  title-deeds  he  was  styled 
"gentleman."  He  was  thrifty,  and  purchased  several  hundred  acres 


6  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

of  land.  (')  He  wanted  more,  and  visited  the  valley  of  the  Schuylkill, 
in  Pennsylvania,  to  see  for  himself  whether  or  not  the  lands  there  were 
as  fertile  and  beautiful  as  reported.  He  was  so  well  pleased  that  he 
resolved  to  become  a  citizen  of  Pennsylvania,  and  removed  to  Amity 
township. 

It  seems  conclusive  that  John  did  not  go  with  his  father,  but  re- 
mained in  Freehold,  and  married  there.  We  shall  see  him,  together 
with  his  sons,  further  on.(8) 

Mordecai  Lincoln  became  near  neighbor  to  George  Boone,  who  came 
from  England  with  eleven  children.  He  had  such  pleasant  memories 

of  his  old  home  in  the  valley   of  the  Exe  that  he   named  his 

1717 

new  home  Exeter,  after  the  old  town  whose  cathedral  bells  had 
charmed  him  with  their  music.  He  found  that  many  of  his  neighbors 
were  Germans  who  could  not  speak  the  English  language.  Farther 
down  the  valley  of  the  Schuylkill  the  settlers  were  mostly  from 
Wales,  who  gave  Welsh  names  to  the  towns.  In  Gwynedd  were  four 
brothers — Thomas,  Robert,  Owen,  and  Cadwallader  Evans.  They  could 
trace  their  ancestral  line  back  to  Lludd,  King  of  Britain,  who  fought 
the  Romans  when  Julius  Caesar  was  Emperor  of  Rome.  ( 9 )  Cadwal- 
lader was  the  youngest  of  the  brothers.  He  became  a  preacher  after 
joining  the  Friends.  Before  leaving  England  he  married  Ellen  Morris, 
of  Bryn  Gwyn,  which  means  White  Hill.  They  had  a  beautiful  and 
queenly  daughter,  Sarah.  We  need  not  think  it  strange  that  John 


HINGHAM  MEETING-HOUSE. 


ANCESTRY. 


1711. 


FREEHOLD  MEETING-HOUSE. 


Hanks,  of  Whitemarsh,  found  pleasure  in  her  society  and  asked  her  to 
be  his  wife. 

The  autumn  leaves  were  changing,  and  there  was  glory  on  the  hills, 
October  12, 1711,  when  John  Hanks  and  Sarah  Evans  stood  before  the 

congregation  of  Friends,  in  Gwynedd,  he  promising  to  love  and 

honor  her  as  a  husband, 
she  to  be  a  true  and  faithful 
wife.  The  clerk  who  recorded 
the  marriage  put  John  down  as 
"yeoman,"  and  Sarah  as  "spin- 
ster."^0) Their  home  was  in 
"Whitemarsh.  Children  made 
it  musical  with  their  prattle — 
John,  William,  Samuel,  Jane, 
and  Elizabeth.  The  eldest 
reaches  manhood,  marries  — 
whom  we  do  not  know ;  but  he 
finds  a  home  in  Union  town- 
ship, on  the  west  bank  of  the 

Schuylkill.  His  neighbor  is  John  Lincoln,  from  Freehold.  Across  the 
river  are  the  homes  of  Mordecai  Lincoln  and  George  Boone,  and  that 
of  his  son,  Squire  Boone. 

Settlers  were  building  their  homes  in  the  surrounding  country,  but 
there  were  still  vast  reaches  of  forest  abounding  with  game.  One  of 
Squire  Boone's  sons — Daniel — found  great  pleasure  in  listening  to  the 
singing  of  the  birds,  the  chattering  of  squirrels.  He  loved  hunting,  and 
before  he  was  ten  years  old  could  bring  down  a  deer  when  it  was  upon 
the  run.  His  parents  allowed  him  to  go  out  alone,  for  on  dark  and 
cloudy  days  he  could  keep  the  points  of  compass,  and  was  never  in  dan- 
ger of  being  lost.  One  night  he  did  not  return.  The  second  night 
came,  and  Daniel  was  still  absent.  His  father  and  the  neighbors 
searched  the  woods,  and  found  that  he  had  built  a  camp,  killed  a  deer, 
kindled  a  fire,  and  was  broiling  venison  for  his  dinner. (n) 

A  warm  friendship  sprang  up  between  the  Boone,  Lincoln,  and  Hanks 
families.  They  were  on  the  frontier ;  many  of  the  settlers  around  them 
could  not  speak  English.  It  does  not  appear  that  Mordecai  or  John 
Lincoln  ever  joined  the  Friends,  and  it  is  not  certain  that  George  Boone 
was  a  member  of  the  society;  but  they  attended  the  meetings,  and  all 
lived  together  in  brotherly  love.  Mordecai  Lincoln,  in  his  last  will  and 
testament,  appointed  George  Boone  to  assist  in  settling  the  estate.  He 


8  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

had  many  hundred  acres  of  land.  He  bequeathed"  1000  acres  to  be  di- 
vided between  Mordecai,  junior,  Thomas,  and  Abraham;  100  to  Ann  and 
Sarah,  the  children  of  Hannah  Salter  Lincoln  ;  and  300  acres  to  John, 
the  eldest  son,  born  in  Massachusetts.  (" ) 

A  fever  of  unrest  was  upon  the  people  of  Pennsylvania,  causing 

them  to  move  southward,  through  Maryland,  across  the  Potomac,  into 

the  valley  of  the  Shenandoah,  and  settling  upon  lands  which 

George  Washington  had  surveyed.      John  Hanks,  junior,  and 

John  and   Thomas   Lincoln  sold   their  farms   in   Union,  made  their 

way  across  the   Potomac  River,  and  settled  near  Harrisonburg,  Va. 

Squire  Boone,  with   his  family,  went   farther  south,  and    settled   at 

Holman's  Ford,  on  the  Yadkin  River,  not  far  from  Wilkesborough, 

KG. 

It  was  a  memorable  year  in  the  history  of  America ;  for  while  these 
families  were  seeking  new  homes,  the  flag  of  France  was  giving  place  to 
England's  banner  at  Quebec.  The  settlers  along  the  frontier  who  had 
been  disturbed  by  the  Indians  could  lie  down  at  night  and  sleep  in 
peace. 

When  John  Lincoln's  eldest  son,  Abraham,  born  in  Pennsylvania,  be- 
came of  age,  he  left  the  Harrisonburg  home  to  visit  his  friends,  the 
Boones,  in  North  Carolina,  where  he  made  the  acquaintance  of  Mary 
Shipley,  who  became  his  wife.  (l8)  He  built  a  cabin,  and  opened  a  farm 
on  the  banks  of  the  Yadkin. 

Daniel  Boone  knew  there  was  a  beautiful  country  beyond  the  mount- 
ains westward.  In  1748  Thomas  Walker  and  three  others  had  dis- 
covered a  remarkable  gateway  in  the  mountains,  which  they 
called  Cumberland  Gap,  in  honor  of  the  Duke  of  Cumberland, 
Prime-minister  to  King  George.  They  beheld  a  beautiful  region,  abound- 
ing with  game.  It  is  not  surprising  that  Daniel  Boone  resolved  to 
explore  it.  With  four  companions  he  passed  through  Cumberland  Gap 
and  travelled  many  miles  beyond,  finding  meadows  waving  with  grass, 
the.  haunt  of  buffalo  and  deer.  He  and  one  of  his  companions  were 
captured  by  the  Indians,  but  made  their  escape.  When  they  returned 
to  their  camp  the  other  two  men  were  gone.  They  never  knew  what 
became  of  them.  Boone  remained  so  long  that  his  family  became 
alarmed.  His  younger  brother,  accompanied  by  another  man,  came  in 
search  of  him.  Daniel,  instead  of  returning,  sent  him  back  to  tell  his 
friends  that  he  was  safe ;  he  was  to  return  with  powder  and  bullets. 
Three  months  went  by  before  the  younger  brother  came.  Daniel  was 
alone  the  while.  He  knew  the  Indians  would  be  glad  to  capture  him ; 


ANCESTRY. 


9 


but  he  knew  their  wiles,  and  eluded  them.     After  being  absent  nearly 
a  year,  he  returned  to  his  home. 

People  were  crossing  the  mountains  to  make  their  homes  in  Ken- 
tucky. Daniel  Boone  organized  a  company  of  fifty,  who  made  a  settle- 
ment at  Boonsborough.  The  Revolutionary  War  had  begun,  and 
the  Indians  were  being  supplied  with  arms  and  ammunition  by  the 
British  at  Detroit.  The  settlers  built  a  fort,  which  was  often  beset  by  the 
Indians.  They  captured  Jemima  Boone,  and  Elizabeth  and  Frances  Cal- 
laway,  who  were  seized  while  in  a  canoe  on  the  Kentucky  Ei\Ter.  The 
people  in  the  fort  heard  their  cries  and  started  in  pursuit  of  the  Indians, 


1775. 


DANIEL  BOONE. 


10 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


CAPTUHED  BY  THE  INDIANS. 


who  were  hurrying  their  captives  towards  the  Ohio  Kiver.  Boone,  with 
several  others,  followed  in  pursuit.  When  night  came  they  were  obliged 
to  halt,  but  at  daylight  were  pressing  on  once  more.  Boone  had  roamed 
the  forest  so  long  that  he  could  easily  keep  the  trail.  When  the  sun 


ANCESTRY. 


11 


went  down  the  second  day  he  knew  the  Indians  were  not  far  in  ad- 
vance. With  the  first  flush  of  daylight  on  the  third  day  the  pursuers 
were  hastening  on.  Noiselessly,  no  one  speaking  above  a  whisper,  they 
glided  through  the  woods.  Suddenly,  at  a  sign  from  Boone,  they  drop 
upon  the  ground,  for  just  ahead  a  fire  is  blazing,  and  the  Indians  are 
broiling  their  breakfast  of  venison.  Four  of  the  pursuers  are  to  fire 
when  Boone  gives  the  signal ;  the  other  three,  with  himself,  are  to  be 
ready  to  encounter  the  remaining  Indians.  Four  rifles  flash,  and  then 


THE  SITE   OF  BRYANT'S  FOKT. 

with  gleaming  knives  all  rush  forward.  Four  of  the  Indians  have  fall- 
en ;  the  others  are  fleeing,  leaving  the  three  girls  unharmed  and  over- 
whelmed with  joy  at  their  rescue. 

The  tide  of  emigration  to  Kentucky  was  increasing.  A  second  fort 
was  constructed  near  Lexington ;  a  third  was  built  by  Joseph  Bryant 
and  his  companions  five  miles  distant.  They  made  a  mistake  in  not 
enclosing  a  spring  of  water.  No  well  had  been  dug,  when  the  place 
was  suddenly  besieged  by  several  hundred  Indians.  The  settlers  had 
plenty  of  food,  but  no  water.  They  knew  the  Indians  were  secreted 
in  the  bushes  near  the  spring,  and  if  a  man  were  to  go  for  water  he 
would  be  killed.  It  was  thought  if  the  women  and  girls  were  to  go 
with  buckets,  the  Indians  would  think  they  had  not  been  discovered, 
and  would  not  harm  them.  The  brave -hearted  wives  and  daughters 
went  down  the  path  chattering  and  laughing,  filled  their  buckets,  and 
returned  to  the  fort  unharmed.  Two  men  mounted  on  fleet  horses 


12  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

dashed  out  from  the  gateway,  and  rode  so  swiftly  that  before  the  Ind- 
ians could  recover  from  their  surprise  they  were  beyond  the  reach  of 
their  rifles,  riding  to  Lexington  to  give  the  alarm.  The  Indians  began 
the  attack;  the  settlers'  rifles  flashed  in  return.  The  women  were  as 
brave  as  the  men  ;  they  moulded  bullets,  cared  for  the  wounded,  encour- 
aged their  husbands,  and  assisted  in  every  possible  way  in  maintaining 
the  defence  till  reinforcements  came  and  compelled  the  Indians  to  flee. 

The  hardships  of  a  journey  of   500   miles   on  horseback   did   not 

deter  Abraham  and  Mary  Shipley  Lincoln  from  leaving  their  home 

on  the  Yadkin  to  establish  a  new  home  in  Kentucky.     They  had 

1778  " 

three  children,  Mordecai,  Josiah,  and  Thomas,  the  last  a  babe  in 
the  arms  of  the  mother.  They  settled  near  Bear -grass  Fort,  a  short 
distance  from  what  is  now  the  City  of  Louisville.  ( 14) 

The  war  with  England  was  over,  but  the  Indians  were  angry  because 
the  settlers  were  taking  possession  of  their  hunting-grounds.  It  was  a 
pleasure  to  them  to  creep  stealthily  through  the  forest,  come  upon 
the  unsuspecting  white  man,  bring  him  down  with  a  bullet,  and 
take  his  scalp.  Abraham  Lincoln  was  at  work  in  the  clearing  with  his 
three  boys — Mordecai,  ten  years  old;  Josiah,  eight;  and  Thomas,  six. 
A  bullet  fired  by  an  Indian  pierced  his  heart.  The  scene  is  one  for  a 
painter :  Mordecai  running  towards  the  cabin,  animated  by  a  great  re- 
solve; Josiah  fleeing  towards  the  fort;  and  the  Indian  who  had  fired 
the  fatal  bullet  seizing  Thomas  by  the  arm  to  lead  him  away.  Sud- 
denly a  rifle  flashes  and  the  savage  falls,  shot  dead  by  Mordecai.  (") 

Such  was  the  tragedy  in  the  life  of  Mary  Shipley  Lincoln.  She  was 
a  widow  with  five  young  children,  for  two  daughters  had  come  to  the 
cabin  home.  She  did  all  that  she  could  for  them.  Xo  schools  had  been 
established  in  Kentucky,  and  her  children  grew  to  manhood  and  woman- 
hood without  any  opportunity  to  obtain  an  education. 

The  Lincoln  family  through  all  the  generations  had  been  on  the 
frontier  of  civilization.  Few  of  the  ancestors  of  Thomas  had  ever  at- 
tended school.  Their  education  was  not  from  books,  but  from  the  hard- 
ships of  life.  They  had  lived  righteous  lives,  and  transmitted  to  their 
children  successively  the  inheritance  of  the  manly  character  and  Puritan 
faith  bequeathed  by  the  weaver  apprentice.  Under  the  law  of  entail  in 
Kentucky  the  eldest  son  inherited  the  estate  of  a  father,  and  so  Morde- 
cai Lincoln  came  into  possession  of  the  farm,  and  Josiah  and  Thomas 
must  begin  life  in  poverty. 

We  have  seen  John  Lincoln  and.  John  Hanks  settling  side  by  side 
in  the  Shenandoah  Valley.  The  children  of  Abraham  Lincoln  were  in 


DEFENDING  THE  FORT. 


ANCESTRY-  15 

Kentucky.  It  is  not  strange  that  the  descendants  of  John  Hanks  should 
also  be  there.  Joseph  Hanks  had  emigrated  to  Kentucky.  He  was  a 
carpenter  of  Elizabethtown.  Shall  we  think  it  strange  that  Thorn- 
as  Lincoln,  who  was  working  with  him,  found  pleasure  in  the  so- 
ciety of  his  nieces — Lucy,  Elizabeth,  Polly,  and  Nancy  Hanks  ?  Nancy 
was  tall,  dark -haired,  comely,  dignified,  and  winsome  by  her  grace  and 
kindness.  She  seemed  at  times  as  if  looking  far  away — seeing  what 
others  did  not  see.  She  had  attended  school  in  Virginia,  and  stood 
upon  a  higher  intellectual  plane  than  most  of  those  around  her.  The 
Bible  was  read  morning  and  evening,  and  her  conduct  was  in  accordance 
with  its  precepts.  She  was  on  the  frontier,  where  few  books  were  to 
be  had  to  satisfy  her  thirst  for  knowledge,  and  where  there  was  little 
intellectual  culture.  Through  the  summer  days  she  heard  the  mourn- 
ful cooing  of  the  ring-doves,  the  mimicry  of  the  mocking-bird,  and  the 
tender  notes  of  the  hermit-thrush  in  the  forest.  In  winter  the  voices 
were  harsh  and  discordant — the  barking  of  foxes  and  the  howling  of 
wolves.  Her  eyes,  so  sad  at  times,  looked  into  an  uncongenial  present 
and  unpromising  future. 

Thomas  Lincoln  was  twenty-eight  years  old  and  Nancy  Hanks  twen- 
ty-three when  they  were  united  in  marriage  by  Rev.  Jesse  Head.  Their 
h'rst  home  was  a  cabin  in  Elizabethtown.  (18)  They  had  but  few  articles 
for  house-keeping,  but  Thomas  Lincoln  was  a  kind  and  loving  husband, 
and  she  a  helpful  wife,  ever  regardful  of  his  happiness  and  welfare.  A 
daughter  was  born  to  them  in  this  uncongenial  home.  As  their  ances- 
tors had  done,  they  turned  to  the  Bible  for  a  name,  and  selected  Sarah 
—the  princess.  (n) 

NOTES    TO    CHAPTER   I. 

(')  "History  of  Lincolnshire." 

(2)  "The  Original  List  of  Persons  of  Quality — Emigrants  from  Great  Britain  to  the 
American  Plantations,  1600-1700,"  edited  by  John  Carnden  Hutton,  p.  290. 

(3)  Samuel  Barnard  Eliot,  in  "Cincinnati  Gazette,"  October  6,  1882. 

(4)  George  Lincoln,  in  "  Boston  Transcript,"  January,  1892. 

(5)  Ibid. 

(6)  Will  of  Mordecai  Lincoln,  Plymouth,  Mass.,  "Records." 
(')  Samuel  Shackford,  in  "  Chicago  Tribune,"  April  14,  1883. 
(s)  Ibid. 

(9)  H.  M.  Jenkins,  "Historical  Collections  of  Gwynedd,"  p.  143. 

(10)  Ibid.,  p.  110. 

(u)  Cecil  B.  Hartley,  "Life  of  Daniel  Boone." 

(12)  Samuel  Shackford,  in  "  Chicago  Tribune,"  April  14,  1883. 

(13)  Ibid. 


16  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

(14)  Ibid. 

(16)  Nicolay  and  Hay,  "Abraham  Liucolu :  A  History,"  "Century  Magazine,"  No- 
vember, 1886. 

('<>)  Ibid. 

(")  President  Lincoln  knew  very  little  about  bis  ancestry.  In  a  letter  written  in 
1848,  he  said  :  "My  grandfather  went  from  Rockiiigham  County,  Va.,  to  Kentucky,  about 
1782,  and  two  years  afterwards  was  killed  by  the  Indians.  We  have  a  vague  tradition 
that  my  grandfather  went  from  Pennsylvania  to  Virginia;  that  he  was  a  Quaker. 
Further  than  that  I  have  never  heard  anything." 

It  has  long  been  known  that  the  first  emigrants  from  England  bearing  the  name  of 
Lincoln  came  from  Hingharn,  England,  and  settled  in  Hingham,  Mass.  Recent  investi- 
gations show  that  Thomas  Lincoln  became  an  emigrant  in  1633  ;  that  his  younger  brother, 
Samuel,  apprenticed  to  Francis  Lawes,  landed  at  Salem,  Mass.,  1637 ;  that  he  was  eigh- 
teen years  of  age,  and  subsequently  settled  in  Hingham,  and  was  the  ancestor  of  the  Pres- 
ident. The  maiden  name  of  his  wife  was  Martha,  but  her  family  name  is  not  known. 
Their  children  were : 

1.  Samuel,  born  August  25,  1G50. 

2.  Daniel,  born  January  2,  1653. 

3.  Mordecai,  born  June  19,  1655 ;  died  in  infancy. 

4.  Mordecai,  born  June  14,  1657. 

5.  Mary,  born  March  27,  1662. 

6.  Thomas,  born  August  20,  1664. 

7.  Martha,  born  December  11,  1667. 

8.  A  daughter,  born  August  3,  1669 ;  died  in  infancy. 

9.  Sarah,  born  June  17,  1671. 

10.  Rebecca,  born  March  16,  1674. 

The  fourth  son,  Mordecai,  born  in  1657,  became  a  blacksmith.  He  married  Sarah 
Jones,  of  Hull,  daughter  of  Abraham  Jones,  of  whom  he  learned  his  trade.  The  shop  was 
on  a  point  of  laud  which  projects  into  Boston  harbor.  It  seems  probable  that  the  set- 
tlers in  that  vicinity  may  have  been  fishermen  rather  than  farmers.  He  subsequently 
lived  in  Hingham,  and  with  his  elder  brother  Samuel  was  employed,  in  1679,  in  building  the 
meeting-house,  still  standing  (1892)  in  Hingham.  His  father,  Samuel,  and  himself  paid 
taxes  in  that  town  in  1680,  and  the  blacksmith  was  assigned  a  seat  in  the  front  gallery. 
It  is  probable  that  he  moved  into  Cohasset,  the  adjoining  town,  about  1700,  and  with  his 
neighbors  established  iron-works  and  built  a  mill.  He  died  in  1727.  His  grave  is  in  the 
cemetery  in  North  Scituate. 

Children  of  Mordecai  and  Sarah  Jones  Lincoln  : 

1.  Mordecai,  born  April  24,  1686. 

2.  Abraham,  born  January  13,  1689. 

3.  Isaac,  born  October  21,  1691. 

4.  Sarah,  boru  July  27,  1694. 

5.  Elizabeth. 

6.  Jacob. 

It  seems  that  the  two  last-named  were  children  of  a  second  wife.  The  will  of  the 
iron-founder  was  made  in  1727,  and  Jacob  was  sixteen  years  of  ago  at  the  time. 

Mordecai  Lincoln,  junior,  born  1686,  was  the  ancestor  of  President  Lincoln.  No  record 
of  his  marriage  has  been  found.  We  only  know  that  he  emigrated  to  Freehold,  Moii- 
inouth  County,  N.  J.,  accompanied  by  his  brother  Abraham,  and  that  he  had  one  son, 
John.  He  was  married  to  Hannah  Salter,  of  Freehold,  before  1714 — the  date  of  his 
uncle's  will,  which  bequeathed  to  Hannah  Salter  Lincoln  £250.  It  appears  that  he  moved 
to  Amity  township,  Pa.,  and  became  near  neighbor  to  George  Boonc.  His  will  bears 


ANCESTRY.  17 

date  February  22,  1735-36,  providing  for  John,  Mordecai,  Ann,  Sarah,  and  a  posthumous 
child  which  was  named  Abraham. 

John  Lincoln,  born  in  Massachusetts,  ancestor  of  the  President,  married  and  resided 
in  Freebold,  but  moved  to  Union,  Pa.,  in  1758,  where  he  was  assessed  for  taxes.  His 
children  were  Thomas,  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob.  It  is  probable  that  all  his  children 
were  born  at  Union,  and  that  he  moved  to  Virginia  in  1759. 

Abrabam,  his  second  son,  joined  tbe  family  of  Squire  Boone  at  Holman's  Ford,  eight 
miles  from  Wilkesborough,  N.  C.,  where  he  married  Mary  Shipley.  Their  children  were 
Mordecai,  Josiah,  Thomas,  born  in  North  Carolina,  and  Mary  and  Sarah,  born  at  Bear- 
grass  Fort,  Ky.  The  paternal  line  of  descent  is :  1.  Samuel ;  2.  Mordecai ;  3.  Mordecai ; 
4.  John  ;  5.  Abraham  ;  6.  Thomas  ;  7.  Abraham — President. 

The  maternal  ancestry  of  President  Lincoln  cannot  to  a  certainty  be  traced  continu- 
ously from  his  mother,  Nancy  Hanks,  back  to  John  Hanks,  who  married  Sarah  Evans, 
of  Gwynedd,  in  1711.  It  is  very  probable  that  the  mother  of  the  President  was  a  descend- 
ant of  their  son  John,  who  settled  in  Union  township,  Pa.,  and  who  probably  moved  to 
Kockingham  County,  Va.,  in  1759.  Presumably  Nancy  Hanks  was  his  granddaughter. 
It  appears  that  John  Hanks,  who  lived  in  Whiteinarsh.  made  his  will  December  12, 
1730.  It  was  admitted  to  probate  in  May,  1731.  His  wife  was  executrix,  and  he  mentions 
seven  children.  From  the  records  of  marriages  among  the  Friends  of  Gwynedd,  it  seems 
that  Sarah  Evans  Hanks,  widow,  married  Thomas  Williams,  widower,  of  Montgomery 
township,  Pa.  The  witnesses  of  the  marriage  were  her  seven  children.  —  "Historical 
Collections  of  Gwynedd,"  p.  116. 

Mrs.  William  Parker  Faulke,  in  "  Historical  Collections  of  Gwyuedd,"  informs  us  that 
Sarah  Evans  was  the  daughter  of  Cadwallader  Evans,  who,  with  three  brothers,  emigrated 
from  Merioneth  County,  in  Wales,  which,  together  with  Montgomery,  Flint,  Denbig, 
Carnavon,  and  Anglesey  constituted  the  ancient  Gwynedd.  The  Evans  family  occupied 
an  exalted  position.  Their  ownership  of  land  extends  back  to  the  twelfth  century.  The 
genealogical  line  has  been  traced  to  Mervyn  Vrych,  King  of  Man,  who  married  Essylt, 
daughter  of  the  King  of  Wales,  in  820,  both  of  whom  traced  their  ancestral  line  to  Lludd, 
King  of  Britain,  who  resisted  the  Roman  invasion. 

It  does  not  appear  that  any  of  the  paternal  ancestors  of  President  Lincoln  in  Pennsyl- 
vania belonged  to  the  Society  of  Friends,  but  rather  that  they  attended  the  religious 
meetings  of  the  Friends,  and  lived  in  harmonious  relations  with  them.  It  seems  probable 
that  John  Hanks,  of  Whitemarsh,  joined  the  society,  and  that  his  sou  John  remained 
a  Friend  ;  but  his  nieces,  who  emigrated  to  Kentucky,  were  not  Friends.  On  the  paternal 
and  maternal  side  it  was  a  religious  ancestry. — Author. 
2 


18 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


1809. 


CHAPTEE   II. 

EARLY   YEARS. 

THOMAS  LINCOLN"  selected  a  quarter -sect  ion  of  land  situated  on 
Nolin's  Creek,  near  Hodgensville,  for  a  farm.     The  site  chosen  for 
his  home  was  near  an  ever-flowing  spring  of  pure,  cool,  refreshing  water, 
issuing  from  a  cleft  in  a  rock  shaded  by  forest  trees.     Asters, 
columbines,  and  other  flowers  bloomed  around  it,  drawing  their 
moisture  from  the  crystal  fountain. 

We  may  justly  infer  that  the  carpenter  could  not  earn  much  money 
by  working  at  his  trade.     Not  many  mills  had  been  built  for  sawing 

lumber,  and  consequently 
the  time  had  not  come 
for  erecting  frame-houses. 
A  log-cabin  could  be  easi- 
ly constructed  by  the  set- 
tler himself  felling  the 
trees  and  notching  the 
logs.  His  neighbors  would 
manifest  their  friendship 
by  coming  to  the  "roll- 
ing," lifting  the  logs  that 
were  to  form  the  cabin 
walls,  and  partaking  free- 
ly of  the  whiskey  pro- 


vided for  the  occasion. 
The  owner  of  the  house 
could  lay  the  stones  for 
the  fireplace  and  hew 
the  timbers  for  the  floor. 
The  cabin  built  by  Thom- 
as Lincoln  had  but  one 
room.  The  floor  was  not  laid,  no  glass  had  been  purchased  for  a  window, 
or  boards  provided  for  a  door,  when  it  became  the  home  of  the  family. 


THE   SPOT   ONCE   OCCUPIED   BY   THE   CABIN   IN   WHICH 
ABRAHAM    LINCOLN    WAS   BORN. 

[From  a  photograph  taken  by  the  author,  1890.     The  stones  at  the 
foot  of  the  pear-tree  mark  the  locality  of  the  fireplace.] 


EARLY  YEARS. 


19 


The  wife  had  not  many  utensils  for  house  -  keeping  —  probably  a 
Dutch-oven,  frying-pan,  a  few  tin  dishes,  wooden  plates,  and  a  bucket. 
None  of  his  ancestors  could  have  ever  lived  in  a  home  more  destitute  of 
needed  articles  or  one  more  cheerless.  Perchance  the  cabin  of  his  father 
on  the  Yadkin  or  that  at  Bear-grass  Fort  may  have  been  but  little  bet- 
ter; but  the  home  of  Mordecai,  the 
iron-founder  of  Scituate,  and  that 
of  Mordecai,  the  land  proprietor 
of  Freehold  and  Amity,  were 
palaces  in  comparison  with  this 
habitation.  Shall  we  conclude 
that  inability  to  acquire  wealth 
or  that  intellectual  decadence  are 
the  natural  outcome  of  the  ad- 
verse circumstances  of  life  on  the 
picket -line  of  civilization?  It  is 
not  probable  that  the  grandfa- 
ther or  father  of  Thomas  Lincoln 
had  much  opportunity  to  attend 
school.  Theirs  was  a  limited 
education.  The  owner  of  the 
home  on  Nolin's  Creek  did  not 
know  the  letters  of  the  alpha- 
bet until  taught  them  by  his  devoted  wife.  How  shall  we  account 
for  the  gradual  waning  of  intellectual  endowment  in  the  genera- 
tions between  the  active  and  energetic  "gentleman,"  the  landed  pro- 
prietor of  Freehold,  and  the  unambitious  carpenter  of  Hodgensville  ? 
Though  the  roots  of  the  husband's  ancestral  tree  reached  down  to 
Puritan  England,  and,  on  the  part  of  the  wife,  to  the  days  when  a 
King  of  Britain  confronted  imperial  Rome,  nature  gave  no  intimation, 
through  hereditary  descent,  of  the  coming  of  one  who  should  be  a  re- 
deemer to  millions  of  his  fellow-men.  The  evolution  had  been  down- 
ward rather  than  upward.  No  prophetic  voice  whispered  of  coming 
greatness ;  no  sign  appeared ;  no  star  rested  above  the  cheerless  cabin 
by  Rock  Spring,  in  which,  February  12,  1809,  Abraham  Lincoln,  son  of 
Thomas  and  Nancy  Hanks  Lincoln,  was  born. 

To  keep  out  the  snow  and  rain  possibly  the  skin  of  a  bear  may  have 
hung  across  the  doorway  of  the  cabin,  or  that  of  a  deer  over  the  open- 
ing left  for  a  window ;  but  the  wintry  winds  had  free  access  through  the 
unplastered  crevices  between  the  logs.  Here  the  mother  folds  in  her 


A   DUTCH-OVEN. 

[From  a  photograph  taken  by  the  author,  Nolin's  Crock, 
Ky.,  October,  1891.] 


20  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

arms  her  infant  son.  Here  she  attends  to  her  household  duties — living 
the  routine  of  drudgery,  baking  the  corn-bread,  frying  the  bacon,  dress- 
ing the  skins  of  the  deer  brought  down  by  her  husband's  rifle,  making 
his  clothing,  carding  cotton  and  wool  to  obtain  a  dress  for  herself  and 
garments  for  her  children. 

It  was  not  a  difficult  matter  for  Thomas  Lincoln  to  obtain  meat  for 
his  family,  as  the  woods  abounded  with  deer  and  wild  turkeys.  It  was 
more  of  a  task  to  obtain  corn.  When  obtained,  it  must  be  taken  to  Mr. 
Hodgen's  mill  for  grinding.  What  other  home  surpasses  this  in  exhibi- 
tion of  pathetic  scenes  ?  Another  child  came,  to  live  only  a  few  hours. 
Nancy  Hanks  Lincoln — queenly  in  personal  appearance,  imperial  in  her 
aspirations — attends  to  her  wifely  duties.  The  day  begins  and  ends  with 
religious  service.  The  cultured  wife  reads  the  Bible  to  the  uncultured 
husband.  His  lips  utter  the  prayer.  The  Puritan  instinct  in  the  hus- 
band has  come  down  through  the  successive  generations  from  the  Hing- 
hara  straw-thatched  cottage  in  old  England,  and  in  the  wife  from  the 
Friends'  home  on  the  white  hills  of  Wales.  In  the  gloaming,  when  work 
for  the  day  is  done,  the  mother  tells  the  stories  of  Abraham,  Moses, 
David,  and  the  Child  of  Nazareth.  The  horizon  of  her  life  was  wider 
than  the  walls  of  her  home.  That  her  kind-hearted  husband  might  be 
more  than  he  was  to  her,  himself,  and  his  fellow-men,  she  taught  him 
the  alphabet ;  but  he  never  was  able  to  construct  sentences.  She 
showed  him  how  to  write  his  name,  but  his  proficiency  with  the  pen 
ended  with  that  attainment.  The  iron  which  had  given  vigor  to  his 
ancestors  seems  to  have  been  wanting  in  his  blood.  Little  did  this 
mother  know  how  deeply  her  lessons  of  truth  and  virtue  went  down 
into  the  heart  of  her  listening  son  ;  how  in  the  fulness  of  time  the  germs 
would  put  forth  their  tender  shoots ;  how  her  own  spirit  would  reap- 
pear in  his,  and  the  beauty  of  her  soul  glorify  his  life. 

She  had  few  opportunities  to  gratify  her  longings  or  enlarge  her 
sphere  of  usefulness.  Occasionally  a  preacher  came  to  the  log  meeting- 
house at  Little  Mound  to  hold  services  on  Sunday.  Like  her  own  home, 
it  had  no  floor.  Logs  split  in  halves  served  for  seats.  Public  spirit  in 
Hodgensville  had  erected  the  building,  but  had  not  provided  glass  for 
the  windows.  To  this  meeting-house,  located  three  miles  from  the  Lin- 
coln home,  settlers  came  from  far  and  near — parents  and  children,  on  foot 
or  on  horseback.  It  was  not  only  a  place  for  religious  service,  but  the 
news  exchange,  where,  before  and  after  the  sermon,  they  could  hear  what 
was  going  on  in  the  community  and  in  the  world  outside  of  Kolin's 
Creek.  At  Little  Mound  young  men  could  look  into  the  faces  of  the 


EARLY   YEARS.  23 

maidens,  thinking  possibly  quite  as  much  of  their  charming  countenances 
as  of  the  heads  of  the  preacher's  sermon. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  five  years  old,  was  not  unmindful  of  what  he  saw 
and  heard  in  Little  Mound  meeting  -  house,  for  usually,  after  reaching 
home,  he  mounted  a  stool  and  preached  a  sermon  of  his  own,  shouting 
in  imitation  of  the  minister,  and  pounding  the  table  with  his  little  fist. 
He  especially  liked  the  Rev.  David  Elkin.  The  preacher  may  have  seen 
something  in  Thomas  Lincoln's  boy  that  attracted  his  particular  atten- 
tion. It  may  have  been  the  purity,  earnestness,  and  sadness  of  the 
mother's  countenance  reproduced  in  the  face  of  the  son ;  perchance  the 
boy  asked  him  questions  when  he  stepped  down  from  the  pulpit  to  shake 
hands  with  the  father  and  mother.  "Whatever  the  mutual  attraction  may 
have  been,  David  Elkin  and  Abraham  Lincoln  became  fast  friends. 

It  is  plain  that  the  settlers  of  Hodgensville  had  no  very  exalted  ideas 
concerning  the  education  of  their  children.  No  school-house  had  been 
provided  when  Zachariah  Riney  proposed  to  open  a  school.  He  was  a 
Roman  Catholic  priest,  who  travelled  through  the  settlements  teach- 
ing a  few  weeks  in  a  place.  The  people  were  too  poor  to  pay  him 
much  money,  nor  was  it  much  that  he  could  teach.  The  children  of 
Hodgensville  and  along  Nolin's  Creek,  those  living  at  Little  Mound, 
boys  and  girls  verging  upon  manhood  and  womanhood,  flocked  to  the 
cabin  which  served  for  a  school -house.  The  teacher  had  only  a  spell- 
ing-book containing  easy  lessons  for  reading.  Quite  likely  the  young 
men  were  somewhat  chagrined  when  Abraham  Lincoln,  five  years  old, 
marched  to  the  head  of  the  class.  His  mother  had  been  his  teacher. 

Thomas  Lincoln  made  no  headway  in  paying  for  his  farm.  He  tried 
to  better  his  fortune  by  bargaining  for  200  acres  of  land  on  Knob  Creek, 
seven  miles  from  Nolin's.  He  built  a  cabin,  but  it  was  little  bet- 
ter than  the  one  he  abandoned. (')  Another  teacher  came— 
George  Hazel — who,  like  Riney,  had  only  a  spelling-book.  When  the 
most  advanced  pupils  finished  it,  he  started  them  once  more  in  words  of 
one  syllable.  (2)  No  other  book  was  studied.  He  did  not  teach  writing. 

"We  have  seen  Thomas  Lincoln's  oldest  brother  inheriting  all  the 
property  of  their  father's  estate.  The  law  of  entail  was  no  longer  in 
force^  but  the  titles  of  land  which  had  been  granted  by  Virginia  to  in- 
dividuals before  Kentucky  became  a  State  were  not  always  clear.  Set- 
tlers, after  building  their  houses  and  improving  the  land,  frequently  found 
they  were  not  the  legal  owners  of  the  property.  Under  such  a  condition 
of  affairs  people  were  moving  to  Indiana,  where  they  could  buy  land  for  $2 
an  acre,  and  obtain  an  unclouded  title  from  the  United  States.  Slavery 


24 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 


existed  in  Kentucky.  Poor  men  were  conscious  of  an  assumed  supe- 
riority on  the  part  of  those  who  owned  slaves.  The  lands  in  Indiana 
were  fertile.  It  was  a  free  State,  in  which  rich  and  poor  alike  were 
respected.  Thomas  Lincoln,  in  common  with  many  others  in  Ken- 


LITTLE   MOUND   MEETING-HOUSE,  HODGENSVILLE,   KY. 

[From  a  photograph  taken  by  the  author.  October,  1891.] 

tucky,  resolved  to  live  where  there  would  be  no  distinction  between  rich 
and  poor,  and  where  he  would  have  a  better  chance  to  get  on  in  the 
world.  He  had  bargained  for  the  Knob  Creek  farm,  built  a  cabin,  dug  a 
well,  and  cleared  a  portion  of  the  land.  He  was  fortunate  enough  to  find 
a  settler  who  would  purchase  the  improvements.  He  took  in  payment 
400  gallons  of  whiskey,  which  was  everywhere  a  marketable  commod- 
ity. ( 3 )  Nearly  everybody  drank  spirituous  liquors,  in  accordance  with 
the  custom  of  the  times.  .Instead  of  being  disreputable  to  drink,  it  was 
regarded  as  ungracious  not  to  drink,  especially  when  invited  to  do  so. 
Only  when  people  became  senseless  or  quarrelsome  was  the  drinking 
regarded  as  harmful.  Next  to  silver  coin,  whiskey  came  nearest  to  being- 
legal  tender  in  business. 

At  the  junction   of  Knob  Creek  with  Eolling  Fork,  Mr.  Lincoln 
constructed  a  boat.    The  barrels  of  liquor  were  placed  on  board,  togeth- 


EARLY   YEARS. 


25 


er  with  his  carpenter's  tools.  Without  any  mishap  he  floated  down 
Rollins:  Fork  to  Salt  River,  and  with  the  current  of  that  stream  to  the 

O  " 

Ohio,  which  had  overflowed  its  banks.  Suddenly  his  frail  craft  was  cap- 
sized in  the  swirling  water,  and  whiskey  and  tools  went  to  the  bottom 
of  the  river.  He  swam  to  the  shore  and  stood  penniless  upon  the  bank ; 
but  when  the  water  receded,  a  few  days  later,  he  regained  his  prop- 
erty, obtained  another  boat,  and  floated  down  the  Ohio  to  Thompson's 
Landing.  Leaving  his  property  in  a  storehouse,  he  went  northward 
twenty  miles  through  the  forest  to  Pigeon  Creek.  He  was  charmed  with 
the  country.  The  soil  was  fertile.  Mr.  Gentry  had  built  a  cabin ;  other 
settlers  were  selecting  lands.  He  made  choice  of  a  quarter- section,  and 
travelled  seventy  miles  to  Vincennes  to  enter  his  claim,  and  returned  to 
Kentucky. 

The  November  winds  were  rattling  the  acorns  and  walnuts  to  the 

ground,  and  the  ripened  leaves  were  falling,  when  the  family  moved  to 

Indiana.     The  nig-hts  were  cold.     No  shelter  had  been  provided. 

1817 

The  late  autumn  rains  were  setting  in.  It  was  only  a  "camp" 
that  the  carpenter  could  build,  one  side  of  which  was  open  to  the 
weather. (4)  The  hard-working  wife,  as  in  the  floorless  cabin  at  Nolin's 
Creek,  baked  the  corn-bread  and  went  on  with  the  making  and  mending. 
It  seems  probable  that  while  occupying  this  camp  she  taught  writing  to 
Abraham.  We  know  that  George  Hazel  did  not  teach  it,  but  further 
on  we  shall  see  Abraham  writing  a  letter  to  a  friend  in  Kentucky. 


SITE  OF  THOMAS  LINCOLN'S  HOME   ON  KNOB  CREEK. 

[From  a  photograph  taken  by  the  author,  October,  1891.    The  well  dug  by  Thomas  Lincoln  is  seen 
in  the  centre  of  the  picture.] 


26 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


POtNTS  OF   INTEREST  IN  THE  EARLY  LIFE 
OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


Through  the  winter  carpenter  Lincoln  was  hewing  timber  for  his 
future  home,  which  was  to  be  something  more  than  a  cabin.  Although 
there  would  be  but  one  room  on  the  ground,  he  would  build  the  walls 
high  enough  for  a  loft,  which  would  give  sleeping  accommodations  to 
Sarah  and  Abraham.  Built  of  hewn  logs,  it  would  be  palatial  in  com- 
parison with  his  former  homes.  Picture  it  as  we  may,  we  shall  not  be 
able  to  portray  the  desolateness  of  the  winter  passed  in  the  Pigeon 
Creek  camp,  and  the  weariness  of  spirit  on  the  part  of  one  endowed  as 
was  the  mother  to  adorn  a  palace.  We  are  not  to  think  that  Thomas 
Lincoln  was  idle,  nor  that  he  was  altogether  shiftless.  He  was  in  pov- 
erty. The  family  must  have  food.  A  home  must  be  built.  The  ground 
must  be  cleared  for  planting  corn.  There  is  no  evidence  that  he  was 
idle.  Other  settlers,  more  industrious  than  he,  could  not  accumulate 
much  property  in  a  section  of  country  covered  by  a  dense  forest.  Many 
sturdy  blows  must  be  given  with  the  axe  before  he  could  complete  his 
house  and  clear  the  ground  for  raising  corn. 

The  new  home  was  not  finished  when  the  family  moved  into  it — the 
floor  not  laid,  no  boards  provided  for  a  door.  The  moving  was  hastened 
by  the  arrival  of  Thomas  Sparrow,  whose  wife  was  Mrs.  Lincoln's 
sister.  Dennis  Hanks,  a  nephew,  came  with  them.  Without  doubt 
it  was  a  glad  day  when  they  arrived,  but  the  joy  was  quickly  changed 
to  mourning.  A  few  weeks  later  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Sparrow  were  borne  to 
their  graves.  Sickness,  which  became  epidemic,  appeared  throughout 
southern  Indiana,  attacking  cattle  and  human  beings  alike,  caused,  as 
is  supposed,  by  herbs  which  poisoned  the  milk  of  the  cows.  The  physi- 
cian had  no  counteracting  medicine.  The  illness  was  brief ;  the  result, 
in  most  cases,  fatal. 

Nancy  Hanks  Lincoln  was  thirty-three  years  old.     Life  as  found  by 


1818. 


EARLY  YEARS. 


27 


her  had  presented  few  attractions.  It  seems  probable  that  not  much 
sunshine  fell  across  her  path,  even  during  her  girlhood,  in  Virginia. 
She  had  been  dependent  upon  friends  for  a  home.  By  circumstances 
beyond  her  control  she  had  been  compelled  to  accept  uncongenial  life 
on  the  frontier.  Her  aspirations  were  far  different  from  those  of  her 
kind-hearted  husband.  She  heard  voices  which  he  could  not  hear. 
Her  discerning  eyes  beheld  what  he  never  would,  be  able  to  see.  Shall 
we  wonder  that  the  sadness  deepened  upon  her  countenance  ?  Seem- 
ingly it  was  not  much  she  could  do  to  lift  her  offspring  to  a  better  life 
than  her  own  had  been ;  but  human  vision  does  not  reach  down  to  the 
springs  which  underlie  character.  The  world  never  will  know  the  great- 
ness of  its  debt  to  her  for  doing  what  she  could  in  stamping  her  own 
lofty  conception  of  duty  and  obligation  upon  the  hearts  and  consciences 
of  her  children. 

October  had  come.     The  forest  was  arrayed  in  glory.     The  harvest 
was  at  hand.    There  had  ever  been  loving  intimacy  and  sympathy  be- 


JUNCTION   OF   SALT   RIVEK  WITH   THE   OHIO,  WHERE   THOMAS   LINCOLN'S  BOAT   WAS 

CAPSIZED. 

[From  a  photograph  taken  by  the  author,  1890.] 


28 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


tween  Mrs.  Lincoln  and 
her  children.  She  had 
discerned  what  the  father 
had  not  seen  in  their  boy 
— a  nature  rich  and  rare  : 
kindness  of  heart,  sym- 
pathy with  suffering,  re- 
gard for  what  was  right, 
impatience  with  wrong. 
She  had  watched  the  un- 
folding of  his  intellect. 
He  had  asked  questions 
which  others  of  his  age 
did  not  ask.  She  knows 
that  her  work  for  this 
life  is  ended.  Her  boy 
stands  by  her  bedside. 

"I  am  going  away 
from  you,  Abraham,  and 
shall  not  return.  I  know 
that  you  will  be  a  good 
boy;  that  you  will  be 
kind  to  Sarah  and  to 
your  father.  I  want  you 

to  live  as  I  have  taught  you,  and  to  love  your  Heavenly  Father." 
Through  life  he  will  hear  her  last  words.  In  the  full  vigor  of  manhood 
he  will  not  think  it  unmanly  to  say,  with  tearful  eyes,  "All  that  I  am, 
all  that  I  hope  to  be,  I  OAve  to  my  angel  mother."  (5)  Death  came. 
The  husband  made  the  coffin.  No  preacher  was  near,  but  sympathizing 
neighbors  bore  all  that  was  mortal  of  her  to  the  summit  of  a  hill  that 
overlooked  the  unfinished  home — the  site  selected  for  her  resting-place. 
That  his  mother  had  been  buried  without  a  religious  service  cut 
Abraham  Lincoln  to  the  heart.  In  the  lonesomeness  and  desolation  of 
the  winter's  camp  she  had  trained  his  hand  in  holding  the  pen.  Is 
it  probable  that  there  was  any  other  boy  only  ten  years  old  in  the 
State  of  Indiana— or  in  the  country — who  would  have  set  himself  to 
write  a  letter  inviting  a  minister  100  miles  distant  to  come  and  preach 
a  funeral  sermon?  But  Kev.  David  Elkin,  at  Little  Mound,  received 
such  a  letter. (")  Abraham  Lincoln!  That  must  be  Nancy  Hanks 
Lincoln's  boy.  Yes,  he  would  go,  although  it  was  so  many  miles  to 


GUAVE   OF   NANCY   HANKS   LINCOLN,   PIGEON   CREEK,   1ND. 

[From  a  photograph  taken  by  the  author,  October,  1890.  The  marble 
slab  and  surrounding  fence  were  erected  by  P.  E.  Studebaker,  of  South 
Bend,  Ind.  The  stone  bears  the  following  inscription  :  "  Nancy  Hanks 
Lincoln,  mother  of  President  Lincoln,  died  October  5,  A.  D.  1818,  aged  35 
years.  Erected  by  a  friend  of  her  martyred  son,  1879."! 


EARLY  YEARS.  29 

Pigeon  Creek.  The  appointment  was  made.  From  far  and  near  the 
settlers  gathered  round  the  newly-made  grave.  The  hymn  was  sung, 
the  sermon  preached,  the  prayer  offered.  So  the  departed  mother  was 
committed  to  God's  keeping. 


NOTES   TO    CHAPTER    II. 

(')  In  several  of  the  biographies  of  Abraham  Lincoln  it  is  stated  that  the  land  select- 
ed on  Nolin's  Creek  by  Thomas  Lincoln  was  worthless. 

"  The  ground  had  nothing  attractive  about  it  but  its  cheapness.  It  was  hardly  more 
grateful  than  the  rocky  hill-sides  of  New  England.  It  required  full  as  earnest  and  intel- 
ligent industry  to  persuade  a  living  out  of  those  barren  hillocks  and  weedy  hollows, 
covered  with  stunted  and  scrubby  underbrush,  as  it  would  amid  the  sands  on  the  Northern 
coast." — Nicolay  and  Hay,  vol.  i. 

"The  land  he  occupied  was  sterile  and  broken — a  mere  barren  glade,  and  destitute  of 
timber.  It  required  a  persistent  effort  to  coax  a  living  out  of  it,' and  to  one  of  his  easy- 
going disposition  life  was  a  never-ending  struggle." — Herndou,  vol.  i.,  p.  18. 

Having- visited  the  spot  where  Abraham  Lincoln  was  born,  the  farm  on  Nolin's  Creek, 
and  also  the  farm  on  Knob  Creek,  I  do  not  coincide  with  these  estimates  of  the  quality 
of  the  land.  That  on  Nolin's  Creek  is  a  fair  representative  section  of  the  land  in  the  im- 
mediate region.  It  was  under  cultivation  (1890),  yielding  an  average  crop.  The  farm  on 
Knob  Creek,  while  embracing  a  rocky  hill,  has  many  acres  which  are  very  fertile.  It 
would  seem  that,  his  selections  of  land  cannot  with  justice  be  cited  as  evidence  of  in- 
efficiency or  want  of  judgment. — Author. 

(2)  Austin  Gollaher,  schoolmate  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  to  Author. 

(3)  William  H.  Herndon,  "Lincoln,"  p.  19  (edition  .1889). 

(4)  Nicolay  and  Hay,  "  Century  Magazine,"  November,  1886. 

(5)  Joshua  F.  Speed,  Lecture  on  Abraham  Lincoln. 
(e)  J.  G.  Holland,  "Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  29. 


30  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 


CHAPTER    III. 

LIFE    IN    INDIANA. 

THE  unfinished  cabin  of  Thomas  Lincoln  was  a  cheerless  home.  He 
had  not  found  time  to  hew  "  puncheons "  for  a  floor,  saw  boards 
for  a  door,  make  a  sash  for  the  window,  or  plaster  the  crevices  between 
the  timbers  to  exclude  the  driving  rain  or  drifting  snow.  (') 
Sarah  Lincoln,  twelve  years  old,  baked  the  corn-bread,  fried  the 
bacon,  and  did  what  she  could  to  make  the  cabin  cheerful ;  but  no  fire, 
be  it  ever  so  bright,  during  the  winter  days  and  nights  could  dissipate 
the  cheerlessness  of  such  a  home.  In  the  evening  the  shadows  of  the 
father,  Sarah,  Abraham,  and  that  of  Dennis  Hanks  danced  on  the  walls 
in  the  flickering  light,  but  the  mother's  was  not  there.  The  nearest 
neighbors  were  so  far  away  that  voices  other  than  their  own  seldom 
broke  the  silence. 

It  is  not  strange  that  Abraham  Lincoln  became  grave  and  thoughtful, 
or  that  a  sadness  like  that  seen  in  the  countenance  of  his  mother  ap- 
peared on  his  face  at  times.  Dennis  Hanks  found  pleasure  in  treeing 
raccoons,  but  Abraham  did  not  care  much  for  'coon  hunting.  Most  of 
the  boys  in  Pigeon  Creek  delighted  to  trap  wild  turkeys  or  bring  down 
a  deer  with  the  rifle.  Abraham  once  shot  a  turkey  with  his  father's 
gun  by  firing  through  the  crevice  between  the  timbers,  for  he  did  not 
like  to  see  any  animal  put  to  death.  He  was  growing  rapidly,  and 
was  so  strong  that  he  could  throw  an  iron  bar  farther  than  any  other 
boy  in  Pigeon  Creek. 

It  was  a  delightful  book  that  came  to  his  hands — "JEsop's  Fables;" 
also  an  arithmetic.  Where  he  obtained  them  we  do  not  know.  For 
want  of  a  slate  and  pencil  he  used  a  wooden  shovel  and  a  charred  stick. 
When  the  shovel  was  covered  with  figures  he  wiped  them  off  and  began 
again.  (a) 

Sarah  and  Abraham  were  outgrowing  their  clothing.  They  needed 
some  one  to  care  for  them.  A  year  had  gone  since  the  death  of  their 
mother.  Their  father  was  silent  and  thoughtful.  Suddenly  he  left 


LIFE   IN   INDIANA. 


31 


1820. 


home.  He  did  not  say  whither  he  was  going;  possibly  he  had  some 
misgivings  as  to  the  outcome  of  his  journey,  and  thought  it  wise  to  say 
nothing.  He  reached  Elizabethtown,  Kentucky,  where  he  had 
learned  to  be  a  carpenter.  He  called  upon  Sarah  Bush  Johnston, 
a  widow  with  three  chil- 
dren— John,  Sarah,  and 
Matilda.  Mrs.  Johnston 
had  been  his  playmate 
in  his  boyhood.  "When 
he  became  a  young  man 
he  asked  her  to  marry 
him ;  but  she  had  ac- 
cepted Mr.  Johnston  in- 
stead. It  was  evening 
when  Mr.  Lincoln  en- 
tered her  home. 

"Do  you  remember 
me,  Mrs.  Johnston  ?" 

"  Oh  yes ;  you  are 
Tommy  Lincoln.  It  is 
long  since  you  moved 
from  Elizabethtown — 
fourteen  years  or  more." 

"  Yes ;  but  I  have  come,  Mrs.  Johnston,  to  see  if  you  will  be  my 
wife.  You  and  I  are  old  friends.  My  children  need  a  mother,  and  I 
would  like  to  have  you  go  home  with  me." 

It  was  an  unexpected  request. 

"  Why,  Mr.  Lincoln !  I  could  not  go  at  once.  I  am  owing  some 
debts,  and  I  could  not  go  till  they  are  paid." 

Such  in  substance  was  the  conversation,  according  to  the  story  that 
has  come  to  us.  Mr.  Lincoln  found  she  owed  about  $12,  and  he  called 
upon  the  creditors  and  paid  them.  In  the  morning  a  marriage-license 
was  obtained,  and  they  became  husband  and  wife  during  the  day.  (') 

Ralph  Krume,  who  married  Mr.  Lincoln's  sister,  kindly  offered  to 
take  the  whole  family  to  Indiana  in  his  four-horse  wagon.  They  reached 
the  Ohio  River,  were  ferried  across  in  a  flat-boat,  and  then  made  their 
way  through  the  woods  to  Pigeon  Creek.  Just  what  Sarah  and  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  thought  when  they  saw  a  wagon  drawn  by  four  horses,  in 
which  was  a  new  mother,  a  new  brother,  and  two  new  sisters,  a  bureau, 
feather  -  beds,  and  chairs,  we  do  not  know ;  neither  do  we  know  the 


SITE  OP  THOMAS  LINCOLN  S  INDIANA   HOME. 


32  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

thoughts  that  flashed  through  the  mind  of  Sarah  Bush  Lincoln  as  she 
entered  the  uncompleted  cabin,  and  beheld  her  newly-acquired  daughter 
and  son,  their  clothes  worn  to  tatters.  But  her  coming  brought  about 
a  new  order  of  things.  A  door  was  hung,  a  floor  laid,  a  window  pro- 
vided, and  neatness  and  order  established. 

With  eight  in  the  family — three  romping  girls  and  three  rollicking 
boys,  for  Dennis  Hanks  was  there — the  cabin  was  no  longer  a  place  of 
gloom,  but  a  home  ringing  with  merry  voices.  It  was  Abraham  who 
told  funny  stories  and  asked  puzzling  questions. 

The  time  had  come  for  Pigeon  Creek  to  have  a  school  -  house.  The 
settlers  felled  the  trees,  cut  the  trunks  into  suitable  lengths,  notched 
the  logs,  and  rolled  them  into  place.  Having  no  glass,  thin  strips 
of  wood  were  fastened  across  the  opening  left  for  a  window,  on 
which  greased  paper  was  pasted.  Azel  Dorsey  was  employed  as  teach- 
er. Heading,  writing,  spelling,  and  arithmetic  were  taught.  The  am- 
bition of  the  boys  of  Pigeon  Creek  was  not  to  stand  at  the  head  of  the 
class,  but  to  be  champions  in  wrestling,  throw  a  weight  farthest,  and,  in 
a  fight,  strike  the  hardest  blow. 

Abraham  Lincoln  was  ready  to  try  his  strength  with  them  in  wrest- 
ling, and  if  any  fun  was  going  on  he  could  do  his  part  in  making  things 
lively.  He  began  no  quarrel,  but  allowed  no  one  to  pick  upon  him. 
Somehow,  if  there  was  any  dispute,  the  other  boys  appealed  to  him  to 
say  what  was  right  and  fair. 

There  is  humor  in  the  lines  which  he  wrote  in  his  arithmetic : 

"Abraham  Lincoln, 

His  hand  and  pen  ; 
He  will  be  good, 
But  God  knows  when."(4) 

After  a  few  weeks  with  Dorsey,  two  years  went  by  before  the  settlers 
felt  able  to  employ  another  teacher.  Abraham  Lincoln,  the  while,  was 
reading  Defoe's  "  Robinson  Crusoe,"  Bunyan's  "  Pilgrim's  Prog- 
ress," and  Weems'  "Life  of  Washington." (6)  He  borrowed  the 
last-named  book  of  Josiah  Crawford,  and  unfortunately  laid  it  where  the 
rain  wet  the  leaves.  Mr.  Crawford  charged  him  75  cents  for  the  dam- 
age done  the  volume.  Having  no  money,  he  paid  the  bill  by  working 
three  days  in  Crawford's  cornfield.  (')  He  was  growing  strong  enough 
to  swing  an  axe,  and  help  clear  the  land  and  hoe  corn.  His  father 
wanted  him  to  be  a  carpenter,  and  was  teaching  him  to  use  the  saw  and 
chisel. 


LIFE   IN  INDIANA.  35 

"With  eight  in  the  family,  a  bag  of  meal  quickly  disappeared.  It  was 
fifteen  miles  or  more  to  the  nearest  corn-mill,  which  was  not  driven  by 
water,  but  by  a  horse  attached  to  a  sweep  and  going  round  in  a  circle. 
The  customer  furnished  the  horse  for  the  grinding.  Abraham  went 
to  the  mill  with  a  bag  of  corn,  harnessed  the  mare,  and  struck  her 
with  a  stick.  lie  was  going  to  say,  "  Get  up,  you  old  hussy !"  The 
words  "get  up"  fell  from  his  lips,  and  then  he  became  unconscious, 
caused  by  a  kick  from  the  mare.  Hours  passed.  Suddenly  those  who 
stood  around  him  heard  the  rest  of  the  sentence — "  you  old  hussy."  In 
after-years  he  thus  explained  it :  "  Probably  the  muscles  of  my  tongue 
had  been  set  to  speak  the  words  when  the  animal's  heels  knocked  me 
down,  and  my  mind,  like  a  gun,  stopped  half-cocked,  and  only  went  off 
when  consciousness  returned."  (7) 

People  in  Pigeon  Creek  had  few  opportunities  of  hearing  what  was 
going  on  in  the  world.  Once  in  a  while  a  newspaper  found  its  way 
into  the  settlement.  By  going  to  Gentry's  Landing,  on  the  Ohio  Eiver, 
they  could  have  a  talk  with  boatmen  from  Cincinnati  and  Louisville. 
Occasionally  a  traveller  passed  a  night  at  Gentryville,  and  talked  with 
those  who  spent  their  evenings  in  Jones's  store.  Abraham  Lincoln  was 
the  one  who  usually  asked  questions.  (8)  He  made  everybody  good-na- 
tured by  what  he  himself  had  to  say.  People  were  talking  of  the  "  hard 
times."  At  Pittsburg  flour  would  bring  only  $1  a  barrel.  Whiskey 
could  be  had  for  15  cents  a  gallon.  Tea  cost  $1  a  pound.  Twelve  bar- 
rels of  flour  would  purchase  one  yard  of  "  broad"  cloth. (9)  Times  were 
hard  in  the  Eastern  as  well  as  the  Western  States.  People  had  doleful 
stories  to  tell  of  privation  and  suffering  :  how  the  sheriffs  of  Pennsyl- 
vania and  other  States  were  turning  men  and  women  out  of  doors  be- 
cause they  could  not  pay  their  debts.  The  jails  were  filled  with  poor 
debtors.  (10)  But  good  news  came  from  Washington.  Congress  had 
passed  a  law  reducing  the  price  of  land  to  $1.25  per  acre. 

With  whiskey  costing  only  15  cents  a  gallon,  we  need  not  wonder 
that  men  drank  more  than  was  good  for  them.  Abraham  Lincoln  did 
not  drink  intoxicating  liquor. (u)  On  a  bitter  cold  night,  as  he  and 
others  were  on  their  way  home  from  Jones's  store,  they  came  upon  a 
drunken  man.  The  others  went  on,  but  Abraham,  sixteen  years  old, 
strong  and  kind-hearted,  shouldered  the  man  and  carried  him  to  a  cabin, 
doubtless  saving  the  poor  fellow  from  freezing.  (12) 

Thomas  Lincoln  thought  that  his  son  had  been  to  school  long 
enough.  He  could  read,  write,  and  cipher,  and  was  ahead  of  any  other 
boy  in  Pigeon  Creek.  Was  not  that  sufficient  ?  He  wanted  him  to  help 


36 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 


grub  the  ground  for  the  next  year's  crop  of  corn.  (13)  An  affectionate 
intimacy  the  while  had  sprung  up  between  the  stepmother  and  Abra- 
ham. He  was  ever  ready  to  help  her,  and  she  ever  solicitous  for  his 
welfare.  (H)  Through  her  influence  the  three  boys  and  three  girls  from 
the  Lincoln  cabin  made  their  way  to  the  school  taught  by  Andrew 
Crawford.  Some  of  the  boys  found  pleasure  in  tormenting  dogs  and 


SARAH   BUSH   LINCOLN. 

[From  a  photograph  in  possession  of  Mrs.  Harriot  Chapman,  Charleston,  111.] 

cats.  Abraham  wrote  a  composition  upon  cruelty  to  animals,  in  which 
he  maintained  that  to  give  pain  to  a  dumb  animal  was  contemptible, 
cruel,  and  wicked. 

A  few  weeks  at  school,  and  he  was  once  more  at  work.     It  was  irk- 
some to  swing  an  axe  and  grub  with  a  hoe.     Without  doubt  Mr.  Lin- 


LIFE   IN  INDIANA. 


37 


coin  had  his  patience  sorely  tried  by  three  boys  who  loved  fun,  and  who 
had  rollicking  times  when  he  was  not  with  them.  They  had  "  spoken 
pieces  "  at  school,  and 
it  was  far  more  agree- 
able to  Abraham  to 
mount  a  stump  and  re- 
hearse what  he  had 
learned  from  the 
"  American  Precept- 
or," or  make  an  im- 
promptu political 
speech  than  to  wrork. 
His  audience  —  John 
Johnston,  Dennis 
Hanks,  and  the  three 
girls  —  were  ever 
ready  to  clap  their 
hands  at  his  perform- 
ance. (I6) 

Abraham  was  hun- 
gry  for  intellectual 

fo    J  SITE   OF  JONES  8    STORE  AT  GENTKYVILLE,   IND. 

lOOd.        He      Walked  [From  a  photograph  taken  by  the  author,  1890  ] 

twelve  miles  to  David 

Turnham's  home  to  obtain  a  copy  of  the  laws  of  Indiana.  A  man 
accused  of  committing  murder  was  arraigned  at  Booneville,  the  county 
seat,  fifteen  miles  distant.  Abraham  attended  the  trial.  He  had  great 
respect  for  the  judge,  who  represented  the  majesty  of  the  law.  He  list- 
ened with  intense  interest  to  the  argument  of  Mr.  Breckenridge,  the 
lawyer  who  defended  the  accused  man.  When  the  argument  was  fin- 
ished there  occurred  a  scene  for  an  artist.  Abraham  Lincoln,  tall,  slim, 
with  bare  feet,  wearing  buckskin  trousers  and  a  jean  coat,  walked  across 
the  room  and  shook  hands  with  him.  "  That  is  the  best  speech  I  ever 
heard,"  he  said.('e) 

Once  more  Abraham  was  in  school — one  taught  by  Master  Swaney. 

He  helped  Katy  Roby  in  spelling.     Several  scholars  in  the  class  had 

failed  in  their  attempts  to  spell  the  word  "defied."    "  D-e-f,"  said  Katy, 

and  stopped.     Should  she  say  i  or  y  f    She  saw  the  tall  young 

man  raise  a  finger  and  touch  his  eye,  and,  comprehending  the 

meaning  of  the  action,  spelled  the  word  correctly.     When  the  term 

closed  his  school- days  were  over.     Putting   all  the  weeks  together, 


38 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


they  were  less  than  a  twelvemonth.     He  had  not  seen  a  geography  or 
grammar. 

The  time  had  come  when  he  must  earn  money.  He  was  employed 
by  James  Taylor  to  ferry  people  across  the  Ohio  River  at  Gentry's 
Landing.  His  wages  were  $2.50  a  week.  His  earnings  were  for  his 
father,  and  not  for  his  own  personal  benefit.  It  was  a  memorable  event 
when  two  strangers  came  to  the  landing  and  were  taken  out  to  a  pass- 
ing steamboat.  Each  gentleman  tossed  him  a  shining  half-dollar.  One 

dollar  for  a  few  minutes  labor ! 
As  he  rowed  back  to  the  shore  his 
world  was  larger,  and  the  possi- 
bilities of  life  far  greater  than 
he  had  supposed  them  to  be.  (I7) 

Katy  Roby  lived  near  by,  and 
made  time  fly  more  swiftly  by 
chatting  with  him  while  he  was 
waiting  for  travellers.  It  Avas  a 
pleasure  to  take  her  up-stream  on 
a  moonlight  evening,  and  float 
down  with  the  current  to  the 
landing.  They  see  the  moon  and 
Venus  sinking  towards  the  western 
horizon. 

"We  say  the  moon  goes  down," 
said  Abraham,  "  and  the  stars  rise 
and  set ;  but  they  do  not  come  up 
and  go  down.  It  is  we  who  do  the 
rising  and  setting." 

"  You  are  a  fool,  Abe.  Don't 
you  see  that  the  moon  and  Venus 
are  going  down  ?" 

"  No,  they  are  not.  The  earth 
turns  over  every  twenty -four 
hours;  it  is  that  which  makes  them 
seem  to  rise  and  set.  It  is  only  an 
illusion,  Katy."  He  went  on  and 
explained  it  so  clearly  that  she 
gazed  with  increasing  admiration 

DENNIS  HANKS.  ftt   tlie   yOUng  ^^  Wh 

[From  a  photograph  taken  in  1889.]  had  helped  her  in  spelling.  ( 18) 


LIFE  IN   INDIANA.  41 

Possibly  Judge  Pitcher,  who  lived  near  the  landing,  saw  something 
unusually  attractive  in  the  boy  who,  while  waiting  for  travellers,  came 
into  his  office  and  asked  if  he  might  look  at  the  books  on  his  shelves. 
The  ferry-boy  saw  people  make  fools  of  themselves  by  drinking  too 


PLANTER'S  HOME. 

much  whiskey.  He  could  not  discover  that  any  good  came  from  drink- 
ing liquor.  On  the  contrary,  it  made  men  silly,  or  cross  and  ugly,  and 
brought  misery  to  themselves  and  their  families.  He  wrote  a  composi- 
tion on  the  foolishness  of  drinking,  and  the  evils  that  come  from  the 
habit.  The  judge  was  pleased  with  it,  and  handed  it  to  Kev.  Mr.  Farmer; 
he  in  turn  sent  it  to  an  editor,  who  gladly  printed  it.  So  Abraham  Lin- 
coln, five  years  before  the  beginning  of  a  great  temperance  reformation 
which  swept  over  the  country,  did  what  he  could  to  bring  it  about.  (") 

The  ferry-boy  probably  never  had  seen  a  geography.  Possibly  he 
may  have  seen  a  map  of  the  United  States.  He  knew  the  passing 
steamboats  made  their  way  to  New  Orleans  or  St.  Louis.  He  may 
have  heard  of  the  journey  of  exploration  by  Captain  Lewis  and  George 
Rogers  Clarke,  of  Kentucky,  up  the  Missouri  and  down  the  Columbia  to 
the  Pacific  Ocean.  He  knew  the  United  States  was  a  vast  country. 
He  was  thinking  about  its  form  of  government — the  Constitution  and 
the  Union.  He  wrote  out  his  thoughts  several  years  before  Daniel 
"Webster  uttered  the  words,  "  The  Constitution  and  the  Union  now  and 
forever  :  one  and  inseparable." 

"Winter  came,  and  there  were  so  few  travellers  that  Mr.  Taylor  no 
longer  needed  him.  He  returned  to  Pigeon  Creek  to  attend  the  wed- 
ding of  his  sister  Sarah,  who  married  Mr.  Grigsby. 


1828. 


42  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Mr.  Gentry  had  purchased  a  large  quantity  of  corn,  pork,  and  other 
produce,  which  he  determined  to  send  to  New  Orleans.  He  had  seen 
enough  of  Abraham  Lincoln  to  know  that  he  was  honest  and  faith- 
ful, so  engaged  him  to  take  charge  of  the  flat-boat  which  he  was 
loading  for  that  market.  Allan  Gentry  was  to  accompany  him.  The 
boat  was  wide  and  flat ;  the  steamboat  men  called  it  a  "  broad  horn."  It 
had  a  little  caboose,  in  which  they  could  sleep.  Clay  several  inches  in 
depth  was  spread  upon  the  bottom  of  the  boat,  upon  which  they  could 
kindle  a  fire,  bake  their  corn-bread,  and  fry  their  meat. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  captain  of  the  craft,  was  nineteen  years  old.  For 
pulling  an  oar  and  assuming  responsibility  in  marketing  the  produce  he 
was  to  receive  $8.50  a  month. 

The  two  boatmen  did  not  see  many  settlements  along  the  river. 
Here  and  there  they  beheld  a  clearing  and  a  solitary  cabin.  In  spring- 
time the  Mississippi  overflowed  its  banks,  and  all  the  lowlands  were 
flooded.  The  settlements,  consequently,  were  mostly  inland,  upon  high- 
er ground.  Memphis  was  only  a  collection  of  huts.  The  country  behind 
it  was  still  the  hunting-ground  of  the  Cherokee  Indians.  It  was  a  lone- 
ly voyage.  At  times  they  met  a  steamboat.  After  passing  the  mouth 


HOMES  OF  THE  SLAVES. 


LIFE  IN  INDIANA. 


43 


FLAT-BOATS. 


of  the  Arkansas  River  they  saw  alligators  sunning  themselves  along  the 
banks.  Farther  down  they  beheld  live-oaks  with  festoons  of  moss  trail- 
ing from  the  wide-spreading  branches. 

At  Baton  Rouge  the  two  boatmen  had  an  opportunity  to  show  of 
what  stuff  they  were  made.  Their  boat  was  moored  for  the  night  at  the 
landing.  They  were  awakened  by  a  gang  of  negroes,  who  leaped  on 
board,  intending  to  help  themselves  to  plunder.  The  negroes  were 
slaves.  White  men  had  stolen  them  —  their  manhood,  their  natural 
rights,  their  labor.  Why  should  they  not  help  themselves  to  whatever 
they  could  find?  The  boatmen  leap  from  their  bunks  and  rush  out 
from  the  caboose.  They  have  no  weapons,  but  Captain  Lincoln  pitches 
two  into  the  river,  a  third  is  felled  by  Gentry,  and  the  others,  seeing 
the  fate  of  their  companions,  take  to  their  heels. 

They  had  reached  a  section  of  the  country  where  the  people  used  the 
French  language.  Natchez  was  a  very  old  town.  The  French  settled 
it  when  they  took  possession  of  Louisiana.  The  people,  language, 
houses,  manners,  and  customs — all  were  different  from  what  Lincoln  and 


44  LIFE  OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

his  fellow-boatman  had  ever  seen.  At  intervals  they  beheld  large  plan- 
tations with  collections  of  cabins — the  homes  of  the  slaves. 

The  two  young  men  beheld  strange  sights  at  New  Orleans.  Hun- 
dreds of  flat-boats  were  moored  along  the  levees  ;  steamboats  were  com- 
ing and  going ;  ships  were  anchored  in  the  river.  They  heard  lan- 
guages which  they  could  not  understand — French  and  Spanish — and 
saw  sailors  from  all  parts  of  the  world.  In  the  old  part  of  the  city— 
that  settled  by  the  French — they  felt  themselves,  as  it  were,  in  a  for- 
eign land.  Having  disposed  of  the  cargo,  they  returned  to  Indiana.  Mr. 
Gentry  was  well  satisfied  with  the  result  of  his  venture. 

Abraham  Lincoln  had  reached  a  period  in  life  which  many  another 
boy  has  reached — the  period  of  restlessness  and  discontent.  His  father 
wanted  him  to  be  a  carpenter,  but  he  would  like  to  do  something  more 
than  push  the  plane  and  use  a  saw  all  his  days.  His  world  is  larger 
than  it  was  before  he  floated  down  the  great  river  and  saw  vessels  that 
had  come  from  foreign  lands.  The  money  which  he  had  earned  is  not 
his  own,  but  his  father's.  It  is  lonesome  in  Pigeon  Creek.  Why  stay  at 
home  ?  Why  not  strike  out  for  himself  ?  But  before  going  he  will  talk 
about  it  with  his  good  friend  William  Wood,  at  Gentry's  Landing. 

"  No,  Abraham,  you  must  not  go ;  you  must  stay  at  home  till  you 
are  of  age  and  can  leave  rightfully.  It  is  a  duty  which  you  owe  to 
yourself  and  to  your  parents."  (20) 

The  question  is  settled  —  duty!  obligation!  On  Sunday  evenings, 
in  the  old  Kentucky  home,  when  he  was  a  little  boy,  his  mother  talked 
about  doing  right.  He  hears  once  more  the  words  that  fell  from  her 
lips  as  he  stood  by  her  side  for  the  last  time — "  Be  kind  to  your  father !" 
With  new  strength  and  resolution  he  goes  back  to  the  Pigeon  Creek 
home  as  went  the  Child  of  Nazareth — to  be  obedient  to  his  parents. 


NOTES  TO  CHAPTER    III. 

(!)  William  H.  Herndon,  "Lincoln,"  p.  23  (edition  1889). 
(«)  Ibid.,  p.  28. 

(3)  Ibid.,  p.  29.     "  Letters  of  Samuel  Haycraft." 

(4)  Ibid.,  p.  40. 

(5)  J.  G.  Holland,  "Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  31. 

(6)  Ibid.,  p.  32. 

(')  William  H.  Herudon,  "Lincoln,"  p.  59  (edition  1889). 

( 8 )  Joseph  Gentry,  of  Gentry  ville,  to  Author,  September,  1890. 

( 9 )  "  Annals  of  North  America,"  edited  by  Edward  Howland. 
(J0)  Ibid. 


LIFE  IN  INDIANA.  45 

(  n  )  Joseph  Gentry  to  Author,  September,  1890. 

(12)  J.  G.  Holland,  "Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  33. 

(13)  William  H.  Herndon,  "  Lincoln,"  p.  36  (edition  1889). 
(")  Ibid.,  p.  31. 

(")  Ibid.,  p.  44. 
(16)  Ibid.,  p.  58. 
(n  )  J.  G.  Holland,  "  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  34. 

(18)  William  H.  Herudon,  "Lincoln,"  p.  39  (edition  1889). 

(19)  Ibid.,  p.  61. 

(20)  Ibid.,  p.  62. 


46  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 


CHAPTER  IY. 

A  CITIZEN    OF   ILLINOIS. 

A  LETTER  came  to  Thomas  Lincoln,  postmarked  Decatur,  111.,  writ- 
-£*-  ten  by  John  Hanks,  formerly  of  Elizabethtown,  Ky.  He  said 
that  Illinois  was  a  beautiful  State :  there  were  vast  reaches  of  prairie"; 
the  soil  was  rich ;  there  were  winding  rivers  and  creeks,  and 
groves  of  oak,  maple,  elm,  and  gum  trees.  Settlers  were  pouring 
in,  many  from  Kentucky.  If  Thomas  Lincoln  would  come,  he  would 
select  a  quarter-section  of  land  for  him,  and  have  logs  cut  for  a  cabin.  (') 
The  prospect  was  inviting.  The  disease  which  carried  the  first  Mrs. 
Lincoln  to  her  grave  reappeared  every  autumn.  There  was  no  partic- 
ular reason  why  the  family  should  remain  at  Pigeon  Creek.  One  of  the 
step  -  daughters  had  married  Levi  Hall,  and  the  other  Dennis  Hanks. 
They  were  ready  to  go.  His  own  daughter  Sarah,  who  married  Aaron 
Grigsby,  had  died.  There  were  no  tender  ties  to  be  severed.  Abraham 
was  twenty-one  years  old,  but  ready  to  cast  his  lot  with  the  rest.  It 
would  be  a  long  and  tedious  journey,  but  by  starting  in  March  they 
wrould  reach  the  Sangamon  country  with  the  beginning  of  spring.  So 
the  farm  was  sold  and  preparations  made  for  the  journey. 

They  were  eight  in  all,  besides  beds,  bedding,  frying-pan,  skillet, 
Dutch-oven,  bags  of  meal,  hams,  and  sides  of  bacon,  in  wagons  drawn  by 
oxen.  It  was  in  March — the  month  of  snow,  sleet,  rain,  mud,  chilling 
winds.  The  rivers  were  filled  with  floating  ice  or  overflowing  their 
banks.  If  they  could  not  find  shelter  in  a  cabin  at  night,  they  must 
build  a  camp  in  the  woods  or  sleep  in  the  wagons. 

Abraham  Lincoln  is  free  to  go  where  he  will,  but  the  fever  and 
restlessness  of  former  days  have  passed  away.  He  has  been  a  dutiful 
son,  and  will  see  his  parents  in  their  new  home  before  he  strikes  out  for 
himself.  He  drives  the  oxen,  or  takes  his  turn  in  swinging  the  axe 
to  build  a  camp  or  a  bridge  across  a  creek.  When  the  wagon  sinks 
hub-deep  in  the  mire  he  puts  his  shoulder  to  the  wheel  and  lifts  it  out. 
A  little  dog  trots  by  the  side  of  the  teamster.  They  come  to  a  river 


A  CITIZEN  OF  ILLINOIS.  49 

with  ice  upon  its  banks  and  in  its  surging  current.  The  reluctant  cat- 
tle wallow  the  stream  with  all  hands  in  the  wagons.  Unwittingly  the 
puppy  has  been  left  behind;  they  hear  it  yelping.  It  is  a  worthless 
cur,  but  Abraham  Lincoln  has  not  the  heart  to  leave  it.  He  will  not 
have  the  shivering  cattle  wade  the  stream  again,  but  barefooted  he  re- 
crosses  the  water,  takes  the  dog  in  his  arms,  and  returns  to  the  wagons. 
"  I  cannot  bear  to  see  even  a  puppy  in  distress,"  he  says,  as  he  brings 
the  cur  up  the  bank.  (2) 

Before  they  reached  Decatur  two  weeks  went  by — days  of  hardship 
and  suffering,  the  severest  weather  of  the  winter.  John  Hanks  had 
been  true  to  his  promise ;  the  logs  had  been  made  ready,  and,  with  all 
hands  to  help,  a  cabin  was  quickly  constructed. 

At  the  age  of  twenty-one,  Abraham  Lincoln,  wearing  a  jean  jacket, 
shrunken  buckskin  trousers,  and  'coon-skin  cap,  driving  an  ox-team, 
entered  Illinois,  to  be  thenceforth  a  citizen  of  that  State.  He  had 
reached  the  years  of  manhood.  What  would  he  do  with  himself?  For 
what  was  he  fitted?  He  was  so  strong  of  muscle  that  he  could  sink 
an  axe  into  a  hickory  log  deeper  than  any  other  man  in  Pigeon  Creek ; 
he  could  pull  an  oar  on  a  flat-boat ;  he  could  take  charge  of  the  cargo 
and  successfully  dispose  of  it  in  New  Orleans.  He  did  not  like  manual 
labor ;  it  was  vastly  easier  and  more  delightful  to  read  books.  He  could 
not  teach  school  for  a  living,  for  he  did  not  know  enough.  What  prob- 
ability was  there  that  he  would  ever  do  anything  beyond  chopping, 
rowing,  or  driving  a  team  ?  There  was  nothing  before  him  except  to 
help  his  father  plough  fifteen  acres  of  land  and  split  enough  rails  to 
fence  it,  and  then  help  plough  fifty  acres  for  another  settler.  His 
clothes  were  wearing  out  so  fast  that  he  was  ashamed  to  appear  in  de- 
cent society.  He  had  no  money,  but  bargained  with  Nancy  Miller  to 
make  him  a  pair  of  trousers,  he  to  split  400  fence  rails  for  each  yard  of 
cloth  required — 1400  rails  in  all.  It  was  three  miles  from  his  father's 
cabin  to  her  wood -lot,  where  he  made  the  forest  ring  through  the  long 
summer  day  with  his  chopping. 

Of  the  150,000  people  in  the  State  of  Illinois  in  that  summer,  was 
there  one  lower  down  in  poverty  than  he?  Was  there  an  individual 
whose  outlook  for  the  future  was  more  cheerless?  Would  he  ever  be 
able  to  make  headway  against  the  adverse  tides  of  life?  For  what 
could  he  hope  ? 

The  year  1830,  which  marked  his  arrival  to  manhood,  may  be  taken 
as  the  initial  of  a  new  era — the  beginning  of  the  development  of  material 
forces  and  a  corresponding  advancement  of  moral  ideas.  The  Erie  Canal, 

4 


50  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

connecting  the  Hudson  Kiver  with  the  great  lakes,  had  been  opened  five 
years,  and  the  country  was  beginning  to  feel  the  impetus  of  that  achieve- 
ment. "While  he  was  splitting  fence  rails,  workmen  in  Massachusetts 
were  laying  the  iron  for  a  railroad  between  Boston  and  Lowell — the 
first  to  be  completed  in  the  country.  The  invention  of  the  machine  for 
cleaning  cotton,  separating  the  fibre  from  the  seed,  greatly  cheapening 
the  cost  of  cotton  cloth  and  creating  a  demand  for  it  the  world  over, 
was  setting  mill-wheels  in  motion,  and  Lowell  and  other  towns  were 
becoming  busy  places  of  industry.  Inventors  were  making  spindles  and 
shuttles  do  the  work  formerly  done  by  hands.  The  stage-coach  was 
giving  place  to  the  locomotive  engine.  People  from  Europe  were  cross- 
ing the  Atlantic  to  find  homes  in  the  United  States.  Twenty  thousand 
emigrants  came  in  1820 ;  in  1830  no  less  than  80,000  arrived ;  and  by 
an  instinct  as  true  as  that  of  the  honey-bee  winging  its  way  to  sweet 
flowers,  they  selected  their  homes  in  those  States  where  there  were 
no  slaves.  With  the  rivers  of  New  England  setting  machinery  in  mo- 
tion for  the  manufacture  of  cloth  more  cotton  was  called  for,  and  more 
ships  were  needed  to  transport  it  from  Charleston  and  New  Orleans 
and  other  southern  ports  to  Boston.  The  cotton  planters  wanted  more 
slaves  to  work  in  the  cotton-fields.  As  the  plant  could  not  be  grown  in 
Maryland,  Virginia,  Kentucky,  and  Missouri,  and  as  slaves  were  called 
for  to  cultivate  it  in  the  more  southern  States,  the  slave-holders  in  the 
border  States  began  to  raise  slaves  for  the  Southern  markets.  Traders 
set  up  their  marts  in  Baltimore,  Washington,  Alexandria,  Kichmond, 
Louisville,  and  St.  Louis.  Gangs  of  negroes  in  chains  were  taken  from 
Baltimore  across  the  country,  or  shipped  on  vessels  to  southern  ports. 
Steamboats  descending  the  Mississippi  Kiver  transported  other  gangs 
from  Missouri  and  Kentucky  to  the  greatest  of  all  markets — New  Or- 
leans. 

During  the  days  when  Abraham  Lincoln  was  floating  down  the  Mis- 
sissippi on  a  flat-boat,  Congress  passed  a  law  imposing  a  duty  on  cotton 
goods  manufactured  in  other  countries.  The  law  was  opposed  by  the 
slave-holders  of  South  Carolina.  They  regarded  it  as  damaging  to  their 
interests,  for  England  manufactured  far  more  cotton  cloth  and  yarn 
than  was  produced  by  Massachusetts  and  Ehode  Island.  More  ships 
sailed  from  Charleston  for  Liverpool  loaded  with  cotton  than  for  Boston. 
The  planters  of  that  State  determined  to  pay  no  attention  to  the  law, 
but  to  do  as  they  pleased.  Under  the  clause  in  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  which  counted  slaves  in  the  basis  of  representation  in 
Congress,  and  through  the  rapid  increase  of  slaves,  the  institution  had 


LIBRARY 
UNIVERSITY 


A  CITIZEN  OF  ILLINOIS.  53 

become  a  great  political  power,  controlling  the  Government.  Good  men 
— doctors  of  divinity,  judges,  senators,  members  of  Congress — men  hon- 
ored and  respected,  saw  no  moral  wrong  in  holding  negroes  as  slaves. 
There  always  had  been  slaves.  In  Bible  times,  Moses,  who  gave  laws 
to  the  children  of  Israel,  established  statutes  relating  to  bondmen. 
Abraham  had  bond-servants.  There  were  slaves  in  the  time  of  Christ 
and  the  apostles.  Paul  told  the  slaves  of  his  time  that  they  must  be 
obedient  to  their  masters.  If  it  was  right  to  hold  slaves  in  those  days, 
where  was  the  wrong  in  holding  them  in  the  United  States  in  the  year 
1830  ?  "Was  it  not  a  beneficent  institution,  divinely  ordained  by  Al- 
mighty God  for  the  best  welfare  of  the  human  race?  So  reasoned  men 
renowned  for  learning. 

A  young  man,  born  in  Newburyport,  Mass.,  was  setting  type  in  a 
newspaper  office  in  Baltimore.  He  did  not  agree  with  the  general  sen- 
timent in  regard  to  slavery.  He  saw  a  gang  of  slaves  taken  from  jail, 
where  they  had  been  placed  under  lock  and  key  to  prevent  their  run- 
ning away,  and  put  on  board  a  ship  which  was  owned  and  commanded 
by  a  sea-captain  from  his  native  town.  Congress  had  prohibited  the 
bringing  of  slaves  from  Africa  to  the  United  States,  and  any  person  vio- 
lating the  law  was  to  be  regarded  as  a  pirate.  The  young  printer,  Will- 
iam Lloyd  Garrison,  could  not  see  why  it  was  not  just  as  much  a  crime 
to  ship  slaves  from  Baltimore  to  New  Orleans,  or  anywhere  else  in 
the  country,  as  to  bring  them  from  Africa  to  Baltimore.  He  printed 
an  article  which  denounced  the  act  of  his  fellow-townsman  as  piracy, 
for  doing  which  he  was  arrested  for  libel,  tried  before  the  court, 
found  guilty,  and,  because  he  had  no  money  to  pay  the  fine,  was  put 
in  prison. 

A  large-hearted  merchant  in  New  York,  Arthur  Tappan,  heard  what 
had  taken  place  and  paid  the  money,  securing  his  liberty.  We  are  not 
to  conclude  that  the  printer  was  the  first  person  in  the  United  States 
who  saw  the  iniquity  of  slave-holding.  Forty  years  before  this  occur- 
rence Dr.  George  Buchanan  delivered  an  address  before  a  society  which 
had  been  organized  in  Baltimore  to  bring  about  the  abolition  of  slavery. 
He  said  that  Africans  were  born  free  and  independent,  and  that  to  keep 
them  in  slavery  was  an  infringement  of  the  laws  of  God.  Other  anti- 
slavery  societies  had  been  formed  before  the  year  1800 — one  in  Virginia ; 
but  at  that  time  slavery  was  not  regarded  as  profitable,  and  it  had  not 
become  a  great  political  power,  as  in  1830. 

The  young  printer  went  to  Boston  to  give  lectures  upon  the  iniquity 
of  the  slave-traffic.  He  found,  to  his  amazement,  that  people  were  not 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


1831. 


willing  to  listen  to  him.  He  discovered  that  there  was  an  intense  prej- 
udice against  the  negro  in  the  Northern  States.  Being  of  indomitable 
energy,  he  established  a  paper,  "The  Liberator,"  which  advocated  the  im- 
mediate abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  and  the  Terri- 
tories over  which  Congress  had  jurisdiction. 

So  it  came  about  that  at  the  time  when  Nancy  Miller  was  making  a 
pair  of  jean  trousers,  and  Abraham  Lincoln  was  splitting  rails  to  pay 
for  them,  William  Lloyd  Garrison  was  issuing  the  first  number  of  his 
paper. 

The  country  was  divided  into  two  political  parties — Whig  and  Dem- 
ocratic. The  Democratic  party  was  in  power,  with  Andrew  Jackson 
as  President.  Henry  Clay,  Senator  from  Kentucky,  was  an  ac- 
knowledged leader  of  the  Whig  party.  A  book  had  been  pub- 
lished setting  forth  the  political  principles  of  Mr.  Clay,  which  Abraham 
Lincoln  read  during  the  days  when  he  could  get  nothing  to  do.  He 
thought  that  the  principles  held  by  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  were 
better  for  the  country  than  those  held  by  President  Jackson. 

The  month  of  March  saw  John  Hanks  and  Abraham  Lincoln  pad- 
dling down  the  Sangamon  Kiver  in  a  boat  to  meet  Denton  Oifut,  of 
Springfield,  who  was  buying  corn,  beef,  pork,  and  pigs,  which  they  were 
to  take  to  New  Orleans.  John  Johnston  was  to  go  with  them.  Offut 
agreed  to  give  them  50  cents  per  day  and  $60  besides.  The  boat  was  to 
be  ready  for  them  at  Judy's  Ferry,  five  miles  from  Springfield.  They 
found  Oifut  at  the  Buckhorn  Tavern,  taking  things  easy.  He  had  no 

boat,  but  would   like   to   have 
them  build  one.    He  would  just 
as  soon  pay  them  as  anybody 
else.     The   timber   would    cost 
them  nothing, 
for  there  was 
an  abundance 
along  the  San- 
gamon,     on 
land  owned  by 
the    Govern- 
ment.    They 
could   get  it 

sawed  at  Mr.  Kirkpatrick's  mill.(3)  Abraham  had  at  one  time  worked 
with  his  father  at  carpentering,  and  could  superintend  the  construc- 
tion of  the  boat.  The  bargain  was  made.  A  shanty  was  built  on 


PLACES  IN  ILLINOIS  FREQUENTED  BY  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


A  CITIZEN  OF  ILLINOIS. 


55 


SANGAMON   RIVER   NEAR    NEW    SALEM. 

[From  a  photograph  taken  by  the  author  in  1890.    The  view  looks  down  the  river  towards  Petersburg.    The  mill 
stood  at  the  left.    The  village  of  New  Salem  was  amid  the  trees  at  the  top  of  the  hill.] 


the  bank  of  the  river,  in  which  they  slept  and  ate  their  meals.  Abra- 
ham, besides  being  the  head-carpenter,  took  charge  of  the  cooking.  An 
axe,  saw,  chisel,  and  auger  were  the  only  tools  needed.  Two  great 
trees  were  felled  and  hewn  for  the  sides,  upon  which  the  planking  was 
pinned ;  the  seams  were  calked  and  smeared  with  pitch.  Offut  and  a 
large  number  of  his  friends  came  out  from  Springfield  to  the  launch- 
ing, bringing  a  supply  of  whiskey.  Speeches  were  made — some  uphold- 
ing Jackson,  others  supporting  Henry  Clay.  The  cook  told  funny 
stories  and  declared  himself  in  favor  of  Clay.  A  sleight-of-hand  per- 
former was  along,  and,  among  other  tricks  performed,  eggs  were  fried 
in  the  cook's  hat. (4) 

On  April  19th,  with  the  barrels  of  pork  and  beef  on  board,  the 
three  boatmen  bade  good-bye  to  Sangamon  town,  and  floated  down  the 
river  to  New  Salem.  Mr.  Rutledge  had  built  a  dam  at  a  bend  in  the 
river  and  erected  a  mill  on  the  western  bank.  The  boat,  instead  of 
gliding  over  the  dam,  hung  fast  upon  it.  Abraham  thought  a  while, 
and  showed  John  the  way  out  of  the  difficulty.  They  must  take  to  the 


56  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

shore  some  of  the  barrels  at  the  forward  end.  The  seams  had  not  been 
made  tight,  and  the  boat  was  partly  filled  with  water.  He  would  bore 
a  hole  in  the  bottom  at  the  end  projecting  over  the  dam,  which  would 
let  the  water  out  and  lighten  the  craft.  Then  he  would  plug  up  the 
hole,  roll  the  barrels  to  the  bow,  and  the  boat  would  slide  over.  When 
below  the  dam  they  could  put  more  oakum  in  the  seams,  daub  on  more 
pitch,  and  be  in  good  shape  for  their  trip.  It  was  done,  with  the  people 
of  New  Salem  looking  on  and  admiring  the  ingenuity  of  the  young  man 
who  devised  the  plan. 

At  Blue  Banks  a  herd  of  pigs  which  Offut  had  purchased  of  Squire 
Godbey  were  to  be  taken  on  board.  The  animals  were  determined  not 
to  embark  on  such  a  craft.  The  more  the  three  boatmen  and  Squire 
Godbey  tried  to  drive  them,  the  more  they  would  not  go.  They  munched 
the  corn  strewn  on  the  ground,  but  showed  no  disposition  to  eat  that  on 
the  boat. 

"  We  might  sew  up  their  eyes,  and  then  they  would  have  to  go  it 
blind,"  said  Abraham.  (B) 

As  the  pigs  would  not  be  coaxed,  he  carried  them  one  by  one  in  his 
arms  down  the  bank  and  put  them  on  board. (*)  Once  more  they  were 
floating  with  the  stream  down  the  Sangamon  to  the  Illinois,  where  final 
preparations  were  made  for  the  trip  to  New  Orleans. 

They  set  up  a  mast,  and,  having  no  canvas,  rigged  a  wooden  sail. 
People  at  Beardstown,  Alton,  and  St.  Louis  laughed  when  they  be- 
held the  contrivance ;  the  pilots  of  steamboats,  when  they  saw  it,  won- 
dered what  was  coming ;  but  their  wooden  sail  helped  them  on  when 
the  wind  was  in  the  right  direction  to  use  it. 

They  reached  New  Orleans  without  special  adventure.  Abraham 
Lincoln,  with  no  responsibility  upon  him  in  disposing  of  the  cargo,  as 
when  upon  the  first  trip,  wandered  about  the  city.  He  visited  the  sec- 
tion settled  by  the  Spaniards,  and  also  the  quarter  occupied  by  the 
French  and  Creole  population.  He  saw  gangs  of  slaves  which  had 
come  from  Kentucky  and  Tennessee  marched  to  the  sugar-cane  and 
cotton  plantations.  He  stood  in  the  auction -room  where  they  were 
sold,  and  saw  women  and  girls  stripped  to  the  waist,  men  handling 
them  as  they  handled  cows  and  calves :  making  them  run  to  see  if  they 
were  lame,  looking  into  their  mouths  to  ascertain  if  their  teeth  were 
sound,  calculating  their  age,  and  whether  they  would  bear  children. 
He  hears  the  auctioneer  telling  their  good  points :  how  much  work  they 
can  do,  what  they  are  fitted  for,  how  good  and  kind  and  religious  they 
are.  He  hears  the  bidding,  and  beholds  maidens  shrinking  from  men 


A  CITIZEN  OF  ILLINOIS.  59 

who  look  them  over  with  leering  eyes.  He  hears  the  wailing  and  sees 
the  weeping,  as  husbands,  wives,  and  children  are  separated,  never  to 
meet  again. 

The  boatman  turns  away  with  something  rising  in  his  throat,  and 
goes  out  with  John  Hanks  into  the  sunshine.  His  lips  are  quivering, 
for  his  soul  is  on  fire. 

"John,  if  I  ever  get  a  chance  to  hit  that  institution,  Pll  hit  it  hard, 
by  the  Eternal  GodF^) 

Who  is  he,  to  hit  the  institution  of  slavery  a  blow  ?  He  is  only  a 
boatman,  a  wood  -  chopper,  teamster,  backwoodsman — nothing  more. 
What  position  of  influence  is  he  likely  to  attain  to  enable  him  to  strike 
at  slavery?  His  school -days  have  been  less  than  a  year.  He  is 
unknown,  except  to  a  few  people.  Slavery  is  incorporated  into  the 
framework  of  society  and  legalized  in  half  of  the  States  of  the  Ke- 
public.  It  is  intrenched  in  Church  and  State  alike ;  pronounced  by 
doctors  of  divinity  and  statesmen  to  be  divinely  established  for  the  good 
of  the  human  race.  It  is  a  political  force,  recognized  by  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States ;  it  enters  into  the  organization  of  Congress, 
and  dictates  as  to  the  affairs  of  government  and  the  election  of  Presi- 
dents. Is  there  the  remotest  probability  that  he  will  ever  be  able  to 
strike  a  blow  at  such  an  institution  ?  Why  does  he  speak  the  words  ? 
Why  lift  his  right  hand  to  heaven  and  swear  a  solemn  oath  ?  Is  it  that 
those  eyes,  looking  as  his  mother's  looked,  far  away,  catch  some  dim 
vision  of  what  may  be  by-and-by  ?  Does  the  thought  come  that  in  the 
unfolding  years  an  all-directing  Providence  in  human  affairs  has  some- 
thing especially  marked  out  for  him  to  accomplish  ?  Is  it  an  illumina- 
tion by  some  spirit-force  of  a  coming  conflict  in  which  he  is  to  take  a 
conspicuous  part — the  whispering  of  some  messenger  from  an  unseen 
realm  that  he  is  the  one  chosen  to  give  freedom  to  millions  of  slaves? 
Be  that  as  it  may,  certainly  no  words  ever  spoken  by  the  prophets  of 
Israel  have  had  a  larger  fulfilment  than  those  uttered  by  Abraham 
Lincoln  in  the  streets  of  New  Orleans. 

As  we  thus  go  over  the  events  in  the  life  of  this  carpenter's  son,  we 
think  of  the  Son  of  another  carpenter,  and  recall  his  words:  "Wist  ye 
not  that  I  must  be  about  my  Father's  business  ?" 

The  three  boatmen  returned  to  St.  Louis,  accompanied  by  their  em- 
ployer, who  was  intending  to  open  a  store  in  New  Salem,  where  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  had  exhibited  his  ingenuity  in  getting  the  flat-boat  over 
Kutledge's  mill-dam.  Offut  remained  at  St.  Louis  to  purchase  goods, 
and  the  three  boatmen  made  their  way  on  foot  across  the  country  to 


60  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Farmington,  near  the  eastern  boundary  of  Illinois,  where  Thomas  Lin- 
coln was  preparing  to  build  a  new  house.  On  an  appointed  day  Abra- 
ham was  to  meet  Offut  at  New  Salem,  and  begin  business  with  him  as 
clerk  and  salesman. 

Keaching  Farmington,  he  assisted  his  father  in  building  a  cabin  con- 
taining two  rooms.  It  was  of  hewn  logs,  and  much  superior  to  any  of 
the  former  dwellings. 

We  have  seen  that  the  recreations  and  pleasures  of  people  on  the 
frontier  were  exhibitions  of  physical  strength.  Daniel  Needham,  cham- 
pion wrestler  of  Coles  County,  had  put  many  men  on  their  backs,  and 
boasted  loudly  of  his  powers.  Having  heard  that  there  was  a  strong 
young  flat -boatman  in  Farmington,  he  sent  him  a  special  challenge, 
which  the  boatman  accepted.  Abraham  Lincoln  found  his  highest 
pleasure  in  reading,  but  he  was  by  no  means  indifferent  to  the  pleasure 
that  comes  from  putting  forth  physical  strength.  The  match  was  held 
at  Wabash  Point.  Needham  soon  found  himself  on  the  ground.  Cha- 
grined at  his  discomfiture,  he  demanded  a  second  trial,  to  be  again 
vanquished.  The  boatman,  in  consequence  of  his  victory,  became  very 
popular  with  the  young  men  of  Coles  County.  (") 

On  the  day  appointed,  the  clerk  engaged  by  Offut  stepped  from  a 
canoe  at  Rutledge's  mill.  He  had  paddled  down  the  river  from  Decatur. 
New  Salem  was  a  collection  of  log-houses  overlooking  the  beautiful  val- 
ley of  the  Sangamon.  Offut  was  there  to  welcome  him,  but  the  goods 
had  not  arrived.  The  future  clerk  had  time,  therefore,  to  make  the  ac- 
quaintance of  the  people.  The  day  for  the  annual  election  came.  Men- 
tor Graham  was  clerk,  but  the  assistant  clerk  was  not  present.  Mr. 
Graham  noticed  a  tall  young  man  loitering  about  the  village,  and  vent- 
ured to  ask  him  if  he  could  write.  "  I  can  make  a  few  rabbit-tracks," 
was  the  reply  ;  whereupon  he  was  installed  in  office.  The  voters  were 
not  long  in  discovering  that  the  assistant  clerk  was  honest  and  fair, 
and  performed  his  duties  faithfully.  More  than  that,  he  entertained 
them  with  stories.  (") 

One  of  the  citizens  of  New  Salem  was  departing  for  Texas  with  his 
family.  It  was  not  far  to  the  Illinois  River,  and  the  most  expeditious 
way  of  reaching  Beardstovvn,  where  he  could  take  a  steamboat  for  St. 
Louis,  would  be  by  flat-boat  down  the  Sangamon.  The  assistant  clerk 
of  elections  engaged  to  convey  the  family  to  the  Illinois,  and  once  more 
was  pulling  an  oar.  The  water  was  low,  and  the  boat  often  grounded 
on  the  sand-bars ;  but  all  obstacles  were  surmounted,  and  the  trip  suc- 
cessfully accomplished. 


A  CREOLE  HOME  IN  NEW  ORLEANS. 


A  CITIZEN   OF  ILLINOIS.  63 

Upon  the  arrival  of  Offut's  goods,  the  boatman  became  clerk  and 
salesman.  It  was  a  country  store,  and  the  articles  for  sale  were  such 
as  a  newly-settled  agricultural  community  on  the  frontier  would  espe- 
cially need.  Women  wanted  pins,  needles,  thread ;  they  asked  if  the 
calico  which  they  examined  would  "  wash ;"  they  "  chinked  "  the  crock- 
ery to  discover  a  possible  crack.  Their  presence,  in  comparison  with  the 
men  whom  he  met  on  flat-boats,  made  the  air  sweet  and  pure.  He 
greeted  them  with  a  pleasant  smile,  and  was  so  truthful  in  Avhat  he  said 
about  the  goods,  and  gave  such  just  Aveight,  that  they  soon  had  implicit 
confidence  in  him.  In  keeping  accounts  he  was  careful  to  reckon  the 
half  and  quarter  cents.  We  are  to  remember  that  the  mint  at  Phil- 
adelphia for  coining  money  had  been  in  operation  but  little  more  than 
thirty  years ;  not  many  dimes  and  twenty  -  five  cent  pieces  were  in 
circulation,  but  fourpence,  sixpence,  ninepence,  and  shilling  pieces  of 
English  coinage,  together  with  many  Spanish  coins,  were  in  use.  A 
silver  fourpence  coin  was  valued  at  six  and  one-fourth  cents.  A  nine- 
pence  coin  was  worth  twelve  and  one-half  cents.  If  Abraham  Lincoln 
made  a  mistake  in  reckoning  or  weighing  he  was  quick  to  rectify  it  the 
moment  he  discovered  the  error.  He  was  closing  the  store  one  evening 
when  a  woman  came  for  a  half-pound  of  tea.  In  the  morning  he  saw 
from  the  weight  in  the  scale  that  he  had  given  her  only  one-quarter  of  a 
pound.  Leaving  everything  else  he  weighed  out  the  other  ounces  and 
carried  them  to  her.  Another  customer  paid  him  six  and  one-quarter 
cents  more  than  was  his  due,  and  when  the  store  was  closed  at  night  he 
hastened  to  correct  the  mistake,  although  she  lived  two  miles  away.  (10) 

Denton  Offut's  store  was  the  social  exchange  for  a  wide  extent  of 
country  along  the  Sangamon — the  place  where  people  could  hear  from 
his  clerk  what  was  going  on  in  the  world.  After  the  arrival  of  the 
mail  (which  brought  his  newspaper,  the  "  Louisville  Journal "),  he  could 
tell  them  what  Congress  was  doing,  and  what  was  occurring  throughout 
the  country  and  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic.  They  discovered  that 
he  could  talk  intelligently  upon  a  great  many  questions.  Some  of  the 
fellows  who  made  the  store  a  lounging-place  while  their  corn  was  grind- 
ing at  Eutledge's  mill  used  profane  language.  One  of  them  had  so  little 
sense  of  what  was  decent  that  he  used  vile  words  when  women  were 
present. 

"  Don't  use  such  language  here,"  said  Lincoln. 

"  Who  are  you  ?  I'll  swear  when  and  where  I  please.  I  can  lick 
you,"  said  the  fellow. 

"  When  the  ladies  are  gone  I'll  let  you  have  a  chance  to  do  so." 


64  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

The  women  departed,  and  the  bully  dared  Lincoln  to  touch  him. 
Little  did  the  ruffian  comprehend  the  strength  and  resolution  of  the  man 
whom  he  had  incensed.  Suddenly  he  found  himself  lying  on  the  ground 
and  blows  falling  upon  him  like  the  strokes  of  a  hammer.  He  begged 
for  mercy,  and  Lincoln  bathed  the  fellow's  face  with  water  to  relieve 
the  pain.(n) 

"  He  can  lift  more  than  any  other  man  in  Sangamon  County  ;  and 
when  it  comes  to  wrestling,  he  can  throw  the  whole  crowd,"  said  Offut. 

The  "  Clary  Grove  boys,"  as  they  were  called,  heard  of  it.  They 
were  a  wild  and  lawless  set  of  fellows,  who  lived  seven  or  eight  miles 
from  New  Salem.  Jack  Armstrong  was  their  champion  wrestler  and 
leader.  They  found  pleasure  in  picking  upon  a  stranger,  and  having  fun 
with  any  one  weaker  than  themselves.  It  was  delightful  sport  to  put  a 
man  into  a  cask  and  set  it  rolling  down  a  hill.  They  rode  through  the 
settlements  at  night  whooping,  swearing,  frightening  women  and  chil- 
dren. They  cared  nothing  for  law  or  order,  and  were  a  terror  to  the 
country. 

"  Jack  Armstrong  will  put  Offut's  clerk  on  his  back  in  a  twinkling," 
said  one  of  the  gang. 

"  I'll  bet  that  Lincoln  will  use  him  to  wipe  his  feet  on,"  said  Offut. 

"  I'll  bet  $10  that  Jack  is  the  better  man,"  responded  Bill  Clary. 

"  I'll  take  that  bet,  and  as  much  more  as  you  and  your  gang  will 
put  up." 

"  I  do  not  want  to  wrestle,"  said  Lincoln,  when  Offut  asked  him  to 
engage  in  a  contest  with  Jack  Armstrong.  He  was  no  longer  a  boatman  ; 
he  was  drifting  away  from  former  things.  There  was  something  in  life 
better  than  wrestling.  He  looked  every  day  into  the  faces  of  noble 
women  and  pure -hearted  girls  as  they  examined  the  goods  wrhich  he 
placed  before  them.  What  would  they  think  of  him  if  he  found  his 
greatest  pleasure  in  wrestling  with  Jack  ? 

"  I  want  you  to  teach  those  fellows  a  lesson,"  said  Offut.  "  They  are 
a  set  of  bullies,  and  I  want  you  to  take  them  down." 

Quite  likely  Abraham  Lincoln  was  not  averse  to  teaching  them  a 
lesson,  and  there  would  be  some  satisfaction  in  putting  their  champion 
upon  the  ground.  The  match  was  arranged,  and  the  day  fixed.  All 
the  Clary  Grove  fellows,  and  others  up  and  down  the  Sangamon,  heard 
of  it,  and  laid  their  plans  to  be  present,  some  staking  their  money  on 
Armstrong,  others  on  Offut's  clerk.  The  day  arrives  ;  !Newr  Salem  is 
astir.  The  spectators  tie  their  horses  beneath  the  trees  and  take  a  drink 
of  whiskey.  The  ring  is  formed.  There  is  a  friendly  hand-shaking  as 


A  CITIZEN  OF  ILLINOIS.  67 

the  contestants  enter  it ;  then  comes  the  grappling,  turning,  the  strain- 
ing of  muscles.  If  Jack  Armstrong  imagined  it  would  be  an  easy  vic- 
tory, he  found  himself  mistaken.  He  tries  his  peculiar  tricks,  which 
have  given  him  victory  over  other  wrestlers  ;  but  somehow  this  clerk  of 
Offut's,  who  spends  so  much  time  in  reading,  does  not  go  down.  He 
seems  to  be  playing  with  Jack,  and  biding  his  time.  Jack's  friends  do 
not  like  the  looks  of  things ;  if  he  is  vanquished  they  will  lose  their 
bets,  and  it  will  be  humiliating.  One  of  the  gang  attempts  to  interfere 
in  behalf  of  Armstrong. 

"  Fair  play !"  "  Stand  back !"  "  Let  them  alone !"  were  the  cries 
from  the  excited  crowd.  Lincoln  sees  that  the  Clary  Grove  fellows  in- 
tend to  help  Jack  gain  an  advantage ;  like  another  Samson  he  puts  forth 
his  strength,  and  the  hitherto  champion  of  Sangamon  goes  to  the  ground. 

Armstrong's  friends  are  amazed  and  angry.  But  there  is  good  stuff 
in  Jack.  He  knows  that  he  has  been  fairly  thrown,  and  exhibits  his 
manhood  by  rising  and  shaking  hands  with  Lincoln.  From  that  mo- 
ment through  life  he  will  be  a  steadfast  friend.  The  Clary  Grove  boys 
have  lost  their  bets,  but  forget  their  anger  in  their  admiration  for  the 
man  who  does  not  crow  over  what  he  has  done.  (12) 

Abraham  Lincoln  was  champion  ;  but  instead  of  wrestling,  he  wanted 
to  study  grammar.  Mentor  Graham  thought  that  Mr.  Yaner  might 
possibly  have  a  text-book.  Although  it  was  several  miles,  he  walked  to 
Yaner's  house,  and  returned  with  a  copy  of  "Kirkham's  Grammar." 
Customers  who  came  to  trade  the  next  day  found  him  lying  on  the 
counter  with  the  book  in  hand,  his  head  pillowed  on  a  pile  of  cotton 
goods.  He  knew  that  his  language  was  not  grammatical.  He  wanted 
to  express  himself  clearly  and  correctly.  It  was  a  pleasure  to  read  the 
editorial  articles  in  the  "  Louisville  Journal,"  because  they  were  so  well 
written.  He  would  like  to  be  able  to  write  so  that  people  would  under- 
stand just  what  he  intended  to  say.  With  that  object  in  view,  he  de- 
termined to  know  the  parts  of  speech  and  the  rules  which  govern  the 
construction  of  language.  He  had  no  one  to  teach  him,  but  went  on 
as  best  he  could.  (13) 

While  the  clerk  was  waiting  upon  customers,  keeping  exact  accounts, 
and  getting  on  with  his  grammar,  Offut  was  buying  produce,  trading 
horses,  and  speculating  generally ;  giving  his  notes,  which  were  not  paid 
when  due.  He  transacted  business  in  such  a  lucky-go-easy  way  that  the 
day  came  when  the  sheriff  took  possession  of  the  store. 

•  Abraham  Lincoln  was  adrift  once  more.     Good  news  came.     Cap- 
tain Bogue,  of  Springfield,  had  gone  to  Cincinnati  to  obtain  a  steamboat 


68  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

which  was  to  navigate  the  Sangamon.  Meetings  were  held  in  Spring- 
field, New  Salem,  and  other  towns,  to  help  on  the  enterprise.  The 
merchants  at  Springfield  informed  their  customers  that  their 
goods  were  to  be  brought  direct  from  Cincinnati  by  the  steamboat 
"  Talisman,"  which  would  ascend  the  Illinois  and  the  Sangamon  rivers. 
It  was  April,  and  the  spring  floods  enabled  Captain  Bogue  to  make  the 
upward  trip  without  much  difficulty.  Some  work  must  be  done,  how- 
ever, in  cutting  away  trees  to  enable  the  boat  to  reach  New  Salem. 
Abraham  Lincoln  was  one  of  the  first  to  volunteer  his  services  as  a 
wood-chopper.  At  the  Springfield  landing  the  people  welcomed  him 
with  speeches  and  plenty  of  liquor.  A  young  lawyer  wrote  a  "  poem :" 

"  Now  we  are  up  the  Sangamon, 
And  here  we'll  have  a  grand  hurrah  ; 
So  fill  your  glasses  to  the  brii»- 
With  whiskey,  brandy,  wine,  and  gin."(14) 


The  "  Talisman  "  went  on  to  Decatur.  But  the  water  was  falling,  and 
the  captain  despaired  of  ever  getting  back,  on  account  of  the  sand-bars 
and  drift-wood  embedded  in  the  mud ;  so  he  wisely  employed  the  two 
boatmen,  who  had  navigated  the  Mississippi  to  New  Orleans,  to  take 
the  craft  down  to  the  Illinois.  They  had  much  difficulty  to  get  past  the 
mill-dam  at  New  Salem,  but  Beardstown  was  finally  reached,  and  the 
boatmen  received  $40  each  for  their  labor. 

The  Sac  and  Fox  Indians  of  Wisconsin,  who  had  given  up  their  lands 
to  the  United  States  and  moved  to  Iowa,  determined  to  return  to  their 
old  hunting-grounds.  Their  chief,  Black  Hawk,  began  war  by  commit- 
ting outrages  upon  the  settlers  of  that  section.  The  Governor  of  Illi- 
nois called  for  soldiers.  Abraham  Lincoln  enlisted.  The  young  men 
along  the  Sangamon  volunteered  in  sufficient  numbers  to  form  a  com- 
panv.  They  elected  him  captain.  He  knew  nothing  of  military  tactics, 
and  his  soldiers  were  equally  ignorant.  With  rifle,  powder-horn,  knap- 
sack, and  canteen  the  march  was  begun  to  Yellow  Bank,  on  the  Missis- 
sippi River.  The  company  is  marching  battalion  front,  and  comes  to  a 
fence  which  has  a  narrow  opening.  Captain  Lincoln  does  not  know 
what  order  he  ought  to  give  to  get  them  into  single  file,  and  were  he 
to  give  it  correctlv  the  company  might  not  know  how  to  execute  it. 
He  sees  that  something  must  be  done :  his  soldiers  will  laugh  at  him  if 
they  are  brought  to  a  stand-still  by  a  rail-fence.  There  is  one  order 
which  they  will  comprehend. 


A  CITIZEN  OF  ILLINOIS.  69 

"  Halt !"  he  shouts.  "  This  company  is  dismissed  for  two  minutes  ; 
it  will  reassemble  on  the  other  side  of  the  fence.  Break  ranks  !"('*) 

The  dignity  of  Captain  Lincoln  was  maintained,  and  possibly  most 
of  his  soldiers  thought  it  the  proper  order  to  be  given. 

The  steamboats  which  were  to  take  the  soldiers  up  the  Mississippi 
were  not  at  the  appointed  landing.  The  troops  had  nothing  to  do. 
They  marched,  countermarched,  wheeled,  and  performed  other  evolu- 
tions ;  but  time  dragged."  They  were  impatient  of  military  restraint  and 
became  quarrelsome.  They  had  little  respect  for  their  superior  offi- 
cers, and  it  required  much  tact  on  the  part  of  Abraham  Lincoln  to 
preserve  order ;  but  with  the  arrival  of  the  steamboats  and  a  supply  of 
food  harmony  was  restored. 

We  are  not  to  suppose  that  such  a  motley  set  of  young  men  could  be 
brought  under  strict  military  discipline  in  two  or  three  weeks ;  neither 
should  we  conclude  that  Captain  Lincoln  could  assume  military  dignity 
in  the  same  space  of  time.  On  the  contrary,  the  captain  thought  it  not 
undignified  to  take  part  in  wrestling-matches.  Possibly  he  won  respect 
and  honor  by  putting  his  soldiers  one  after  another  on  their  backs; 
one  only  was  his  equal  in  strength.  Though  he  took  part  in  the  games, 
he  did  not  lose  his  authority  as  their  commander.  An  old  Indian  came 
into  camp,  bringing  a  letter  written  by  General  Lewis  Cass,  who  stated 
that  the  bearer  was  entitled  to  protection ;  that  he  was  friendly,  and 
had  taken  no  part  in  the  uprising. 

The  soldiers  discredited  the  letter.  "  It  is  a  forgery,"  said  one,  who 
did  not  think  of  the  absurdity  of  what  he  was  saying.  The  soldiers  had 
come  to  fight  Indians ;  they  thought  there  were  no  friendly  Indians. 

"  Shoot  him !"  they  shouted. 

"  No,  you  will  not  shoot  him — I  shall  protect  him  !  I'll  shoot  the 
first  man  who  lays  hands  on  him !"  was  the  calm  but  resolute  reply  of 
their  captain. 

The  company  was  part  of  a  regiment  commanded  by  Colonel  Samuel 
Thompson,  which  marched  northward  to  Dixon.  The  troops  halted  to 
await  the  arrival  of  United  States  soldiers.  Two  battalions  of  horse- 
men, under  Majors  Stillman  and  Bailey,  were  eager  to  encounter  the 
Indians — perhaps  thinking  it  would  be  fun  to  chase  them  across  the 
prairies.  The  horsemen  advanced  and  reached  Old  Man's  Creek,  where 
they  suddenly  found  themselves  confronted  by  Black  Hawk  and  a  large 
number  of  Indians.  The  soldiers  became  panic-stricken  and  fled  to 
Dixon,  the  Indians  pursuing  and  killing  several.  In  the  morning  not 
an  Indian  was  to  be  seen. 


70  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

The  time  expired  for  which  the  soldiers  from  Sangamon  had  en- 
listed. They  had  not  fought  a  battle,  but  were  weary  of  military  life. 
All  the  company,  with  the  exception  of  Captain  Lincoln  and  one  pri- 
vate, returned  to  Sangamon.  The  captain  was  without  a  command, 
but  he  could  become  a  private,  and  accordingly  enlisted  in  a  company 
of  cavalry  commanded  by  Captain  Elijah  lies.  It  was  known  as  the 
"  Independent  Spy  Battalion."  It  was  a  holiday  service,  lasting  three 
weeks.  The  Indians  were  defeated  in  a  battle  at  Bad  Axe,  and  Black 
Hawk  taken  prisoner.  The  "  Independent  Spy  Battalion  "  was  not  pres- 
ent to  take  part  in  the  engagement.  Private  Lincoln  saw  no  fighting, 
and  was  mustered  out  of  service  June  16th  by  young  Lieutenant  Kobert 
Anderson. 

From  Fox  Eiver  Lincoln  and  his  fellow-soldier,  Harrison,  made  their 
way  to  the  Illinois  Kiver  at  Peoria,  where  they  obtained  a  canoe  and 
paddled  to  Havana,  and  from  that  town  walked  to  New  Salem. 


NOTES    TO    CHAPTER    IV. 

(')  Nicolay  and  Hay,  "Abraham  Lincoln:  A  History,"  vol.  i.,  p.  45. 

(2)  William  H.  Herndon,  "Lincoln,"  p.  68  (edition  1889). 

(3)  Herndon  speaks  of  the  plank  as  being  sawed  at  Kirkpatrick's  mill.     J.G.Hol- 
land, visiting   Illinois   immediately  after   the   death    of  President  Lincoln,  1865,  says: 
"  Every  plank  of  it  was  sawed  by  hand  with  a  whip-saw." — "Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln," 
p.  42. 

(*)  William  H.  Herndon,  "Lincoln,"  p.  73  (edition  1889). 
(»).Ibid.,  p.  75. 

(6)  J.  G.  Holland,  "Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  42. 
(')  William  H.  Herndon,  "Lincoln,"  p.  76  (edition  1889). 
( B )  Ibid. 

(9)  Mrs.  Lizzie  H.  Bell's  letter  quoted   in   Nicolay  and  Hay's  "Abraham  Lincoln: 
A  History,"  vol.  i.,  p.  78,  note. 

(10)  J.  G.  Holland,  "Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  43. 
(  »  )  Ibid.,  p.  44. 

(12)  William  H.  Herndou,  "Lincoln,"  p.  43  (edition  1880). 

(  13 )  Ibid.,  p.  84. 

(")  Ibid.,  p.  88. 

( 16 )  Ibid,,  p.  93,  note. 


LIFE   AT  NEW  SALEM.  71 


CHAPTER  Y. 

LIFE  AT  NEW  SALEM. 

IN  a  community  where  every  man  casts  a  vote  there  will  ever  be  a 
large  number  of  people  who  will  desire  to  hold  office  or  represent 
their  fellow-citizens  in  making  laws.  In  Illinois  those  who  desired  po- 
litical distinction  might  aspire  to  be  candidates  for  any  position 
Ausust'  and  enter  the  list  independent  of  nomination  by  a  convention 
of  electors.  Before  volunteering  as  a  soldier,  Abraham  Lincoln 
had  announced  that  he  would  be  a  candidate  for  the  Legislature.  It 
was  only  ten  days  before  the  election  when  he  reached  New  Salem.  His 
friends  welcomed  his  return.  Those  who  had  served  under  him  as  sol- 
diers were  ready  to  persuade  their  friends  to  cast  their  ballots  for  him. 
He  had  shown  his  patriotism  by  being  one  of  the  first  to  enlist,  and  had 
re-enlisted  when  others,  wearied  of  the  restraints  of  camp-life,  returned 
to  their  homes.  He  was  brave,  resolute,  kind-hearted,  and  had  a  mind 
of  his  own ;  in  wrestling  he  had  put  the  best  men  of  the  regiment  on 
their  backs — all  save  one.  Though  most  of  them  were  Democrats  and 
he  a  Whig,  they  were  ready  to  vote  for  him.  A  majority  of  the  people 
in  Illinois  accepted  the  political  principles  held  by  President  Andrew 
Jackson.  Abraham  Lincoln  supported  the  principles  held  by  Henry 
Clay,  who  believed  the  nation  ought  to  improve  the  rivers,  make  them 
navigable,  and  pass  laws  which  would  protect  the  industries  of  the  coun- 
try by  imposing  a  tariff  on  goods  made  in  other  countries.  He  thought 
a  national  bank  would  be  a  good  thing  for  the  country.  Candidates  bet- 
ter known  to  the  people  than  he  were  making  speeches  in  the  villages 
throughout  the  county. 

There  was  to  be  an  auction  of  horses,  cattle,  and  pigs  at  Pappsville, 
twelve  miles  from  Springfield,  where  all  the  candidates  would  speak. 
The  people  for  miles  around  would  be  there  to  hear  them,  and  help 
themselves  to  free  whiskey.  The  day  arrives,  and  Pappsville  is  alive. 
A  stand  for  the  speakers  had  been  erected.  Those  who  gather  around 
it  see  a  very  tall  young  man,  wearing  a  blue  jean  clawhammer,  bobtail 


72  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

coat,  tow-and-wool  trousers,  cowhide  boots,  and  a  straw  hat,  laughing 
and  telling  stories  to  those  around  him.  It  is  Captain  Lincoln,  and 
those  who  served  under  him  in  the  war  with  the  Indians  are  grasping 
his  brawny  hand.  His  face  is  bronzed  from  exposure  to  the  sun  and 
winds  upon  the  prairies.  The  other  candidates  speak.  He  is  a  young 
man  of  twenty-three  years,  and  respectfully  waits  his  turn.  Whiskey  has 
flowed  so  freely  that  some  ruffians  in  the  crowd  are  quarrelsome.  Cap- 
tain Lincoln  sees  one  of  his  friends  sorely  beset  by  a  bully.  He  jumps 
from  the  platform,  gives  the  fellow  a  threshing,  tosses  him  aside  as  if  he 
were  but  a  boy,  returns  to  the  platform,  and  listens  to  the  other  candidates 
just  as  if  nothing  had  happened.  It  is  a  brief  speech  which  he  makes : 

"  Fellow-citizens,  I  presume  you  would  like  to  know  who  I  am.  I  am 
humble  Abraham  Lincoln.  I  have  been  solicited  by  my  friends  to  be- 
come a  candidate  for  the  Legislature.  My  politics  are  short  and  sweet, 
like  the  old  woman's  dance.  I  am  in  favor  of  a  national  bank  ;  I  am  in 
favor  of  the  internal  improvement  system  and  a  high  protective  tariff. 
These  are  my  sentiments  and  principles.  If  elected  I  shall  be  thankful ; 
if  not,  it  will  be  all  the  same/'C) 

Another  meeting  was  held  at  Springfield,  where  he  made  a  longer 
speech.  One  who  was  present  has  described  his  appearance  on  that 
occasion : 

"He  was  tall,  gawky,  and  a  rough  -  looking  fellow.  His  panta- 
loons didn't  meet  his  shoes  by  six  inches ;  but  after  he  began  speak- 
ing I  became  much  interested  in  him.  He  made  a  very  sensible 
speech."  (") 

Four  representatives  were  to  be  elected.  There  were  twelve  candi- 
dates. Abraham  Lincoln  was  not  chosen.  He  could  not  go  to  Vandalia, 
the  capital  of  the  State,  as  a  representative.  What  should  he  do  ?  He 
did  not  want  to  be  a  boatman  or  wood -chopper.  Would  it  not  be  well 
for  him  to  become  a  blacksmith?  He  turned  the  matter  over,(8)  but 
suddenly  found  himself  again  keeping  store  in  an  unexpected  way. 
Rowan  and  James  Herndon,  after  the  failure  of  Offut,  opened  a  store  at 
New  Salem.  James  sold  his  interest  to  Mr.  Berry,  who  induced  Lin- 
coln to  purchase  the  interest  held  by  Rowan  Herndon.  Lincoln  had 
no  money,  but  Herndon  was  ready  to  take  his  note.  Another  store  was 
opened  by  Reuben  Radford  about  the  same  time. 

"You  had  better  get  on  good  terms  with  the  Clary  Grove  boys," 
said  Radford's  father,  "  or  they  will  trouble  you." 

Radford  stayed  at  the  store  several  evenings,  expecting  a  visit  from 
the  gang ;  but  as  they  did  not  come,  and  wishing  to  spend  a  night  a  few 


LIFE  IN  NEW  SALEM.  73 

miles  distant,  he  left  the  store  in  charge  of  a  younger  brother — Jack, 
sixteen  years  old. 

"  You  may  give  the  boys,  if  they  come,  two  drinks  all  round,  but  no 
more,"  he  said. 

It  was  the  evening  chosen  by  the  fellows  for  a  lark  in  New  Salem. 

"  Well,  boy,  aren't  you  going  to  give  us  a  treat  ?"  they  asked. 

"  Oh  yes,"  and  they  were  each  given  a  generous  drink. 

"  It  is  about  time  for  another  snifter,  isn't  it,  sonny  ?"  they  said,  after 
a  while. 

"  Yes  ;"  and  Jack  served  them  once  more. 

They  lounged  about  the  store,  sang  songs,  danced,  and  made  them- 
selves at  home. 

"  Well,  Jack,  we  reckon  that  it  is  time  for  another  nipper,"  they  said. 

"  You  can't  have  any  more.  Rube  said  I  might  give  you  two  drinks, 
but  no  more." 

"  Oh  ho !  he  said  so,  did  he  ?  We  will  see  1"  And  each  one  of  the 
crew  went  to  the  whiskey-barrel,  took  a  big  drink,  and  filled  his  bottle. 
The  whiskey  was  doing  its  work  —  they  danced  and  whooped  like 
Indians. 

"  I'll  bet  the  drinks  I  can  beat  you  in  hitting  those  jars,"  said  one, 
seizing  a  weight  and  smashing  a  glass  jar.  Each  in  turn  brought  the 
jars  and  crockery  crashing  to  the  floor;  then  frying-pans,  skillets, 
Dutch-ovens,  coffee-pots,  tin  basins,  milk-pans,  saucers,  plates  and  plat- 
ters, molasses-jugs,  went  flying  through  the  air.  The  glass  in  the  win- 
dows rattled  to  the  ground,  and  the  door  was  torn  from  its  hinges. 
A  little  past  midnight  they  rode  whooping  homeward,  with  cow-bells 
tied  to  their  saddles. 

The  sun  was  just  rising  when  Reuben  Radford  was  awakened  by 
the  cow -bells  and  whooping,  as  the  gang  rode  past  the  house  where 
he  was  spending  the  night.  Suspecting  there  might  be  trouble,  he 
mounted  his  horse  and  galloped  towards  New  Salem,  passing  on  the 
way  a  boy  of  sixteen,  William  G.  Green,  who  had  started  early  in  the 
morning  with  a  bag  of  corn  to  be  ground  at  Mr.  Rutledge's  mill.  Rad- 
ford reached  the  store,  beheld  the  wreck  and  ruin,  and  heard  Jack's 
story.  He  had  no  particular  desire  to  be  a  merchant  any  longer,  and 
was  ready  to  sell  out. 

"  I'll  sell  this  store  to  the  first  person  who  makes  me  an  offer,"  said 
he,  as  Green  rode  up ;  and  added,  "  What  will  you  give  for  it  ?" 

The  boy  looked  through  the  window  and  surveyed  the  interior — 
the  shattered  glass  and  crockery,  the  helter-skelter  of  frying-pans  and 


74 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


broken  jugs.  He  noticed  many  of  the  most  valuable  articles  had  not 
been  disturbed,  and  without  much  thought,  and  in  fun  rather  than  in 
earnest,  said,  "  I'll  give  you  $400." 

"  It  is  a  bargain." 

"  But  I  haven't  any  money," 

"  No  matter ;  I'll  take  your  note." 

Green  dismounted,  entered  the  store,  and  signed  a  note  promising 
to  pay  $400  after  a  specified  number  of  days.  A  little  later  Abraham 


RUTLEDGE  S   MILL. 

[From  a  photograph  by  C.  S.  McCullough,  Petersburg,  111.    Lincoln  &  Berry's  store  stood 
near  the  trees  at  the  right  of  the  view.] 

Lincoln  came,  beheld  the  broken  crockery  and  general  confusion,  and 
laughed  as  he  listened  to  Jack  Radford's  account  of  how  the  Clary 
Grove  boys  danced,  yelled,  and  smashed  things.  Green  told  the  story 
of  the  purchase. 

"  Billy,"  said  Lincoln,  "  I  shouldn't  be  surprised  if  you  had  made  a 
good  bargain.  I'll  help  you  take  an  inventory." (4) 

Young  Green,  whose  education  had  been  limited,  did  not  know  just 


LIFE  IN   NEW  SALEM.  75 

what  an  inventory  might  be.  If  it  was  a  further  smashing,  he  said  he 
did  not  care  for  it.  Lincoln  explained  it  was  an  estimate  of  the  value 
of  each  article.  "  You  will  need  it,  to  be  able  to  fix  prices." 

The  man  who  said  this  was  part  owner  in  a  rival  store ;  but  he  was 
ready  to  help  the  boy  who  thoughtlessly  had  begun  as  a  trader.  They 
hung  the  door  on  its  hinges  and  nailed  boards  over  the  window.  Green 
took  his  corn  to  the  mill  and  Lincoln  left  for  his  breakfast.  Through 
the  day  he  went  over  the  inventory  with  Green.  The  broken  glass  and 
crockery  were  swept  out  and  things  put  in  place. 

"  Billy,  it  figures  up  more  than  $1200  at  St.  Louis  prices,"  said  Lin- 
coln, when  the  inventory  was  completed.  Customers  came,  listened  to 
the  story,  laughed  over  it,  and  purchased  articles.  During  the  day 
Green  sold  goods  to  the  amount  of  $15. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  partner,  Berry,  thought  it  would  be  a  good  business 
operation  to  buy  out  Green. 

"  What  will  you  take  for  your  bargain  ?"  he  asked. 

Berry  owned  a  good  horse,  which  Green  thought  he  would  like  to 
obtain.  Although  he  was  only  sixteen  years  old,  he  had  an  eye  to  busi- 
ness, and  was  ready  to  quit  being  a  store-keeper.  Besides,  he  was  not 
quite  sure  how  his  father  would  look  upon  what  he  was  doing.  • 

"  I'll  tell  you  what  I'll  do.  If  you  will  let  me  have  your  horse, 
saddle,  and  bridle,  $200  cash,  and  you  and  Lincoln  will  give  your  joint 
notes  for  $200,  I'll  call  it  a  bargain." 

Lincoln  had  made  the  inventory,  and  found  the  property  was  worth 
$1200.  Berry  having  $200  in  silver  on  hand,  the  offer  was  accepted, 
the  notes  signed,  and  the  transfer  completed.  "With  the  goods  of  both 
stores  put  into  one  building,  Berry  and  Lincoln  began  business  on  a 
larger  scale,  having  a  monopoly  of  trade  in  New  Salem. 

It  was  nearly  midnight  when  Green,  riding  the  horse  obtained  from 
Berry,  and  leading  the  other  with  the  bag  of  meal  on  its  back,  reached 
home.  Having  put  the  horses  in  the  stable,  he  lifted  the  latch  and  en- 
tered the  house.  His  father  and  mother  were  in  bed.  They  had  heard 
what  had  been  going  on  at  New  Salem :  the  wreck  done  by  the  Clary 
Grove  boys,  and  the  purchase  by  their  son. 

"  "Well,  boy,"  said  his  father,  "  you  think  you  can  be  a  store-keeper, 
do  you  ?  I'll  teach  you  a  lesson  not  to  buy  a  store  when  I  send  you 
to  mill.  Go  to  bed,  you  rascal,  and  be  prepared  for  a  threshing  in  the 
morning !" 

"Hold  on,  father!"  said  the  son,  raking  open  the  coals  in  the  fire- 
place and  throwing  on  a  stick  of  wood.  He  seated  himself  on  the  floor 


76  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

and  began  to  toss  shillings,  quarters,  and  half  dollars  on  the  hearth, 
which  rang  as  they  fell.  The  father  heard  the  jingling,  and  sat  up  in 
bed,  gazing  with  astonishment  at  the  growing  pile. 

"  Wife,  give  me  a  chaw  of  tobacco,"  he  said.  He  took  the  quid,  sat 
more  erect,  spat  at  the  fire,  and  gazed  at  the  shining  pieces  of  silver. 

"  There  is  $215.12|.  Besides  this,  I  have  got  Berry's  horse,  saddle, 
and  bridle  in  the  stable,  and  his  and  Lincoln's  notes  for  $200,"  said  the 
son. 

"  Wife,  get  up !  Billy  must  have  some  supper — the  best  you  can  get. 
Billy,  I  won't  thresh  you  in  the  morning.  You  are  a  good  bov — good 
boy!"(') 

It  was  a  dull  winter  for  trade.  Although  Berry  and  Lincoln  were 
the  only  store-keepers  in  New  Salem,  they  were  not  making  much  head- 
way in  business.  The  farmers  had  little  produce  to  sell,  conse- 
quently could  not  purchase  many  goods.  Berry,  the  while,  was 
drinking  whiskey,  and  Lincoln  was  thinking  of  what  was  going  on  in 
South  Carolina  and  in  Congress  rather  than  how  to  increase  trade. 
South  Carolina  was  proposing  to  pass  a  law  to  nullify  the  acts  of  Con- 
gress, because  a  tariff  was  to  be  collected  on  goods  brought  from  other 
countries.  In  Congress  Daniel  Webster,  of  Massachusetts,  made  a  speech 
on  the  Constitution  and  the  Union  which  electrified  the  country ;  Pres- 
ident Jackson  uttered  a  solemn  oath  that  the  Union  should  be  pre- 
served. All  of  which  was  interesting  reading  to  Lincoln. 

The  partners  thought  they  might  make  money  by  keeping  a  tavern, 
and  took  out  a  license,  which  prescribed  the  prices  they  might  charge 
per  pint  for  liquors:  French  brandy,  25  cents;  peach  brandy,  18| 
cents;  apple  brandy,  12  cents;  Holland  gin,  18|  cents;  wine,  25  cents; 
rum,  18|  cents;  whiskey,  12-^  cents.  Meals,  25  cents  each;  lodging, 
12£  cents.  Horse  for  the  night,  25  cents.  Breakfast,  dinner,  or  supper 
for  passengers  in  the  stage,  37-3-  cents. 

The  project  of  keeping  a  tavern  was  not  carried  out.  The  store 
was  sold  to  Trent  Brothers.  They  had  no  money,  but  gave  their  notes. 
Lincoln  and  Berry  had  given  their  own  notes — first  to  the  Herndons, 
then  to  Green.  From  the  beginning  the  transactions  were  pretty  much 
in  notes.  No  one  seemed  to  look  forward  to  the  time  when  they  would 
become  due,  or  made  any  preparation  for  such  an  event.  The  Trents 
probably  had  no  thought  of  ever  paying.  They  would  get  what  they 
could  for  the  goods  and  leave  town.  Berry  became  a  loathsome  sot 
and  died.  Abraham  Lincoln  found  himself  held  on  the  joint  notes 
which  had  been  given  to  the  Herndons  and  to  Green.  He  could  not 


LIFE  IN   NEW   SALEM. 


pay  them,  but  did  not  repudiate  them.     He  had  put  in  no  capital.     If 

the  creditors  would  not  harass  him  he  would  do  his  best  to  pay  them. 

Years  went  by,  the  debts  hanging  like  a  millstone  about  his  neck, 

but  were  paid  finally,  principal  and  interest,  to  the  last  cent.    He  would 

not  have  been  true  to  him- 

,*  t  f 

self,  would  not  have  been 
Abraham  Lincoln,  had  he 
not  done  so. 

The  little  money  he 
had  when  the  Trents  took 
the  store  was  soon  gone. 
His  board  bill  at  Rut- 
ledge's  tavern  was  due. 
lie  would  like  to  spend 
his  time  in  reading;  but 
there  was  no  chafing  of 
spirit  as  he  shouldered  his 
axe  and  went  down  the 
hill -side  to  the  woods 
along  the  river,  chopping 
down  trees  in  order  to 
obtain  splints,  which  ho 
carried  to  a  shanty,  where 
his  evenings  were  spent 

OAK-TREES  STANDING  NEAR  THE  SITE  OF  BERRY  &  LIN- 
m«   °  COLN'S    STOKE. 

He    WaS     twenty  -  lOUr  [From  a  photograph  by  C.  S.  McCullough,  Petersburg,  111.] 

years  old,  without  an  oc- 
cupation, and  did  not  know  for  what  he  was  fitted.  He  would  like  to 
be  a  lawyer.  He  had  not  forgotten  the  plea  of  lawyer  Breckenridge 
in  Indiana.  He  had  come  in  contact  with  the  prominent  lawyers  of 
Springfield :  Stephen  T.  Logan  and  Major  John  T.  Stuart.  The  last 
named  served  with  him  in  the  war  with  the  Indians.  His  old  comrade 
was  very  kind,  and  loaned  him  a  law-book.  The  people  of  New  Salem 
sometimes  saw  him  stretched  upon  the  ground  beneath  an  oak-tree 
studying  it.  Eussell  Godby  wanted  a  hand  to  help  harvest  his  corn 
and  gave  him  work.  He  was  astonished  to  see  his  new  hand,  when 
resting,  seated  on  a  stump  reading  a  book.  Never  before  had  he  be- 
held a  fellow  with  a  book  in  the  field. 

"  What  are  you  reading,  Abe  ?" 

"  I  am  not  reading ;  I  am  studying." 


78 


LIFE  OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


1838. 


"  Studying !     What,  I  should  like  to  know  ?" 
"  Law,  sir." 

"  Great  God  Almighty !"  exclaimed  Godby.  It  was  not  a  profane 
expression,  but  one  of  astonishment. 

When  the  book  was  finished,  the  farm  hand  walked  to  Springfield 
and  obtained  another  from  his  friend.  He  earned  money  enough  to 
pay  his  board  by  assisting  Mr.  Ellis,  who  had  opened  a  store.  When  a 
customer  came  he  put  his  book  aside,  but  took  it  up  again  the  moment 
he  was  at  leisure. 

Just  how  it  happened  is  not  known,  but  he  was  appointed  post- 
master. President  Jackson  was  a  Democrat,  and  did  not  appoint 
many  Whigs  to  office ;  for  he  had  given  utterance  to  the  expression, 
"  To  the  victors  belong  the  spoils."  Lincoln  was  in  a  Dem- 
ocratic community,  but  was  popular  with  Whigs  and  Democrats 
alike.  So  few  letters  came  to  New  Salem  that  the  revenue  would  hardly 
pay  him  for  the  trouble  of  receiving  and  sending  the  weekly  mail.  His 
hat  was  the  post-office.  He  thrust  the  letters  into  it,  and  kindly  carried 
them  to  the  people  in  the  village  to  whom  they  were  addressed. 

The  young  postmaster  at 
New  Salem  greatly  admired 
Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  who 
had  been  Senator,  and  also 
member  of  President  John 
Quincy  Adams's  Cabinet.  In 
1829  a  young  man,  George  D. 
Prentice,  who  was  born  in  Con- 
necticut, established  a  news- 
paper, the  "New  England  Ee- 
view,"  at  Hartford,  in  that 
State.  He  had  graduated  at 
Brown  University,  and  was  a 
very  able  and  witty  writer. 
His  poems  were  appearing  in 
the  newspapers.  Mr.  Clay  was* 
|  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency, 
[  and  Mr.  Prentice  was  einploy- 
;  ed  to  write  his  life.  So  it  came 
about  that  John  G.  Whittier, 
whom  the  world  has  since 
WTLLTAM  G.  GREEN  OCTOBER,  1890.  heard  of,  became  editor  of 


LIFE  IN  NEW   SALEM. 


79 


GEOKGE  D.   PRENTICE. 


the  "  Keview,"  and  Mr.  Prentice  went  to  Kentucky  and  prepared  a  life 
of  Mr.  Clay,  a  copy  of  which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  young  postmas- 
ter at  New  Salem,  who  read  it  with  great  care,  and  who  accepted  the 
political  principles  of  the  Kentucky  statesman.  Mr.  Clay  needed  a  news- 
paper to  set  forth  his  principles,  and  Mr.  Prentice  accordingly  estab- 


80  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

lished  the  "Louisville  Journal,"  for  which  the  postmaster  at  New 
Salem  had  subscribed.  He  found  great  pleasure  in  reading  its  witty 
and  pungent  paragraphs  to  the  loungers  in  Mr.  Hill's  store,  such  as 
the  folloAving : 

"An  editor  in  Indiana  threatens  to  handle  us  without  gloves.  We  certainly  would 
never  think  of  handling  him  without  three  pair,  and  thick  ones  at  that." 

"What  would  you  do,  madam,  if  you  were  a  gentleman  ?" 
"  Sir,  what  would  you  do  if  you  were  one  ?" 

"  Strange  that  a  dinner  to  which  a  man  has  not  been  invited  is  generally  the  one  that 
sits  hardest  on  the  stomach." 

It  is  certain  that  he  must  have  laughed  heartily  over  Mr.  Prentice's 
account  of  what  happened  in  Louisville : 

"Mr.  Trotter,  without  provocation,  attempted  to  shoot  Mr.  Clark  in  the  street.  Mr. 
O'Hara,  friend  of  Trotter,  made  an  attack  upon  Mr.  Bryant,  associate  of  Clark.  Bryant 
gave  O'Hara  an  effectual  cudgelling,  and  then  laid  his  cane  over  the  head  and  shoulders  of 
Mr.  Trotter  till  the  latter  cried  for  quarter.  There  the  matter  ended.  Mr.  Clark  retired  to 
reload  his  pistols,  Mr.  Bryant  to  purchase  a  new  cane,  and  Mr.  Trotter  and  Mr.  O'Hara  to 
get  their  heads  mended." 

Mr.  Trotter  was  editor  of  the  "  Louisville  Gazette,"  and  said  in  his 
paper :  "  The  infamy  of  George  D.  Prentice  is  notorious.  He  is  shunned 
by  all  honorable  men.  The  mark  of  Cain  is  on  his  brow." 

"  Mr.  George  Trotter,"  wrote  Prentice,  in  reply,  "  says  that  the  mark 
of  Cain  is  on  our  brow.  We  don't  know  about  that ;  but  we  do  know 
that  the  mark  of  cane  is  on  his  back." 

It  seems  probable  that  Mr.  Prentice  greatly  influenced  Abraham 
Lincoln  in  forming  his  political  opinions.  The  paper  which  came  to 
Hew  Salem — its  able  editorials  upon  the  questions  of  the  day  and  the 
measures  before  Congress — were  read  with  as  keen  a  zest  as  its  witty 
and  sarcastic  lines. 

People  from  the  Eastern  States  brought  books,  which  the  postmas- 
ter borrowed.  He  read  Baldwin's  History,  Gibbon's  works,  and  the 
novels  of  Mrs.  Caroline  Lee  Hentz.  (") 

The  civilization  of  New  Salem  was  still  of  the  frontier  type.  The 
Clary  Grove  ruffians  and  many  others  delighted  in  cock  -  fights.  Mr. 
McNab  had  a  rooster  wrhich  he  boasted  could  whip  any  other  cock  in 
Sangamon.  Another  fellow  was  sure  his  chicken  was  the  best  bird. 
Bets  were  made,  the  day  fixed,  and  the  cocks  tossed  into  the  ring. 
McNab's,  instead  of  fighting,  flew  to  the  fence,  clapped  its  wings,  and 
gave  a  lusty  crow.  "You  are  mighty  fine  on  dress  parade,  but  not 
much  at  fighting,"  said  McNab,  who  paid  his  bet  amid  the  laughter  of 


LIFE  IN   NEW  SALEM.  81 

the  spectators.  Such  was  the  sport,  the  delight,  the  civilization,  sur- 
rounding the  young  man  who  wanted  to  become  a  lawyer. 

Board  bills  must  be  paid,  and  Abraham  Lincoln,  while  studying  the 
law-books  loaned  by  friends  in  Springfield,  was  obliged  to  take  his  axe 
in  hand  once  more.  He  split  rails  for  James  Short.  He  was  working 
on  the  bank  of  the  Sangamon  when  Pollard  Simmons  came  along. 

"  Good  news  for  you,"  said  Simmons. 

"  What  is  it  ?" 

"  Haven't  you  heard  of  your  appointment  ?" 

"  What  appointment  ?" 

"  Why,  John  Calhoun,  who  has  been  appointed  by  President  Jackson 
surveyor  of  public  land,  has  selected  you  for  his  assistant." 

Calhoun  was  an  ardent  Democrat.  Possibly  he  did  not  know  any 
other  person  whom  he  thought  competent  to  do  the  Avork.  He  knew 
Lincoln  was  to  be  trusted  in  everything  that  he  would  be  willing  to  un- 
dertake. 

"  If  I  can  be  free  to  carry  out  my  political  principles  I  will  accept ; 
otherwise  I  will  not  take  it,"  said  Lincoln,  and  went  on  swinging  his 
axe.(7) 

He  never  had  studied  surveying ;  but  Mentor  Graham,  the  school- 
master, kindly  offered  to  assist  him,  and  he  soon  comprehended  the 
meaning  of  sines,  cosines,  and  traverse  tables.  Pie  obtained  a  compass 
and  chain,  and  was  ready  to  begin  work.  The  Government  surveyors, 
many  years  before,  had  erected  the  bounds  of  the  quarter  sections  of 
land,  but  many  of  the  monuments  had  disappeared  and  new  ones  must 
be  established.  A  party  planned  a  new  town  two  miles  down  the  San- 
gamon from  New  Salem,  which  they  named  Petersburg,  and  he  was 
called  upon  to  lay  out  the  streets  and  lots.  He  resurveyed  Kussell 
Godby's  land,  and  received  for  pay  two  buckskins,  which  Hannah  Arm- 
strong, wife  of  Jack  the  wrestler,  sewed  upon  his  linsey-woolsey  trou- 
sers to  protect  them  from  the  brambles.  He  was  wanted  in  different 
parts  of  the  county,  and  purchased  a  horse  and  saddle,  also  a  pair  of 
saddle-bags,  in  which  he  carried  the  compass,  chain,  survey-books,  and 
other  instruments.  But  the  sheriff  one  day  confronted  him  with  a  writ, 
and  seized  his  horse  and  other  property,  demanding  payment  of  the  note 
which  Berry  and  Lincoln  had  given  for  Radford's  goods.  The  note  had 
been  sold  to  a  man  who  was  determined  to  collect  it,  although  Berry 
was  in  his  grave,  and  Lincoln  was  having  hard  work  to  pay  his  board 
and  keep  himself  in  decent  clothes.  James  Short  kindly  purchased  the 
horse  and  equipments,  and  turned  them  once  more  over  to  Lincoln,  who 

6 


82  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

never  forgot  the  great  service  rendered  at  a  moment  when  he  needed  a 
true  friend.  People  liked  to  help  him,  possibly  because  he  liked  to  help 
others.  He  was  riding  towards  Springfield,  and  was  overtaken  by  a 
man  who  had  ridden  fast  and  far  that  he  might  make  an  entry  of  a  tract 
of  land  in  advance  of  a  rich  neighbor.  He  was  poor,  but  his  friends  had 
contributed  $100  to  help  him.  "  If  I  get  there  first  I  can  secure  it," 
he  said.  "  See  here,"  said  Lincoln,  "  your  horse  is  tired  out ;  mine  is 
fresh.  I  am  in  no  hurry  ;  take  mine  and  go  ahead.  Put  him  up  at 
Herndon's  stable.  I'll  take  yours  and  get  there  by-and-by."  The  man 
with  a  fresh  horse  reached  Springfield,  and  secured  the  land  a  few  min- 
utes in  advance  of  the  other's  arrival.  Abraham  Lincoln  was  ever  ready 
to  help  those  who  needed  help. 

Once  more  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  candidate  for  the  Legislature,  and 
the  people  were  ready  to  vote  for  him.  He  had  become  acquainted 
with  men  in  all  sections  of  the  county.  There  was  no  need  for  him  to 
make  speeches.  Of  the  four  persons  elected,  only  one  had  more  votes 
than  he.  When  the  time  came  for  the  Legislature  to  assemble  a  friend 
loaned  him  money  enough  to  buy  a  new  suit  of  clothes,  and  he  made 
his  way  to  Yandalia.  When  he  entered  the  building  in  which  the  rep- 
resentatives met  he  crossed  one  of  the  dividing  lines  of  his  life.  The 
future  was  to  be  far  different  from  the  past.  He  was  associated  with 
the  foremost  men  of  the  State,  who  had  been  selected  by  their  fellow- 
citizens  to  represent  them  in  the  Legislature.  In  the  past  he  had  com- 
pared himself  with  men  who  chopped  wood,  with  boatmen,  and  the 
Clary  Grove  gang.  As  a  legislator  he  was  to  measure  himself  with 
men  who  had  enjoyed  the  advantages  of  academies  and  colleges,  who 
had  won  reputations  and  the  respect  and  esteem  of  their  fellow-men. 
He  heard  their  speeches,  but  said  little  himself. 

He  met  in  the  lobby  Stephen  Arnold  Douglas,  born  amid  the  Green 
Mountains  of  Yermont.  His  father  died  when  he  was  only  fifteen 
months  old,  but  his  mother  tenderly  cared  for  him.  He  attended  the 
public-school,  and  usually  stood  at  the  head  of  his  class.  On  the  play- 
ground he  was  leader  in  the  games.  He  wanted  to  go  to  college,  but 
could  not  for  lack  of  money. 

"  I  will  earn  my  own  living,"  he  resolutely  said. 

When  fifteen  years  old  he  made  furniture,  obtaining  enough  money 
to  attend  an  academy  in  Vermont  one  year.  By  teaching  school  he 
was  able  to  attend  a  second  year  the  academy  at  Canandaigua,  !N.  Y. 
He  studied  law.  With  only  37^  cents  in  his  pocket  he  entered  the 
town  of  Winchester,  not  far  from  Jacksonville,  111.,  where  he  taught 


LIFE  IN  NEW  SALEM.  83 

school  and  began  the  practice  of  law.  He  was  affable  and  made  many 
friends.  He  was  ambitious  to  succeed  in  his  profession  and  in  political 
life.  He  was  in  Vandalia  for  the  purpose  of  persuading  the  Democratic 
members  of  the  Legislature  to  turn  out  Colonel  John  J.  Hardin  from  the 
office  of  District  Attorney  and  elect  him  instead.  He  was  successful. 

The  session  lasted  but  a  few  weeks,  and  Abraham  Lincoln  went  back 
to  his  surveying.  He  was  not  the  same  man  he  had  been.  The  grasp 
of  his  hand,  when  he  met  Jack  Armstrong,  was  as  hearty  as  ever,  but 
he  had  advanced  to  a  higher  plane  of  life.  He  had  been  considering 
questions  which  affected  the  welfare  of  his  fellow-men  and  the  prosper- 
ity of  a  great  and  growing  State. 

The  young  men  of  New  Salem  were  attracted  to  the  sitting-room  of 
Rutledge's  tavern  because  they  desired  to  be  where  they  could  enjoy 
the  society  of  the  landlord's  daughter ;  there  was  not  a  girl  in 
all  the  country  round  who  had  such  winsome  ways,  such  grace  of 
manner  and  kindness  of  heart.  If  sickness  came  to  a  household,  it  was 
she  who  hastened  to  the  bedside  of  the  sufferer.  It  was  her  lullaby  that 
soothed  the  fretting  child.  There  was  something  so  pure  and  holy 
about  her  that  men  were  ashamed  to  utter  an  oath  if  she  were  near. 
She  had  attended  school  at  Jacksonville;  not  many  of  her  mates  had 
enjoyed  such  advantages.  Of  her  many  admirers  she  accepted  the  spe- 
cial attentions  of  John  McNeil,  a  young  man  from  the  State  of  New 
York,  who  had  left  home  to  make  his  fortune  in  the  growing  "West. 
He  had  accumulated  several  thousand  dollars.  He  planned  to  go  to 
New  York,  bring  his  father  and  mother  to  New  Salem,  and  then  he 
would  claim  her  for  his  bride.  On  the  evening  preceding  his  depart- 
ure he  informed  her  that  his  real  name  was  not  McNeil  but  McNamur. 
He  had  left  home  determined  to  make  his  fortune,  and  did  not  desire 
his  friends  to  know  where  he  was  till  he  had  attained  his  object.  The 
explanation  was  accepted,  and  he  took  his  departure.  He  would  write 
to  her,  and  she  to  him ;  he  would  not  be  gone  many  months. 

The  weeks  went  by,  but  no  letter  came  for  Ann  Kutledge ;  the  sum- 
mer waned,  and  still  no  message.  Friends  whispered  their  suspicions. 
Was  not  the  revelation  he  had  made  in  regard  to  his  name  to  his  dis- 
credit ?  If  a  true  man,  why  change  his  name  ?  If  upright  and  honor- 
able, why  not  keep  his  promise?  A  letter  came  at  last.  On  his  home- 
ward journey  he  had  been  seized  with  fever  and  delirium.  Strangers 
kindly  cared  for  him,  but  months  went  by  before  he  was  able  to  resume 
his  journey.  He  had  reached  home,  but  it  would  take  time  to  settle 
affairs.  The  troubled  heart  of  Ann  Rutledge  was  at  peace  once  more. 


84:  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

Other  months  passed,  but  brought  no  letter.  Why  did  he  not  write  ? 
Was  he  again  down  with  fever  ?  If  so,  would  not  some  one  inform  her  ? 
Was  business  crowding  out  all  thoughts  of  herself?  Is  it  a  wonder  that 
her  friends  once  more  said  he  was  fickle-minded ;  that  he  cared  little 
for  her ;  that  he  had  found  some  one  with  a  fairer  face  ?  It  was  no 
secret  in  New  Salem  that  he  did  not  write ;  that  a  great  disappointment 
had  come  to  her.  She  found  comfort  and  consolation  in  attending  relig- 
ious meetings.  There  was  unwonted  pathos  in  her  voice  as  she  joined 
in  the  singing.  Something  had  gone  out  of  her  life.  Her  once  rippling 
laughter  was  not  so  joyous  as  it  had  been,  and  there  was  a  shade  of 
sadness  in  her  winsome  smile. 

The  heart  of  Abraham  Lincoln  goes  out  to  her.  To  him  there  never 
was  a  blossom  so  fragrant,  sweet,  and  fair  as  this  flower  of  the  prairie. 
Wherever  he  beholds  her,  whether  in  her  home,  in  the  religious  meeting^ 
or  by  the  bedside  of  the  sick,  her  presence  glorifies  the  place.  We  may 
be  sure  that  he  who  once  waded  the  ice-cold  stream  to  care  for  a 
dog  would  love  Ann  Rutledge  with  all  the  intensity  and  greatness  of 
his  soul.  He  had  nothing  but  himself  to  offer  her ;  himself — an  ungainly, 
uncultivated  wood-chopper,  boatman,  teamster,  store-keeper,  surveyor — 
a  piece  of  driftwood,  thus  far  floating  on  the  stream  of  time.  He  was 
poor,  almost  in  poverty.  Would  she  accept  his  love  ? 

But  the  true  love  of  Ann  Rutledge  has  been  awaiting,  is  awaiting, 
unanswered  letters.  She  will  write  once  more  to  him  to  whom  she 
gave  her  love.  The  letter  is  written.  Weeks  pass,  no  answer  comes, 
and  the  wounded  heart,  chastened  by  disappointment,  accepts  the  sym- 
pathy and  affection  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 

It  is  pleasure  to  labor,  because  Ann  Rutledge  has  come  into  his 
life.  Never  before  have  the  spring  birds  been  so  joyful,  the  days  so 
bright,  the  nights  so  calm  and  peaceful,  the  vault  of  heaven  so  lit  with 
stars,  or  the  air  so  perfumed  with  flowers. 

He  returns  to  New  Salem  from  his  surveying,  to  look  once  more 
upon  the  face  of  her  for  whom  he  would  lay  down  his  life,  if  need  be. 
He  sits  by  her  side  in  the  gloaming.  She  sings  a  hymn  which  she 
has  often  sung  in  the  religious  meetings : 

"  Vain  man,  thy  fond  pursuits  forbear ; 

Repent,  thy  end  is  nigh. 
Death,  at  the  farthest,  can't  be  far, 
Oh  think  before  thou  die  !"(9) 

The  hymn  to  which  he  listens  was  written  by  one  who  in  early 
life  wrote  a  book  upon  the  "Unreasonableness  of  Religion"  (Joseph 


LIFE  IN  NEW  SALEM.  85 

Hart,  of  London,  England),  but  who  saw  his  mistake,  and  who  became 
an  earnest  preacher  of  the  Gospel.  (10) 

Abraham  Lincoln  had  entered  upon  a  period  of  doubt  in  religion. 
Thomas  Paine's  "  Age  of  Reason  "  and  Yolney's  "  Ruins  "  led  him  to 
question  generally  accepted  religious  belief s.( " ) 

Little  does  he  think,  as  he  listens  to  the  enchanting  voice,  that  a 
great  sorrow,  like  the  shadow  of  an  eclipse,  is  about  to  darken  his  life. 
He  does  not  mistrust  the  unwonted  bloom  upon  her  cheek  that,  brighten- 
ing her  beauty,  heralds  the  approach  of  life's  closing  scene.  He  does  not 
dream  the  cup  of  joy  brimming  over  with  blessedness  at  that  evening 
hour  never  again  will  come  to  his  lips — that  Calvary  is  not  far  away. 

A  few  hours,  and  her  blood  is  on  fire — the  fever  burning  out  her  life. 
Watchers  stand  by  her  bedside — all  others  are  excluded  by  order  of  the 
physician.  ( ia ) 

"  But  I  must  see  him,"  her  pitiful  appeal.  He  enters  the  room  alone, 
stands  by  her  side,  gazes  once  more  into  her  loving  eyes.  No  ears 
other  than  their  own  hear  the  parting  words.  August  25,  1835,  Ann 
Rutledge  enters  the  life  eternal,  and  all  that  is  mortal  of  her  is  borne  to 
its  resting-place.  He  is  stunned  by  the  loss  and  walks  as  in  a  dream. 
He  spends  the  night  beside  her  grave,  heeding  not  the  chilling  wind  or 
driving  storm. 

"  I  cannot  bear  to  have  the  rain  fall  upon  her !"  the  moan  of  the 
stricken  heart.  A  great  hope  has  gone  down — a  joy  forever  departed. 
In  the  daytime  he  wanders  aimlessly.  If  he  sits  beneath  the  trees  on 
the  bank  of  the  river,  the  fallen  leaves  borne  away  by  its  current  re- 
mind him  of  his  loss.  The  faded  flowers  bring  before  him  the  fairer 
blossom  cut  down  by  death.  He  is  overwhelmed  by  grief.  Reason  tot- 
ters. His  friends  are  alarmed,  and  seek  to  divert  his  thoughts.  A 
friend  sends  him  the  poem  written  by  William  Knox,  of  Scotland : 

"Oh  !   why  should  the  spirit  of  mortal  be  proud  ? 
Like  a  swift  fleeting  meteor,  a  fast  flying  cloud, 
A  flash  of  the  lightning,  a  break  of  the  wave, 
He  passeth  from  life  to  his  rest  in  the  grave. 

"The  leaves  of  the  oak  and  the  willow  shall  fade, 
Be  scattered  around  and  together  be  laid  ; 
And  the  young  and  the  old,  and  the  low  and  the  high, 
Shall  moulder  to  dust  and  together  shall  lie. 

"Yea  !  hope  and  despondency,  pleasure  and  pain, 
We  mingle  together  in  sunshine  and  rain  ; 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

And  the  smile  and  the  tear,  the  song  and  the  dirge, 
Shall  follow  each  other  like  surge  upon  surge. 

Tis  the  wink  of  an  eye,  'tis  the  draught  of  a  breath, 
From  the  bloom  of  health  to  the  paleness  of  death  ; 
From  the  gilded  saloon  to  the  bier  and  the  shroud — 
Oh  !   why  should  the  spirit  of  mortal  be  proud  ?" 


GRAVE   OF   ANN   KUTLEDGE. 
[From  a  photograph  by  C.  S.  McCullough,  Petersburg,  111.] 

The  poem  emphasizes  the  evanescence  of  earthly  things.  That  which 
has  come  to  him  is  the  common  lot  of  man,  and  so  he  will  be  resigned 
under  the  great  affliction.  -Through  life,  whenever  he  is  bowed  with 
grief,  he  will  find  comfort  and  consolation  in  the  lines. 

Little  does  Bolin  Green  know  what  service  he  is  rendering  to  the 
world  when  he  takes  Abraham  Lincoln  to  his  home.  It  is  only  a  log- 
cabin,  but  within  its  walls  kindness  and  sympathy  are  tenderly  given 
till  reason  is  once  more  enthroned.  Years  pass,  but  the  kindness  is 
never  forgotten.  When  at  last  this  benefactor  passes  away,  and  Abra- 


LIFE  IN  NEW  SALEM.  87 

ham  Lincoln,  crowned  with  honor,  stands  by  the  burial  casket,  he  can- 
not give  utterance  to  the  words  he  fain  would  speak  in  commemora- 
tion of  his  friend.  His  eyes  fill  with  tears;  with  tremulous  lips  he  turns 
away,  unable  to  control  his  emotion. 


NOTES    TO    CHAPTER   V. 

(')  A.  Y.  Ellis's  letter  in  William  H.  Hermlon's  "Lincoln,"  p.  104  (edition  1889). 
('•')  Judge  Stephen  A.  Logan,  quoted  iu  Nicolay  and  Hay's  "Abraham  Lincoln:    A 
History,"  vol.  i.,  p.  108. 

(3)  Nicolay  and  Hay,  "Abraham  Lincoln  :  A  History,"  vol.  i.,  p.  109. 

(4)  W.  G.  Green  to  Author,  October,  1890. 

(5)  Ibid. 

( 6)  William  H.  Herudon,  "  Lincoln,"  p.  113  (edition  1889). 
(')  Ibid.,  p.  118. 

(8)  Ibid.,  p.  120  ;  also,  Nicolay  and  Hay,  "Abraham  Lincoln  :  A  History,"  vol.  i.,  p.  115. 

(9)  John  M.  Rntledge's  letter  in  William  H.  Herndon's  "Lincoln,"  p.  138,  note  (edi- 
tion 1889). 

(10)  S.  W.  Dnffleld,  in  "  English  Hymns,"  p.  100. 

(»)  William  H.  Herndou,  "Lincoln,"  p.  439 (edition  1889). 
(12)  Ibid.,  p.  138,  note. 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


CHAPTER  YI. 

IX    PUBLIC    LIFE. 

A  LTHOUGH  Abraham  Lincoln  had  once  been  to  Yandalia  as  a  rep- 
•^^  resentative,  he  had  not  taken  an  active  part  in  public  affairs. 
Once  more  he  was  a  candidate.  A  great  meeting  was  held  at  Spring- 
field, where  Whigs  and  Democrats  addressed  their  fellow-citizens 
from  the  same  platform.  Lincoln  wras  the  leading  candidate  of 
the  Whigs. 

"  He  carried  the  crowd  with  him  and  swayed  them  as  he  pleased," 
are  the  words  of  one  who  heard  him.  ( ' ) 

George  Forquar,  who  had  been  a  Whig,  but  who  had  changed  his 
politics,  and  was  holding  an  office  at  a  salary  of  $3000  a  year,  was 
the  next  speaker.  Mr.  Forquar  had  built  a  new  house — one  of  the  most 
expensive  in  Springfield.  Lincoln,  as  he  rode  into  the  city  the  night 
before,  noticed  the  elegant  residence,  and  was  particularly  interested 
in  the  lightning-rod  attached  to  the  building.  He  had  heard  about 
lightning-rods,  but  had  never  seen  one.  Many  good  people  thought 
that  such  a  contrivance  to  ward  off  a  thunder-storm  was  an  at- 
tempt to  circumvent  Almighty  God,  and  therefore  audacious  and 
wicked. 

Mr.  Forquar  thought  himself  of  considerable  importance  in  the  com- 
munity. "  I  see,"  he  said,  with  an  air  of  superiority,  "  that  I  shall  have 
to  take  this  young  man  down  a  little." 

His  speech  abounded  with  sarcasm  and  ridicule. 

Abraham  Lincoln  has  left  the  platform  and  stands  a  listener  in  the 
audience.  He  hears  the  loud-spoken  words,  the  guffaws  of  the  crowd, 
but  does  not  interrupt  the  speaker. 

When  Forquar  is  through,  Mr.  Lincoln  makes  a  speech  which  elec- 
trifies the  audience — not  of  sarcasm,  but  argument.  Not  till  the  close 
does  he  indulge  in  ridicule. 

"  The  gentleman  began  his  speech  by  saying  that  this  young  man 
would  have  to  be  taken  down,  and  he  was  sorry  that  the  task  devolved 


IN  PUBLIC  LIFE.  89 

upon  him.  I  am  not  so  young  in  years  as  I  am  in  the  tricks  and  trades 
of  a  politician  ;  but  live  long  or  die  young,  I  would  rather  die  now  than, 
like  the  gentleman,  change  my  politics,  and,  simultaneously  with  the 
change,  receive  an  office  worth  $3000  per  year,  and  then  have  to  erect 
a  lightning  -  rod  over  my  house  to  protect  a  guilty  conscience  from  an 
offended  God." 

Laughter  and  cheers  rend  the  air,  and  his  friends  lift  him  upon  their 
shoulders  and  bear,  him  from  the  court-house  as  an  expression  of  their 
admiration.  ( 3 ) 

We  are  not  to  think  that  Lincoln  shared  the  opinions  of  the  people 
who  said  that  to  put  up  a  lightning-rod  was  to  "  tempt  God,"  but  rather 
that  he  saw  an  opportunity  to  employ  his  opponent's  weapon  (ridicule) 
with  telling  effect.  The  discomfited  Democratic  office-holder  could 
make  no  reply,  and  was  compelled  to  endure  the  raillery  that  greeted 
him. 

Abraham  Lincoln  frankly  responded  to  the  call  for  a  statement  of 
his  political  principles. 

"  I  go,"  he  said,  "  for  all  sharing  the  privileges  of  the  Government 
who  assist  in  bearing  its  burdens ;  consequently,  I  go  for  admitting  all 
whites  to  the  right  of  suffrage  who  pay  taxes  or  bear  arms,  by  no  means 
excluding  females."  ( 3) 

Very  few  people  in  the  United  States  in  1836  had  entertained  the 
thought  that  women  as  well  as  men  were  entitled  to  exercise  the  right 
of  suffrage.  It  was  not  a  question  in  the  political  canvass ;  he  was  stat- 
ing what  to  him  was  a  fundamental  principle. 

"  All  questions  of  social  and  moral  reform,"  he  said  a  few  years  later, 
"find  lodgement  first  with  enlightened  souls,  who  stamp  them  with 
their  approval. '  In  God's  own  time  they  will  be  organized  into  law, 
and  thus  woven  into  the  fabric  of  our  institutions."  (4) 

In  the  election  Lincoln  led  the  ticket,  and  nine  Whigs  were  sent 
to  the  Legislature  from  a  county  which  before  had  been  Democratic. 
They  were  all  very  tall  in  stature,  and  were  called  the  "  Long  Nine  of 
Sangamon." 

Six  years  had  passed  since  his  soul  was  stirred  within  him  at  wit- 
nessing men,  women,  and  children  sold  at  auction  in  New  Orleans ;  six 
years  since  William  Lloyd  Garrison  had  been  put  in  prison  at  Baltimore 
for  printing  that  trade  in  slaves  was  piracy.  During  the  period  peti- 
tions had  been  presented  to  Congress  for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in 
the  District  of  Columbia  and  the  Territories  over  which  Congress  had 
jurisdiction.  Antislavery  societies  had  been  formed  in  many  places 


90  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

throughout  the  Northern  States  advocating  the  doing  away  with  slav- 
ery, so  far  as  it  could  be  done  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 
The  publication  of  the  "  Liberator  "  and  other  antislavery  papers  made 
the  people  of  the  Southern  States  very  angry.  In  Charleston,  S.  C., 
the  mail-bags  were  seized  by  a  Vigilance  Committee,  and  the  few  ob- 
noxious papers  found  in  them  were  burned  in  the  public  square.  A 
grand -jury  in  Alabama  indicted  R.  J.  Williams,  editor  of  the  "Eman- 
cipator," living  in  New  York ;  and  the  Governor  of  Alabama  sent  a 
requisition  to  the  Governor  of  that  State  demanding  that  Mr.  Williams 
should  be  given  up  to  him  to  be  dealt  with  by  the  courts  of  Alabama. 
The  slave-holders  of  Louisiana  offered  $50,000  for  the  head  of  Arthur 
Tappan,  of  New  York,  who  had  paid  the  fine  of  Garrison.  The  Presi- 
dent, in  his  message  to  Congress,  asked  for  the  passage  of  a  law  which 
would  exclude  such  papers  as  the  "  Emancipator  "  and  "  Liberator"  from 
the  mails.  A  bill  was  introduced,  but  it  did  not  become  a  law.  There 
was  much  excitement  throughout  the  country.  People  who  joined  the 
antislavery  societies  were  called  fanatics.  They  were  accused  of  dis- 
turbing the  peace  of  the  country,  and  of  desiring  that  the  slaves 
should  cut  the  throats  of  their  masters.  A  benevolent  young  woman, 
Prudence  Crandall,  was  teaching  school  in  Canterbury,  Conn.  A  col- 
ored girl  attended,  which  gave  great  offence  to  the  people  of  the  town, 
who  withdrew  their  children,  whereupon  she  opened  a  school  for  col- 
ored children,  which  so  enraged  the  people  that  they  held  a  town 
meeting,  and  passed  resolutions  condemning  the  school.  They  were 
not  willing  colored  children  should  obtain  an  education.  They  were 
so  bitter  that  it  was  difficult  for  Miss  Crandall  to  obtain  food  for  her- 
self or  her  pupils.  The  selectmen  of  the  town  informed  her  she  must 
pay  $1.60  a  week  for  any  pupil  not  an  inhabitant  of  the  town,  and  if 
the  colored  girls  from  other  towns  did  not  leave  within  ten  days  they 
would  be  tied  up  to  the  whipping -post  and  flogged.  Ruffians  filled 
up  the  well  in  Miss  Crandall's  dooryard.  The  sheriff  seized  one  of 
the  pupils,  and  was  about  to  tie  her  up  to  the  whipping  -  post,  but 
did  not  do  it.  Possibly  he  thought  it  would  be  cruel,  as  the  girl  had 
not  done  anything  wrong ;  it  may  be  he  came  to  the  conclusion  it 
Avould  not  read  well  in  history.  Instead  of  whipping  the  children,  the 
people  secured  the  passage  of  a  law  which  prohibited  the  teaching  in 
a  school  for  colored  children  by  any  one  without  first  obtaining  the 
consent  of  a  majority  of  the  people  and  of  the  selectmen  of  a  town. 
Church  bells,  which  on  Sunday  called  people  to  worship  God  and  do 
good  to  their  fellow-men,  were  rung,  and  cannon  fired,  when  the  Gov- 


IN  PUBLIC  LIFE.  91 

ernor  signed  the  bill.  The  sheriff  put  Miss  Crandall  in  jail — into  a  cell 
from  which  a  man  accused  of  murdering  his  wife  had  just  been  taken. 
Her  alleged  crime  was  teaching  colored  children.  There  were  men  on 
the  jury  who  did  not  think  that  she  had  committed  any  crime,  and  she 
was  set  at  liberty.  Once  more  the  school  began,  which  made  some  of 
the  people  of  Canterbury  so  angry  that  they  set  her  house  on  fire,  but 
she  extinguished  the  flames.  A  mob  threw  stones  through  the  win- 
dows and  broke  down  the  doors,  so  that  she  could  no  longer  keep 
school. 

The  people  of  Canterbury,  however,  were  not  any  more  prejudiced 
against  the  colored  people  than  those  living  in  other  towns  throughout 
the  Northern  States.  In  Pittsfield,  N.  H.,  the  Kev.  Mr.  Storrs  was  of- 
fering a  prayer  at  an  antislavery  meeting,  when  the  sheriff  entered  the 
pulpit  and  dragged  him  down  the  steps  and  out-of-doors.  He  had  com- 
mitted no  crime,  and  was  doing  what  he  had  a  right  to  do  under  the 
constitution  and  laws  of  the  State.  James  G.  Birney,  who  lived  in 
Kentucky,  was  a  lawyer  and  also  a  minister,  arguing  cases  in  court  dur- 
ing the  week  and  preaching  on  Sunday.  He  was  a  slave-holder,  but 
did  not  think  it  right  to  hold  slaves,  and  so  moved  to  Ohio  and  gave 
his  slaves  their  freedom.  He  established  the  "  Philanthropist,"  a  news- 
paper which  advocated  the  abolition  of  slavery.  It  so  stirred  up  the 
people  of  Cincinnati  that  they  held  a  public  meeting.  Jacob  Bennett, 
one  of  the  judges  of  the  Superior  Court  and  Senator  in  Congress,  pre- 
sided. It  was  not  a  meeting  of  ruffians,  but  of  men  who  called  them- 
selves gentlemen.  Many  of  them,  doubtless,  thought  they  were  doing 
right,  and  what  would  be  for  the  welfare  of  the  community,  by  going 
to  the  office  of  the  "  Philanthropist "  and  throwing  the  type  into  the 
street  and  the  printing-press  into  the  river.  They  tried  to  find  Mr. 
Birney,  with  the  intention  of  giving  him  a  coat  of  tar  and  feathers. 
Having  destroyed  the  printing-office,  they  broke  the  windows  and 
doors  of  the  houses  occupied  by  colored  people;  not  that  the  negroes 
had  done  anything  wrong,  but  because  they  were  negroes. 

The  colored  people  of  Philadelphia  fared  worse  than  those  in  Cincin- 
nati. A  mob  killed  one,  beat  others  with  clubs,  treated  women  and 
girls  indecently,  broke  down  the  doors  and  smashed  the  windows  of 
fifty-four  houses,  and  threw  the  furniture  into  the  street,  just  because 
they  had  African  blood  in  their  veins. 

Some  of  the  women  of  Boston  formed  an  antislavery  society.  The 
young  printer,  Mr.  Garrison,  was  present  at  one  of  their  meetings. 
Mary  Parker  was  reading  a  chapter  in  the  Bible  and  offering  prayer 


02 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


WILLIAM   LLOYD   GARRISON. 


when  a  mob  gathered  about  the  building.  The  mayor  of  the  city,  Mr. 
Lyman,  rushed  in.  "  I  entreat  you  to  dissolve  the  meeting,"  he  said. 
"We  demand  protection,"  the  reply.  "I  cannot  protect  you."  The 
mob  seized  Garrison,  put  a  rope  about  his  neck,  and  dragged  him  into 
the  street.  "Hang  him!"  they  shouted.  But  the  police  hustled  him 

into  a  carriage  and  took  him  to  the  jail 
to  save  him  from  the  excited  crowd ;  not 
altogether  from  men  whose  homes  were 
in  narrow  alleys,  but  who  had  ships  on 
the  sea  bringing  cotton  from  Southern 
cities — men  who  went  from  their  count- 
ing-rooms to  well-furnished  houses,  and 
who  sat  in  cushioned  pews  on  Sunday. 

While  this  was  going  on  in  Boston, 
another  mob  was  breaking  up  a  meeting 
in  Philadelphia  and  burning  the  building 
in  which  it  was  held.  Many  of  the  min- 
isters in  the  Northern  States,  instead  of 
being  foremost  in  joining  the  antislavery 
societies,  thought  that  slavery  was  sanc- 
tioned by  the  Bible,  and  was  ordained  for  the  welfare  of  the  human  race. 
We  are  to  keep  in  mind  the  fact  that  Southern  and  Central  Illinois 
was  largely  settled  by  people  from  Kentucky ;  that  Abraham  Lincoln 
was  from  that  State,  as  were  all  his  fellow-members  in  the  Legislature 
from  Sangamon  County.  By  the  ordinance  of  1787,  passed  by  Con- 
gress, slavery  had  been  prohibited  in  the  North-west  Territory,  which 
included  Illinois ;  but  in  1823  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  ad- 
mitting slavery  had  been  submitted  to  the  people,  which  was  rejected 
by  a  majority  of  only  1800  votes  in  a  total  of  nearly  11,000. 

On  the  last  day  of  the  session  of  1836  a  member  of  the  Legislature 
introduced  a  series  of  resolutions  which  deprecated  any  discussion  of 
slavery  by  the  people,  and  which  bitterly  denounced  the  Abolitionists. 
Abraham  Lincoln  was  very  far  from  being  an  Abolitionist,  but  he  did 
not  like  the  spirit  of  the  resolutions.  He  believed  that  the  people  had 
a  right  to  discuss  any  question.  He  thought  the  institution  of  slavery 
was  founded  on  injustice ;  that  it  was  not  good  for  any  community ; 
that  Congress  had  the  right  to  abolish  it  in  the  District  of  Columbia 
and  in  the  Territories,  but  ought  not  to  exercise  the  right  except  when 
the  people  in  the  District  and  Territories  asked  for  its  abolition.  He 
wrote  a  protest  against  the  resolutions,  but  could  get  only  Dan  Stone 


IN  PUBLIC  LIFE.  93 

to  sign  it.  His  Whig  friends  were  fearful  that  if  they  were  to  sign 
they  might  lose  some  votes  when  the  next  election  came  round.  The 
protest  was  Abraham  Lincoln's  first  public  expression  in  regard  to 
slavery. 

It  was  a  time  when  everybody  was  intending  to  get  rich — the  pe- 
riod of  grand  schemes  and  great  expectations.  The  multiplying  of 
steamboats  on  the  rivers  and  lakes,  the  opening  of  the  Erie  Canal,  the 
fertility  of  the  land  in  Illinois,  together  with  other  things,  brought  a 
great  many  people  into  the  State.  The  prairies  were  dotted  with  white- 
topped  wagons  of  emigrants ;  towns  and  villages  were  springing  up ; 
people  who  bought  land  from  the  Government  and  divided  it  into  vil- 
lage lots  expected  to  obtain  several  hundred  dollars  for  an  acre ;  those 
who  obtained  their  farms  from  the  Government  for  $1.25  per  acre  ex- 
pected that  they  would  erelong  be  worth  $10  or  $15  per  acre.  Chi- 
cago, which  in  1830  was  only  a  little  collection  of  houses,  had  become 
an  important  point.  Vessels  were  coming  and  going.  A  canal  which 
was  to  connect  Lake  Michigan  with  the  Illinois  Kiver  had  been  sur- 
veyed, and  the  Legislature,  of  which  Abraham  Lincoln  was  a  member, 
had  appropriated  $500,000  to  carry  on  the  construction.  So  much  land 
was  taken  by  settlers  that  there  was  a  surplus  of  more  than  $40,000,000 
in  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States.  The  land-offices  were  crowded 
with  people— many  of  whom  were  not  settlers — paying  for  land  which 
was  rapidly  to  increase  in  value.  Everybody  wanted  railroads  con- 
structed. Each  member  had  his  pet  scheme.  The  people  of  Alton 
wanted  roads  leading  northward  and  eastward  from  that  town,  which 
would  make  it  the  rival  of  St.  Louis.  The  men  who  were  mining  lead 
at  Galena  wanted  a  road  which  would  run  the  entire  length  of  that 
State  to  the  Ohio  Kiver.  There  were  to  be  roads  east  and  west,  north 
and  south — in  all,  more  than  1400  miles.  No  surveys  had  been  made ; 
neither  did  any  one  make  an  estimate  of  their  cost ;  but  the  Legisla- 
ture voted  $8,000,000  for  the  various  schemes,  and  $4,000,000  to  help 
on  the  canal,  besides  $200,000  to  improve  the  rivers.  No  one  thought 
of  raising  the  money  by  taxation.  It  was  said  it  could  be  had  by  the 
sale  of  bonds  to  people  in  the  Eastern  States.  The  State  would  have 
no  difficulty  in  raising  money  to  pay  the  interest  on  the  bonds,  which 
the  rich  men  in  New  York  and  across  the  Atlantic  would  be  eager  to 
purchase.  Such  the  reasoning.  Towns  were  laid  out,  which,  it  was  be- 
lieved, would  soon  become  bustling  cities. 

The  members  from  Sangamon  County  determined  to  make  Spring- 
field the  capital  of  the  State.  Other  towns  were  equally  determined  to 


94:  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

secure  the  prize.  Lincoln's  fellow-members  placed  the  bill  for  the  re- 
moval of  the  capital  in  his  hands.  He  was  so  kind  and  genial,  and  had 
so  many  stories  for  the  entertainment  of  the  members,  that  those  who 
did  not  accept  his  political  opinions  were  ready  to  listen  to  what  he  had 
to  say  in  regard  to  the  matter.  His  statements  were  so  clear  and  argu- 
ments so  conclusive  that  he  brought  about  the  passage  of  the  bill. 

The  members  from  Sangamon  and  Morgan  counties  were  greatly 
elated  over  what  they  had  accomplished.  At  Macoupin's  Point,  where 
they  passed  a  night  on  their  homeward  journey,  they  made  the  tav- 
ern ring  with  merriment  —  all  except  Lincoln,  who  was  depressed  in 
spirits. 

"  What  is  the  trouble  ?"  asked  Mr.  Butler. 

"  "Well,  I  have  no  particular  interest  in  having  Springfield  the  capi- 
tal," he  said.  "  I  am  more  concerned  in  getting  some  capital  for  my- 
self. I  have  been  trying  to  get  started  in  life,  but  haven't  made  much 
headway.  I  am  in  debt,  and  all  the  money  I  have  received  at  Yan- 
dalia  will  go  to  pay  it." 

"  What  do  you  intend  to  do  for  a  living  ?"  Butler  asked. 

"  I  would  like  to  leave  'New  Salem,  make  my  home  in  Springfield, 
and  study  law." 

"  Make  my  house  your  home  as  long  as  you  please,"  said  Mr.  Butler, 
who  comprehended  how  greatly  they  were  indebted  to  him  in  securing 
the  passage  of  the  bill.  (6) 

A  banquet  was  provided  by  the  people  of  Springfield  upon  their 
arrival,  at  which  the  following  sentiment  complimenting  Lincoln  was 
given :  "  He  has  fulfilled  the  expectations  of  his  friends  and  disappoint- 
ed the  hopes  of  his  enemies." 

It  is  a  great  point  gained  when  a  young  man  finds  out  for  what  he 

is  best  fitted  in  life.     During  the  two  sessions  of  -the  Legislature  at 

Yandalia,  Abraham  Lincoln  had  met  lawyers  in   debate.     He 

1837 

saw  their  qualifications  and  natural  ability,  and  had  measured 
himself  with  them.  He  had  been  studying  the  few  law-books  which 
his  friends  had  loaned  him,  and  had  been  drifting  almost  insensibly  tow- 
ards the  law  as  an  occupation ;  but  if  he  was  to  be  a  lawyer  he  must 
begin  in  earnest  to  prepare  himself.  He  was  twenty-eight  years  old. 
He  was  no  longer  postmaster ;  no  longer  surveyor  for  the  Government. 
He  was  in  poverty,  with  the  unpaid  notes  signed  by  himself  and  Berry 
hanging  over  him.  He  was  poorer  than  on  that  day  when  Nancy  Miller 
made  him  a  pair  of  jean  trousers.  Every  village  had  its  lawyer;  in 
Springfield  there  were  several  gentlemen  who  wrere  well  educated. 


IN  PUBLIC  LIFE.  95 

What  chance  was  there  for  him  ?  Yet  the  decision  was  made  calmly 
and  resolutely. 

The  song  birds  were  building  their  nests  and  the  forest  trees  put- 
ting forth  their  leaves,  when  the  young  man  who  had  secured  the 
passage  of  the  bill  which  made  Springfield  the  capital  entered  the 
store  of  Joshua  Speed  and  threw  his  saddle-bags  upon  the  counter.  He 
intended  to  make  Springfield  his  home.  Thenceforth  he  was  to  be  a 
lawyer. 

"  I  want  to  get  a  room,  and  must  have  a  bedstead  and  some  bedding. 
How  much  shall  I  have  to  pay  ?"  he  said. 

Mr.  Speed  took  up  his  slate  and  jotted  down  the  items :  the  cost  of 
the  bedstead,  bed -tick,  sheets,  blankets,  and  wash-basin.  "Seventeen 
dollars,"  said  the  store-keeper. 

"  I  have  no  doubt  it  is  cheap,  but  I  haven't  the  money  to  pay  for 
the  articles.  If  you  can  trust  me  till  Christmas,  and  if  I  succeed  in  my 
experiment  of  being  a  lawyer,  I  will  pay  you  then ;  if  I  fail,  probably 
I  never  shall  be  able  to  pay  you." 

No  ripple  of  laughter  came  from  his  lips,  no  smile  illumined  the 
countenance,  and  the  sad  eyes  were  looking  far  away.  Mr.  Speed  was 
his  friend,  but  never  before  had  he  seen  him  so  dejected. 

"  I  can  fix  things  better  than  that,"  said  the  store-keeper.  "  I  have 
a  large  room  and  a  double  bed  up-stairs,  and  you  are  welcome  to  occupy 
the  room  and  share  the  bed  with  me." 

"With  his  spare  clothing  and  two  law-books  in  his  saddle-bags  he 
ascends  the  stairs.  "  I  am  moved !"  his  exclamation.  He  comes  down 
with  a  beaming  face,  the  sadness  all  gone.  (") 

Major  John  T.  Stuart,  who  had  been  a  fellow-soldier  in  the  cam- 
paign against  the  Indians,  was  ready  to  receive  him  as  a  partner.  We 
are  not  to  conclude  that  a  crowd  of  people  came  flocking  to  the  office  of 
Stuart  &  Lincoln  with  cases  for  the  court ;  on  the  contrary,  not  many 
clients  darkened  their  doors  during  the  summer. 

There  came  a  gentleman,  one  day,  who  announced  himself  as  agent 
of  the  Post-office  Department  at  Washington. 

"  You  were  at  one  time,  two  or  three  years  ago,  postmaster  at  New 
Salem,  I  think  ?"  said  the  stranger. 

"  Yes,  I  believe  so." 

"  I  think  your  account  has  never  been  settled." 

"  No,  it  has  not.  I  have  been  wondering  why  somebody  did  not 
come  round  to  square  up  things.  I  have  been  keeping  the  money."  He 
goes  up-stairs,  returns  with  an  old  stocking,  and  counts  out  half-dollars, 


96  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

shillings,  and  sixpences — the  exact  amount  due  the  United  States. (7) 
In  his  poverty  it  has  been  held  sacred.  Long  ago  it  was  written,  "  He 
that  is  faithful  in  that  which  is  least  is  faithful  also  in  much." 

Events  were  taking  place  which  set  Abraham  Lincoln  thinking  about 
the  value  of  free  institutions  under  a  government  of  the  people.  A  ne- 
gro in  St.  Louis  who  had  committed  a  terrible  crime  was  taken  from 
jail  by  a  mob  before  he  had  been  tried  by  the  court,  chained  to  a  stake, 
and  burned  to  death.  After  the  poor  wretch  was  dead,  men  and  boys 
amused  themselves  by  throwing  stones  at  the  skeleton.  Rev.  Elijah  P. 
Lovejoy,  editor  of  a  religious  paper,  published  an  article  in  which  he 
said  that  while  the  negro  deserved  to  die,  such  conduct  was  no  better 
than  that  of  savages  who  burned  prisoners  of  war  at  the  stake,  and  who 
danced  around  their  victims  while  the  fire  was  doing  its  work.  The 
men  who  burned  the  negro  did  not  like  such  plain  talk,  and  organized 
another  mob,  which  entered  the  printing-office,  destroyed  the  types, 
and  threw  the  press  into  the  river.  Mr.  Lovejoy  left  St.  Louis  and  set 
up  a  new  office  in  Alton,  111.,  thinking  the  people  of  that  town  would 
respect  the  freedom  of  the  Press ;  but  when  the  new  printing-press  ar- 
rived from  Cincinnati,  ruffians  broke  it  in  pieces  and  destroyed  the 
types.  Another  press  was  purchased  in  Cincinnati.  The  mayor  was 
notified,  and  a  request  made  for  its  protection.  He  appointed  Mr. 
Lovejoy  and  a  large  number  of  citizens  special  policemen  to  protect  the 
property.  The  press  arrived,  and  was  put  into  a  stone  warehouse.  "  It 
is  our  determination  to  protect  our  property,"  said  Mr.  Lovejoy  and  the 
others,  as  they  assembled  in  the  building  in  the  evening  with  their  guns. 
"You  are  acting  in  accordance  with  the  law,"  said  the  mayor.  A  howl- 
ing mob  beset  the  building  and  fired  into  it.  Those  Avithin  returned  the 
fire,  killing  one  and  wounding  another.  "  Burn  them  out !"  shouted  the 
ruffians,  raising  a  ladder  and  kindling  a  fire  on  the  roof.  Mr.  Lovejoy 
and  others  stepped  out-of-doors  to  fire  at  those  on  the  ladder ;  but  sev- 
eral of  the  mob  fired  upon  them,  and  he  fell  mortally  wounded.  The 
other  citizens,  knowing  if  they  remained  they  would  be  burned  to  death, 
fled  from  the  building,  the  mob  firing  at  them  as  they  ran.  Having 
gained  possession,  they  broke  the  press  and  threw  it  into  the  river.  (8) 

The  men  who  committed  the  murder  little  thought  that  instead  of 
suppressing  agitation  they  were  helping  it  on.  In  many  places  through- 
out the  Northern  States  public  meetings  were  held  denouncing  the  out- 
rage. Mr.  Lovejoy  had  written  articles  against  slavery,  but  men  who 
were  not  in  sympathy  with  the  Abolitionists  saw  that  the  freedom  of 
the  Press  was  the  great  question  to  be  considered. 


IN  PUBLIC   LIFE. 


97 


The  young  men  of  Springfield  formed  a  lyceum  for  the  considera- 
tion of  questions  affecting  the  interests  of  the  people.  The  discussions 
were  carried  on  around  the  great  fireplace  in  Mr.  Speed's  store,  with  the 
hickory  logs  blazing  on  the  hearth,  and  the  audience  sitting  on  nail- 
casks  and  benches.  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Stephen  A.  Douglas  were  so 
able  in  argument  and  keen  at  repartee  that  the  store  could  not  accom- 
modate those  who  came  to  hear  them,  and  the  meetings  were  held  in 


PRESBYTERIAN  CHURCH,  SPRINGFIELD. 


the  Presbyterian  church.  They  took  up  the  affair  at  Alton.  It  came 
to  the  lot  of  Lincoln  to  deliver  an  address.  He  chose  for  his  theme 
"  The  Perpetuation  of  Our  Political  Institutions."  He  was  twenty-eight 
years  of  age.  Seven  years  had  passed  since  he  entered  the  State 
driving  an  ox -team.  He  had  pulled  an  oar  on  the  Mississippi,  navi- 
gated the  Sangamon,  been  a  soldier  in  the  Black  Hawk  War,  store- 
keeper, land-surveyor,  and  legislator.  The  people  listened  wonderingly 
to  the  opening  sentences : 

"In  the  great  journal  of  things  happening  under  the  sun,  the  American  people  find 
our  account  running  under  date  of  the  nineteenth  century  of  the  Christian  era.  We  find 
ourselves  in  peaceful  possession  of  the  fairest  portion  of  the  earth  as  regards  extent  of 
territory,  fertility  of  soil,  and  salubrity  of  climate.  We  find  ourselves  under  the  govern- 
ment of  a  system  of  political  institutions  conducing  more  essentially  to  the  ends  of  civil 

7 


98  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

and  religious  liberty  than  any  of  which  the  history  of  former  times  tells  us.  We  find 
ourselves  the  legal  inheritors  of  these  fundamental  blessings.  We  toiled  not  in  the  ac- 
quirement or  the  establishment  of  them  ;  they  are  a  legacy  bequeathed  to  us  by  a  once 
hardy,  brave,  and  patriotic,  but  now  lamented  and  departed,  race  of  ancestors." 

The  words  that  fall  from  his  lips  are  the  utterances  of  a  statesman — 
of  one  who  is  looking  into  the  future,  who  comprehends  in  some  degree 
the  mighty  forces  that  are  shaping  the  future  of  the  country.  He 
speaks  of  the  action  of  the  mob  which  a  few  weeks  before  had  burned 
a  negro  in  St.  Louis,  and  of  the  peril  of  the  country.  What  sentences 
are  these ! 

"  There  is  no  grievance  that  is  a  fit  object  of  redress  by  mob  law. 

"Many  great  and  good  men,  sufficiently  qualified  for  any  task  they  should  undertake, 
may  ever  be  found  whose  ambition  would  aspire  to  nothing  but  a  seat  in  Congress,  a  gu- 
bernatorial oj  a  presidential  chair  ;  but  such  belong  not  to  the  family  of  the  lion  or  the 
brood  of  the  eagle.  What  !  Think  you  these  places  would  satisfy  an  Alexander,  a  Ceesar, 
or  a  Napoleon  ?  Never  1 

"Towering  genius  disdains  a  beaten  path.  It  seeks  regions  hitherto  unexplored.  It 
does  not  add  story  to  story  upon  the  monuments  of  fame  erected  to  the  memory  of  others. 
It  denies  that  it  is  glory  enough  to  serve  under  any  chief.  It  scorns  to  tread  in  the  foot- 
steps of  any  predecessor,  however  illustrious.  It  thirsts  and  burns  for  distinction,  and,  if 
possible,  will  have  it,  whetlw  at  the  expense  of  emancipating  slaves  or  enslaving  free  men.  Is 
it  unreasonable,  then,  to  expect  that  some  man  possessed  with  the  loftiest  genius,  coupled 
with  ambition  sufficient  to  push  it  to  its  utmost  stretch,  will  at  some  time  spring  up 
among  us  ?  And  when  such  an  one  does,  it  will  require  the  people  to  be  united,  attached 
to  the  Government  and  laws,  and  generally  intelligent,  to  successfully  frustrate  the 
design."  (*) 

Is  this  prophecy  ?  Is  there  some  unseen  intelligence  of  another 
realm  whispering  to  him  of  the  part  he  is  to  play  in  the  drama  of  his 
country's  history  ?  Why  did  he,  six  years  before,  raise  his  right  hand 
to  heaven,  as  he  came  from  the  heart-rending  scene  in  the  slave-market 
of  New  Orleans,  swear  a  solemn  oath  that,  if  the  opportunity  ever  came 
to  him,  he  would  hit  the  institution  of  slavery  a  staggering  blow  ?  Is 
it  that  his  own  spirit  is  already  thirsting  and  burning  for  the  emanci- 
pation of  3,000,000  slaves  ?  Interpret  the  words  as  we  may,  they  will 
ever  stand  as  remarkable  utterances  —  seemingly  prophetic  when  read 
in  connection  with  the  events  of  his  subsequent  life. 

In  the  election  of  members  for  the  Legislature,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  again 

a  candidate.     His  opponent,  Colonel  Taylor,  said  the  Whig  party  \vas 

composed  of  aristocrats,  who  wore  broadcloth  and  rode  in  fine 

1  QOQ 

carriages,  whereas  the  Democrats  were  poor  men,  who  worked 
hard  to  get  a  living.  The  rich  Whigs  lived  in  luxurious  homes,  while 
the  Democrats  were  found  in  log-cabins. 


IN  PUBLIC  LIFE.  99 

"  My  opponent,"  said  Lincoln,  in  reply,  "  accuses  the  Whigs  of  rid- 
ing in  fine  carriages  and  wearing  ruffled  shirts,  kid-gloves,  and  gold 
watch-chains.  Well,  I  was  once  a  poor  boy,  and  worked  hard  on  a  flat- 
boat  for  $8  a  month,  and  had  only  a  pair  of  buckskin  breeches.  You 
know  that  buckskin  after  being  wet  is  apt  to  shrink  in  drying,  and  as 
my  breeches  were  often  wet,  the  shrinking  went  on,  the  breeches  getting 
shorter  and  shorter,  till  there  were  several  inches  of  bare  ankle  between 
my  stockings  and  the  lower  ends  of  the  breeches.  They  were  so  tight 
that  they  left  a  blue  streak  around  my  shins.  Now,  if  you  call  that 
aristocracy,  I  plead  to  the  charge."  ( 10) 

His  opponent  was  a  demagogue  who,  when  making  political  speeches 
to  obtain  an  office,  liked  to  wear  fine  clothes  and  a  showy  watch-chain, 
but  who,  when  trying  to  obtain  votes,  was  careful  to  cover  up  his  ruf- 
fled shirt  and  chain.  Lincoln  knew  that  he  was  deceiving  the  people, 
and  by  a  sweep  of  his  arm  gave  the  fellow's  vest  a  jerk,  exposing  the 
ruffle  of  his  shirt  and  gold  chain.  The  people  roared  with  laughter, 
and  the  fellow  left  the  platform,  very  red  in  the  face.  By  the  sweep 
of  his  arm  he  had  upset  all  of  Taylor's  plans. 

Edward  Dickinson  Baker  was  born  in  London,  England.  He  was 
two  years  younger  than  Abraham  Lincoln,  arid  came  to  America  early 
in  life.  He  made  Springfield  his  home.  He  was  a  young  lawyer,  and, 
like  Lincoln,  an  ardent  Whig.  His  voice  was  musical.  He  could  play 
the  piano,  sing  songs,  and  write  poetry.  He  was  an  earnest  advocate 
for  the  election  of  Harrison  as  President,  and  made  a  speech  in  the 
court-house  to  a  great  crowd.  Many  of  those  who  gathered  to  hear- 
him  were  Democrats.  They  were  rough  men ;  they  chewed  tobacco, 
drank  whiskey,  and  became  angry  at  what  Baker  was  saying. 

The  office  of  Stuart  &  Lincoln  was  over  the  court-room.  A  trap- 
door for  ventilation,  above  the  platform  of  the  court-room,  opened  into 
their  office.  Lincoln,  desiring  to  hear  what  Baker  was  saying,  lifted  the 
door,  stretched  himself  upon  the  floor,  and  looked  down  upon  the  sway- 
ing crowd.  Baker  was  talking  about  the  stealings  of  the  Democratic 
officials  in  the  land-offices. 

"  Wherever  there  is  a  land-office  there  you  will  find  a  Democratic 
newspaper  defending  its  corruptions,"  said  Baker. 

"  Pull  him  down !  Put  him  out !  It  is  a  lie !"  the  cry  from  a  fellow 
in  the  crowd,  whose  brother  was  editor  of  a  Democratic  paper.  There 
was  a  rush  for  the  platform.  Great  the  astonishment  of  the  crowd  at 
seeing  a  pair  of  long  legs  dangle  from  the  scuttle,  and  then  the  body, 
shoulders,  and  head  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  who  let  himself  down  to  the 


100 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 


EDWAUD  DICKINSON   BAKER. 


platform.  He  lifted  his  hand,  but  the  fellows  did  not  heed  his  gesture. 
They  saw  him  grasp  a  stone- ware  water-pitcher  and  heard  him  say,  "I'll 
break  it  over  the  head  of  the  first  man  who  lays  a  hand  on  Baker! 
Hold  on,  gentlemen !  This  is  a  free  country — a  land  for  free  speech. 
Mr.  Baker  has  a  right  to  speak ;  let  him  be  heard.  I  am  here  to  protect 
him,  and  no  man  shall  take  him  from  this  platform  if  I  can  prevent 
it."(") 

It  was  as  if  he  had  said — as  was  said  once  before — "  Peace,  be  still." 
The  people  knew  how  champion  wrestlers  had  gone  down  before  him ; 
but  it  was  not  that  which  hushed  the  crowd  to  silence  and  stilled  the 
storm.  They  knew  his  goodness — how  kind-hearted,  just,  honest,  and 


IN  PUBLIC  LIFE.  101 

true  he  was ;  that  he  stands  ever  for  what  is  right.     Baker  goes  on,  no 
one  daring  to  disturb  him  so  long  as  Abraham  Lincoln  is  there. 


NOTES  TO   CHAPTER    VI. 

( ' )  Joshua  F.  Speed,  Lecture  on  Abraham  Lincoln,  p.  17. 

(2)  Ibid.,  p.  18. 

(3)  "  Sangamon  Journal,"  June,  1836,  quoted  in  "Herndon's  Lincoln,"  p.  166  (edition 
1889). 

(4)  W.  H.  Herndon,  "Lincoln,"  p.  167  (edition  1889). 
(6)  J. G.  Holland,  "Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  71. 

(6)  W.  H.  Herudon,  "  Lincoln,"  p.  185  (edition  1889). 

( 7 )  J.  G.  Holland,  "  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  55. 

(8)  "Life  of  Rev.  E.  P.  Lovejoy." 

( 9 )  "  Sangamon  Journal." 

1 I0)  W.  H.  Herndou,  "  Lincoln,"  p.  195  (edition  1889). 
(")  Ibid.,  p.  196. 


102  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

RIDING    THE    CIRCUIT. 

judicial  districts  of  Illinois  comprised  several  counties,  in  which 
the  judge  for  the  district  held  court,  going  from  county  to  county  ; 
he  was  called  "  Circuit  Judge."  The  leading  lawyers  in  the  district 
usually  accompanied  him  to  the  different  county  seats — all  on 
horseback.  It  was  called  "  riding  the  circuit."  The  judge  might 
be  very  grave  and  dignified  when  representing  the  majesty  of  the  law  in 
the  court-room,  but  when  mounted  on  his  horse,  with  his  law-books  and 
an  extra  shirt  in  his  saddle-bags,  riding  across  the  prairie,  accompanied 
by  a  dozen  or  more  jolly  lawj^ers,  his  laugh  was  as  loud  as  theirs.  In 
the  evenings  judge  and  lawyer  alike  gathered  in  the  bar-room  of  the 
tavern,  and  there  was  ever  an  admiring  audience  to  listen  to  their  sto- 
ries. The  coming  of  the  Court  was  looked  forward  to  by  the  people  of 
the  county  as  one  of  the  most  important  events  of  the  year. 

Abraham  Lincoln  was  a  young  lawyer.  He  could  not  be  called  a 
leading  member  of  the  bar,  for  he  had  been  only  a  few  months  with  his 
partner  when  he  began  to  ride  the  circuit.  He  had  very  few  cases  in 
court,  but  hoped  that  somebody  would  want  to  employ  him  at  the 
different  county  seats. 

The  census  taken  by  the  United  States  in  1840  showed  that  there 
were  slaves  in  Illinois,  although  it  was  a  free  State.  Settlers  from  Ken- 
tucky had  brought  them  across  the  Ohio  River.  Unexpectedly  a  case 
came  to  Mr.  Lincoln  which  greatly  enlisted  his  sympathy  and  energy. 
Mr.  Crowell  sold  his  slave  Nancy  to  Mr.  Bailey,  who,  not  having  the 
money  to  pay  for  her,  gave  his  note,  which  was  not  paid  when  due. 
Mr.  Crowell  did  not  want  to  lose  his  money,  and  brought  suit  in  the 
Circuit  Court.  The  judge  decided  that  the  note  must  be  paid.  An 
appeal  was  made  to  the  Supreme  Court.  We  do  not  know  just  how  it 
came  about,  but  possibly  somebody  had  discovered  that  Abraham  Lin- 
coln was  very  kind-hearted,  that  he  loved  justice  and  right,  and  so 
employed  him  in  behalf  of  the  slave.  He  was  thirty-two  years  old.  He 


RIDING  THE  CIRCUIT.  103 

had  not  had  many  cases;  possibly  this  was  his  first  in  the  Supreme 
Court.  The  lawyer  opposed  to  him  was  one  of  the  ablest  in  Illinois — 
Stephen  T.  Logan,  who  later  became  his  law  partner,  and  subsequently 
a  judge. 

"  May  it  please  the  Court,"  said  Lincoln,  in  his  argument,  "  the  Ordi- 
nance of  1787,  which  prohibited  slavery  in  the  North-west  Territory, 
would  give  Nancy  her  freedom.  The  Constitution  of  the  State  prohibits 
the  holding  of  slaves.  She  cannot,  therefore,  be  held  as  a  slave ;  she  can- 
not be  sold  as  a  slave.  A  note  given  for  the  sale  of  a  slave  in  a  free 
State  can  have  no  value.  Neither  Crowell  nor  Bailey  can  hold  Nancy ; 
she  is  entitled  to  her  freedom,  and  Crowell  is  not  entitled  to  the  money 
which  Bailey  promised  to  pay." 

The  argument  was  so  plain  that  the  Court  decided  in  his  favor.  The 
decision  put  an  end  to  the  holding  of  slaves  in  Illinois. 

The  court-house,  when  the  court  was  in  session,  was  an  attractive 
place.  It  might  not  be  much  better  than  a  barn,  but  it  was  where 
people  reverenced  the  majesty  of  law ;  where  the  brightest  men  in 
the  county  might  be  seen  and  heard.  The  judge  sat  on  a  platform 
behind  a  desk,  with  the  clerk  in  front  of  him  upon  a  lower  platform. 
The  members  of  the  bar  usually  were  tipped  back  in  chairs,  with  their 
feet  on  other  chairs,  chewing  tobacco  and  spitting  at  a  box  filled  with 
sawdust.  Abraham  Lincoln  did  not  chew  nor  smoke  tobacco.  In  pre- 
senting a  case  he  often  admitted  so  much  that  was  favorable  to  his 
opponent,  the  lawyers  were  accustomed  to  say  he  had  given  himself 
away ;  but  he  believed  one  lost  nothing  by  being  fair. 

He  was  employed  in  a  very  interesting  case.  Two  farmers  went  to 
law  about  a  young  colt.  One  brought  thirty-four  witnesses,  who  testi- 
fied that  they  had  known  the  colt  from  the  day  of  its  birth  ;  that  it  be- 
longed to  him.  Thirty  other  men  swore  they  also  had  known  it  from 
its  birth;  that  it  belonged  to  the  other  man.  There  had  been  two 
colts,  but  one  was  missing.  Everybody  said  they  were  so  nearly  alike 
in  size  and  color  it  was  not  possible  to  say  which  was  which.  "  Let 
the  mares  be  brought  into  the  case  as  witnesses,"  said  the  judge.  He 
leaves  the  bench,  and  goes  with  all  the  lawyers  and  a  great  crowd  of 
people  to  see  and  hear  what  the  animals  will  say.  The  two  mares  are 
brought  into  the  public  square,  and  the  colt  let  loose.  It  whinneys  for 
its  mother.  There  is  an  answering  whinney  from  one  of  the  mares,  and 
the  colt  runs  to  her  side  and  will  not  leave  her. 

What  ought  the  jury  to  do  ?  Thirty-four  men  have  testified  on  one 
side,  and  thirty  on  the  other.  They  all  say  they  have  known  the  colt 


104 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 


from  its  birth,  and  that  they  cannot  be  deceived.  Shall  the  actions  of 
the  animals  be  accepted  as  evidence  ?  "  May  it  please  your  honor,"  said 
Lincoln,  "  I  submit  that  the  voice  of  Nature  in  the  colt  and  its  mother  is 
of  far  more  importance  than  the  testimony  of  man.  This  is  a  case  in 
which  the  argument  is  as  to  the  weight  of  evidence.  It  is  a  civil  suit, 
and  we  want  to  find  out  who  owns  the  colt.  It  is  a  case  in  which  the 
jury  must  decide  according  to  the  weight  of  evidence.  Now,  gentlemen 
of  the  jury,  if  you  were  going  to  bet  as  to  which  of  the  mares  is  the 
mother,  on  which  would  you  risk  your  money — even  if  it  was  not  more 
than  a  picayune  ?  On  which  is  the  preponderance  of  evidence  ?  Pos- 
sibly you  might  not  be  right,  but  that  is  not  the  question.  It  is  whether 
you  will  accept  the  testimony  of  thirty  men  and  the  silence  of  one  of  the 
mares  on  the  one  side,  or  the  testimony  of  thirty-four  men,  the  other 
mare,  and  the  colt  on  the  other  side  ?" 

The  case  was  so  plain  that  the  jury  had  no  difficulty  in  deciding  as 
to  which  farmer  was  the  rightful  owner  of  the  colt.  They  decided  just 
as  they  would  have  bet  their  money. 

Another  case  was  that  of  a  poor  woman,  nearly  eighty  years  old, 
who  came  with  a  pitiful  story.  Her  husband  had  been  a  soldier  in  the 
Revolutionary  War,  under  Washington.  He  was  dead,  and  she  was  en- 
titled to  a  pension  amounting  to  $400.  A  rascally  fellow,  pretending 


COURT-HOUSE,    PETERSBURG. 

[Krora  a  photograph  taken  by  the  author,  1890.     The  town  of  Petersburg  was  surveyed  by  Mr.  Lincoln, 
and  many  of  his  legal  arguments  were  made  in  thia  building.] 


RIDING  THE  CIRCUIT.  105 

great  friendship  for  her,  had  obtained  the  money,  but  had  put  half  of  it 
into  his  own  pocket. 

The  poor  woman  was  the  only  witness.  The  jury  heard  her  story. 
Abraham  Lincoln  the  while  was  making  the  following  notes  on  a  slip 
of  paper : 

u  No  contract. 

"  Not  professional  services. 

"  Unreasonable  charges. 

"  Money  retained  by  defendant  not  given  to  plaintiff. 

"  Kevolutionary  "War. 

"  Describe  Valley  Forge. 

"  Ice.     Soldiers'  bleeding  feet. 

"  Husband  leaving  home  for  the  army. 

"  Skin  defendant." 

He  rises  and  turns  to  the  judge.  Of  the  lawyers  sitting  around  the 
table  perhaps  not  one  of  them  can  say  just  what  there  is  about  him 
which  hushes  the  room  in  an  instant.  "  May  it  please  your  honor  " — the 
words  are  spoken  slowly,  as  if  he  were  not  quite  ready  to  go  on  with 
what  he  has  to  say — "  gentlemen  of  the  jury  :  this  is  a  very  simple  case 
— so  simple  that  a  child  can  understand  it.  You  have  heard  that  there 
has  been  no  contract — no  agreement  by  the  parties.  You  will  observe 
that  there  has  been  no  professional  service  by  contract."  Slowly,  clearly, 
one  by  one  the  points  were  taken  up.  Who  was  the  man  to  whom  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  owed  the  money?  He  had  been 
with  "Washington  at  Valley  Forge,  barefooted  in  midwinter,  marching 
with  bleeding  feet,  with  only  rags  to  protect  him  from  the  cold — starv- 
ing for  his  country.  The  speaker's  lips  were  tremulous,  and  his  eyes 
filled  with  tears  as  he  told  how  the  soldiers  of  the  Revolution  marched 
amid  the  snows,  shivered  in  the  wintry  winds,  starved,  fought,  died  that 
those  who  came  after  them  might  have  a  country.  Judge,  jurymen, 
lawyers,  and  the  people  who  listen  wipe  the  tears  from  their  eyes  as 
he  tells  the  story  of  the  soldier  parting  from  friends,  from  the  wife,  then 
in  the  bloom  and  beauty  of  youth,  but  now  friendless  and  alone,  old  and 
poor.  The  man  who  professed  to  be  her  friend  had  robbed  her  of 
what  was  her  due.  His  spirit  is  greatly  stirred.  The  jury  right  the 
wrong,  and  compel  the  fellow  to  hand  over  the  money.  And  then  the 
people  see  the  lawyer  who  has  won  the  case  tenderly  accompanying  the 
grateful  woman  to  the  railroad  station.  He  pays  her  bill  at  the  hotel, 
her  fare  in  the  cars,  and  charges  nothing  for  what  he  has  done!(a) 

A  negro  woman  came  to  Mr.  Lincoln  with  a  pitiful  story.     She 


106  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

and  her  children  had  been  slaves  in  Kentucky,  but  their  master  had 
brought  them  to  Illinois  and  given  them  their  freedom.  Her  son  was 
a  cabin -boy  on  a  steamboat.  When  the  boat  reached  New  Orleans 
the  boy  went  on  shore,  and,  not  having  a  pass,  was  arrested.  He  was 
in  jail,  and  would  soon  be  sold  into  slavery  because  he  had  no  money 
to  pay  the  fees  due  the  jailor.  He  was  a  citizen  of  Illinois.  "  What 
can  you  do  for  the  boy,  legally  and  constitutionally  ?"  wrote  Lincoln  to 
the  Governor  of  the  State. 

"  I  am  powerless ;  I  have  no  authority,"  was  the  reply. 

Mr.  Lincoln  saw  as  never  before  the  aggressiveness  of  slavery ;  how 
it  was  laying  its  iron  hands  upon  citizens  of  Illinois.  He  walked  the 
floor  with  rising  indignation.  "  I'll  have  that  negro  back,  or  I'll  have 
an  agitation  in  this  State  that  shall  last  twenty  years,  if  need  be,  to 
give  the  Governor  authority  to  act  in  such  a  case !"  he  exclaims.  He 
obtained  $200,  and  secured  the  return  of  the  boy. 

It  was  a  pleasure  for  him  to  help  others.  He  loved  justice  and  right. 
He  would  not  undertake  to  conduct  a  case  in  court  unless  he  had  right 
on  his  side.  It  was  a  very  strange  announcement  which  he  made  when  a 
case  was  called  in  which  he  appeared  as  counsel:  "May  it  please  your 
honor,  I  have  examined  this  case  with  great  care ;  the  only  question  at 
issue  is  one  of  authority.  I  have  not  been  able  to  find  any  authority  to 
sustain  my  side,  but  I  have  found  several  cases  in  point  on  the  other 
side.  I  will  give  them,  and  submit  the  case  to  the  Court."  Instead  of 
presenting  his  own  side,  or  instead  of  sitting  in  silence,  he  had  given  the 
argument  and  authority  on  the  side  of  his  opponent. 

A  lawyer  in  Beardstown  received  a  call  from  Lincoln.  "I  learn," 
said  the  latter, "  that  you  are  suing  some  of  my  clients,  and  I  have  come 
to  see  about  it." 

"  Yes,  I  have  brought  suit  against  a  man  in  order  to  make  him  carry 
out  a  contract.  Here  is  the  agreement  between  the  parties.  Read  it, 
and  see  if  I  have  not  justice  on  my  side,"  the  reply. 

"You  are  right.  Your  client  is  justly  entitled  to  what  he  claims, 
and  I  shall  so  represent  it  to  the  Court.  It  is  against  my  principle  to 
contest  what  is  clearly  a  matter  of  right."  (3) 

Eight  first,  justice  always,  chicanery  never — those  were  the  princi- 
ples of  Abraham  Lincoln. 

A  man  wanted  him  to  undertake  a  case,  told  his  story,  and  was 
astonished  to  hear  Lincoln  reply :  "  Yes,  I  can  doubtless  obtain  your 
case  for  you.  I  can  set  the  whole  neighborhood  at  loggerheads.  I 
can  distress  a  widowed  mother  and  her  six  fatherless  children,  and 


RIDING   THE  CIRCUIT.  107 

% 

thereby  get  you  $600,  to  which  you  seem  to  have  a  legal  claim,  but 
which  rightfully,  as  it  appears  to  me,  belong  quite  as  much  to  the  woman 
and  her  children  as  to  you.  You  must  remember  that  some  things  are 
legally  right  which  are  not  morally  right.  I  will  not  undertake  your 
case,  but  will  give  you  a  little  advice,  for  which  I  shall  charge  nothing. 
You  seem  to  be  an  energetic  man,  and  I  advise  you  to  make  $600  some 
other  way." 

At  Clinton  there  was  so  interesting  a  case  that  men  and  women 
from  all  the  surrounding  country  crowded  the  court -room.  Fifteen 
women  were  arraigned.  A  liquor  seller  persisted  in  selling  whiskey  to 
their  husbands  after  the  wives  begged  him  not  to  do  so.  He  cared 
nothing  for  their  protestations,  but  laughed  in  their  faces.  The  tears 
upon  their  cheeks  did  not  move  him.  What  should  they  do?  There 
was  no  law  to  stop  him.  They  marched  to  the  groggery,  smashed  in 
the  heads  of  the  barrels  with  axes,  and  broke  the  demijohns  and  bot- 
tles. The  fellow  had  them  arrested.  No  lawyer  volunteered  to  defend 
them.  Abraham  Lincoln,  from  Springfield,  entered  the  room.  There 
was  something  about  him  which  emboldened  them  to  speak  to  him. 
"  We  have  no  one  to  defend  us.  Would  it  be  asking  too  much  to  inquire 
if  you  can  say  a  kind  word  in  our  behalf  ?"  the  request. 

The  lawyer  from  Springfield  rises.  All  eyes  are  upon  him.  "  May 
it  please  the  Court,  I  will  say  a  few  words  in  behalf  of  tbe  women  who 
are  arraigned  before  your  honor  and  the  jury.  I  would  suggest,  first, 
that  there  be  a  change  in  the  indictment,  so  as  to  have  it  read, '  The  State 
against  Mr.  Whiskey,'  instead  of  '  The  State  against  the  Women.'  It 
would  be  far  more  appropriate.  Touching  this  question,  there  are  three 
laws :  First,  the  law  of  self-protection ;  second,  the  law  of  the  statute ; 
third,  the  law  of  God.  The  law  of  self-protection  is  the  law  of  necessity, 
as  shown  when  our  fathers  threw  the  tea  into  Boston  harbor,  and  in  assert- 
ing their  right  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  This  is  the 
defence  of  these  women.  The  man  who  has  persisted  in  selling  whiskey 
has  had  no  regard  for  their  well-being  or  the  welfare  of  their  husbands 
and  sons.  He  has  had  no  fear  of  God  or  regard  for  man ;  neither  has  he 
had  any  regard  for  the  laws  of  the  statute.  ~No  jury  can  fix  any  damages 
or  punishment  for  any  violation  of  the  moral  law.  The  course  pursued 
by  this  liquor  dealer  has  been  for  the  demoralization  of  society.  His 
groggery  has  been  a  nuisance.  These  women,  finding  all  moral  suasion 
of  no  avail  with  this  fellow,  oblivious  to  all  tender  appeal,  alike  regard- 
less of  their  prayers  and  tears,  in  order  to  protect  their  households  and 
promote  the  welfare  of  the  community,  united  to  suppress  the  nuisance. 


108  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

The  good  of  society  demanded  its  suppression.  They  accomplished  what 
otherwise  could  not  have  been  done." 

There  was  no  need  for  him  to  say  more.  The  whole  case  had  been 
stated,  and  the  jury  understood  it. 

"  Ladies,"  said  the  judge,  "  you  need  not  remain  any  longer  in  court 
unless  you  desire  to.  I  will  require  no  bond  of  you ;  and  if  there  should 
be  any  fine  imposed,  I  will  give  you  notice."  The  judge  was  so  polite 
and  smiling  that  everybody  in  the  room  understood  that  there  was  no 
probability  of  a  fine.(4) 

Mr.  Cass  had  a  case  in  court.  He  owned  two  yoke  of  oxen  and  a 
breaking-up  plough  which  he  wanted  to  sell,  and  which  Mr.  Snow's  two 
sons  bought,  giving  their  note  in  payment.  Neither  of  the  boys  had 
arrived  at  the  age  of  manhood.  Mr.  Cass  trusted  that  they  would  pay 
the  note  when  it  became  due ;  but  it  was  not  paid.  Abraham  Lincoln 
questioned  a  witness : 

"  Can  you  tell  me  where  the  oxen  are  now  ?"  he  asked. 

"  They  are  on  the  farm  where  the  boys  have  been  ploughing." 

"  Have  you  seen  them  lately  ?" 

"  I  saw  them  last  week." 

"  How  old  are  the  boys  now  ?" 

"  One  is  a  little  over  twenty-one,  and  the  other  is  nearly  twenty- 
three." 

"  They  were  both  under  age  when  the  note  was  given  ?" 

"  Yes,  sir." 

"  That  is  all." 

"  Gentlemen  of  the  jury  :  I  do  not  think  that  those  boys  would  have 
tried  to  cheat  Mr.  Cass  out  of  his  oxen  but  for  the  advice  of  their  coun- 
sel. It  was  bad  advice  in  morals  and  in  law.  The  law  never  sanctions 
cheating,  and  a  lawyer  must  be  very  smart  indeed  to  twist  the  law  so 
that  it  will  sanction  fraud.  The  judge  will  tell  you  what  your  own  sense 
of  justice  has  already  told  you — that  if  those  boys  were  mean  enough  to 
plead  the  baby  act  when  they  came  to  be  men,  they  at  least  ought  to 
have  taken  the  oxen  and  plough  back  to  Mr.  Cass.  They  ought  to  know 
that  they  cannot  go  back  on  their  contract  and  also  keep  what  the  note 
was  given  for." 

So  plain  the  case  the  jury,  without  leaving  their  seats,  rendered  a 
verdict,  and  the  young  men  were  obliged  to  pay  for  the  oxen  and 
plough,  besides  learning  a  wholesome  lesson. 

While  riding  the  circuit  Abraham  Lincoln  was  taking  a  lively  inter- 
est in  political  affairs.  There  was  much  dissatisfaction  throughout  the 


RIDING  THE    CIRCUIT. 


109 


country  with  the  administration  of  President  Yan  Buren,  whom  the 
Democratic  party  renominated.  The  Whig  party  nominated  General 
William  Henry  Harrison,  of  Ohio,  who  was  born  in  a  log-cabin,  who 
fought  a  battle  with  the  Indians  at  Tippecanoe,  in  Indiana,  and  whom 
the  Whigs  called  "  Old  Tippecanoe."  He  won  other  battles  against  the 
British  in  Canada.  During  the  campaign  there  were  mass-meetings, 
log-cabins,  processions,  brass  bands, 
oxen  roasted  whole,  flag -raisings, 
speeches,  and  songs.  The  songs  sung 
told  about  General  Harrison,  his 
eating  corn -bread  and  drinking 
cider.  Abraham  Lincoln  was  mak- 
ing speeches  throughout  Illinois  for 
Harrison.  His  speeches  were  en- 
livened with  anecdotes  and  stories, 
and  were  much  liked  by  the  people. 
His  partner,  Mr.  Stuart,  was  a  mem- 
ber of  Congress.  With  one  mem- 
ber of  the  firm  in  Washington,  and 
the  other  giving  his  attention  to 
politics,  the  spiders  could  spin  their 
webs  undisturbed  in  their  law  office. 
Not  much  money  came  from  riding 
the  circuit. 

Once  more  he  was  elected  to  the 

Legislature.  In  the  State-house  he  made  the  acquaintance  of  men  of 
influence  and  position.  In  the  bar-room  of  the  hotel  he  was  the  centre 
of  a  circle  of  admiring  listeners. 

Springfield  was  no  longer  a  small  county  seat,  but  the  capital  of  the 
State,  the  resort  of  men  and  women  of  influence  and  position.  It  was  a 
hospitable  mansion — that  of  Mnian  Edwards — which  opened  its  doors 
to  the  Governor,  judges,  members  of  the  Legislature,  and  distinguished 
visitors.  They  received  a  gracious  welcome  from  the  young  bride,  whose 
former  home  was  in  the  most  cultured  town  of  Kentucky — Lexington. 
Shall  we  wonder  that  the  young  men  of  Springfield  were  often  found 
in  the  parlor  of  the  Edwards  mansion,  made  doubly  radiant  and  at- 
tractive by  the  presence  of  Mrs.  Edwards  and  her  unmarried  sister, 
Mary  Todd  ? 

"  I  want  to  introduce  you  to  Mary  Todd,"  said  Mr.  Speed  to  Mr. 
Lincoln,  as  they  entered  the  house  of  Mr.  Edwards.  Doubtless,  the 


WILLIAM   HENKY   HARRISON. 


110  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

acquaintance  was  all  the  more  pleasurable  to  him  from  the  fact  that 
Miss  Todd  was  acquainted  with  Henry  Clay.  She  was  twenty -one, 
vivacious,  sparkling,  the  centre  of  a  circle  of  admiring  young  men.  She 
never  was  at  a  loss  for  a  partner  in  the  promenade,  the  minuet,  or 
waltz.  He  did  not  dance,  neither  did  he  know  how  to  play  cards  ;(6)  but 
yet  she  was  never  more  vivacious  than  when  in  conversation  with  him. 
We  are  not  to  think  that  a  young  man  who  but  a  few  years  before 
pulled  an  oar  and  swung  an  axe  to  earn  his  daily  bread,  whose  life  had 
been  a  struggle  against  adversity,  could  at  once  become  a  general  favor- 
ite in  cultured  society.  He  did  not  understand  all  the  amenities  of  social 
intercourse ;  but  somehow  the  attentions  of  Mr.  Lincoln  were  more  ac- 
ceptable to  Miss  Todd  than  those  proffered  by  other  young  men.  As 
the  weeks  went  on,  friendship  ripened  to  a  marriage  engagement.  In 
his  lonely  chamber  he  was  pondering  a  great  question.  Could  he  give 
her  the  affection  that  would  be  her  due  ?  Could  he  fill  her  life  with 
joy?  Ought  he  to  accept  her  love  when  he  could  give  so  little  in 
return?  Not  for  the  world  would  he  imperil  her  happiness.  Is  it 
strange  that  the  tears  glistened  upon  her  cheeks  when  he  informed  her 
he  could  not  reciprocate  her  affection  as  he  ought  and  as  she  deserved  ? 
Need  we  wonder  that  when  he  saw  the  tears  he  kissed  them  away  and 
plighted  his  troth  anew  ? 

The  day  fixed  for  the  wedding  arrived.  The  marriage  of  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  and  Mary  Todd  would  be  a  notable  social  event.  There 
was  much  preparation  in  the  hospitable  mansion  of  Ninian 
Jammry,  Awards.  The  guests  assemble;  the  feast  is  prepared;  all 
are  waiting.  The  bride  in  her  beauty  is  ready  to  descend  from 
her  chamber  to  meet  him  who  is  to  fill  her  life  with  happiness.  He  has 
not  arrived.  None  of  all  the  listening  ears  can  hear  his  approaching 
footsteps.  The  evening  wanes.  He  does  not  come.  The  guests  take 
their  departure ;  the  lights  are  extinguished  ;  the  wedding-feast  is  not 
eaten.  Mary  Todd  is  in  her  chamber,  overwhelmed  with  mortification. 
Joshua  Speed  searches  for  the  delinquent  groom,  and  finds  him  pale, 
haggard,  and  in  the  deepest  melancholy. (6)  Heart-rending  the  letter 
which  he  sent  to  his  friend,  Mr.  Stuart : 

"  I  am  the  most  miserable  man  living.  If  what  I  feel  were  equally 
distributed  to  the  whole  human  family,  there  would  not  be  a  cheerful 
face  on  earth.  Whether  I  shall  ever  be  better  I  cannot  tell ;  I  awfully 
forebode  I  shall  not.  To  remain  as  I  am  is  impossible.  I  must  die  or 
be  better." (') 

In  the  mythology  of  our  forefathers  of  Norseland  a  bird  of  ebony 


RIDING  THE   CIRCUIT.  Ill 

plumage  was  the  symbol  of  memory.  Through  all  ages,  in  all  lands,  the 
raven  has  been  the  emblem  of  haunting  recollections.  The  world  never 
will  know  the  tearful  memories  and  heart-rending  forebodings  of  that 
night  of  agony.  The  transcendent  genius  of  Edgar  Allen  Poe  faintly 
portrays  it : 

"  'Prophet !'  said  I,  'thing  of  evil  ! — prophet  still,  if  bird  or  devil ! 
By  that  heaven  that  bends  above  us — by  that  God  we  both  adore — 
Tell  this  soul  with  sorrow  laden  if,  within  the  distant  Aidenn, 
It  shall  clasp  a  sainted  maiden  whom  the  angels  name  Lenore — 
Clasp  a  rare  and  radiant  maiden  whom  the  angels  name  Lenore.' 
Quoth  the  raven,  'Nevermore.'" 

Unmindful  of  what  was  going  on  around  him,  silent,  pale,  his  mind 
tempest-tossed,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  sinking  into  distressful  melancholy.  It 
was  very  kind  in  Joshua  F.  Speed,  who  had  closed  his  business  in 
Springfield,  and  who  was  going  to  Kentucky,  to  take  Mr.  Lincoln  with 
him.  to  his  former  home  just  out  from  Louisville.  (8)  There  was  tender- 
ness in  the  sympathetic  welcome  given  him  by  the  mother  of  Mr.  Speed, 
a  great-hearted  Christian  woman. 

To  men  who  think  for  themselves,  no  matter  what  may  have  been 
their  previous  religious  belief,  there  not  unfrequently  comes  a  period  of 
doubting.  Such  a  period  came  to  Abraham  Lincoln.  The  preachers 
whom  he  heard  through  his  early  years,  for  the  most  part,  had  little  ed- 
ucation. One  of  the  Governors  of  Illinois  says  of  them : 

"  They  were  without  previous  training,  except  in  religious  exercises 
and  in  the  study  of  the  Holy  Scriptures.  It  was  not  thought  necessary 
that  a  teacher  should  be  a  scholar.  It  was  thought  to  be  his  business 
to  make  appeals  warm  from  the  heart ;  to  paint  heaven  and  hell  to  the 
imagination  of  the  sinner,  to  terrify  him  with  the  one  and  to  promise 
the  other  as  a  reward  for  a  life  of  righteousness.  .  .  .  They  made  up  by 
loud  holloaing  and  violent  action  what  they  lacked  in  information."  (') 

Many  of  those  who  travelled  from  settlement  to  settlement  knew 
very  little  about  the  Bible,  but  yet  attempted  to  explain  all  its  truths 
and  events.  At  the  camp -meetings  held  in  groves  along  the  streams 
there  was  weeping,  wailing,  excitement,  frenzy,  rolling  upon  the  ground, 
ecstatic  shoutings,  "Amen!"  "Glory!"  "Hallelujah!"  Shall  we  won- 
der that  Abraham  Lincoln  came  to  the  conclusion  that  there  was  not 
much  true  religion  in  such  ecstasy  and  excitement  ?  It  is  possible  that 
some  of  those  who  shouted  loudest  were  hard  and  grasping  in  their 
dealings  with  their  neighbors;  amens,  hallelujahs,  and  loud  praying 
did  not  make  them  better  men.  He  had  not  forgotten  his  mother's 


112  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

teachings.  He  could  repeat  much  of  the  Bible,  but  he  was  not  moved 
by  emotional  appeals.  Many  of  the  doctrines  taught  were  repulsive 
to  him.  When  Ann  Eutledge  died,  and  his  soul  was  wrung  with  grief, 
no  one  had  talked  to  him  of  divine  love  and  eternal  goodness.  So 
far  as  he  could  see,  his  own  life  had  been  a  failure.  Hopes  had 
not  been  realized,  desires  not  gratified.  He  had  accomplished  nothing. 

u  You  will  die  unless  you  rally,"  the  words  of  his  dear  friend,  Mr. 
Speed. 

"  I  am  not  afraid  to  die,  and  would  be  more  than  willing;  but  I  have 
an  irrepressible  desire  to  live  till  I  can  be  assured  that  the  world  is  a 
little  better  for  my  having  lived  in  it,"  the  mournful  reply.  (10) 

He  is  out  in  the  desert — hungry,  thirsty,  weary,  depressed  in  spirit — 
no  star  to  guide  him.  But  as  the  angels  of  God  came  to  the  carpenter's 
Son  of  Nazareth,  so  came  Joshua  F.  Speed  and  Lucy  Oilman  Speed 
to  him. 

He  finds  himself  in  a  hospitable  home.  Flowers  are  blooming  around 
it ;  balmy  breezes  sweep  through  the  halls.  He  breathes  an  atmos- 
phere of  restful  peace.  A  saintly  woman  sits  by  his  side,  opens  the 
New  Testament,  and  reads  the  words  of  One  who  Himself  had  been  in 
the  wilderness.  Her  teachings  are  very  different  from  what  he  has 
heard  from  the  shouters.  The  Oxford  Bible  which  she  presents  him 
as  a  token  of  her  respect  and  affection (n)  has  given  her  comfort  and 
consolation  in  every  hour  of  trouble.  She  talks  of  God  as  a  Father, 
Jesus  Christ  as  a  Brother.  New  truths  dawn  upon  him,  and  the  Bible 
becomes  a  different  book  from  what  it  has  been  in  the  past.  That 
home,  with  its  blooming  flowers,  restful  shade,  and  atmosphere  of  peace 
and  joy,  is  the  gateway  of  a  new  life.  Little  does  Lucy  Gilman  Speed 
know  that  God  has  crowned  her  with  honor  and  glory,  to  be  a  minis- 
tering spirit  in  leading  a  bewildered  wanderer  out  of  the  desert  of  de- 
spair and  unbelief,  that  he  may  do  great  things  for  his  fellow -men. 
Weeks  go  by,  the  gloom  and  anguish  disappear.  The  period  of  doubt 
has  gone,  never  to  return.  From  that  hour  the  Bible  is  to  be  his  rule 
of  life  and  duty. 

His  biographers — those  who  were  near  him  later  in  life — have  this 
to  say  of  him  : 

"  The  late  but  splendid  maturity  of  Lincoln's  mind  and  character 
dates  from  this  time ;  and  although  he  grew  in  strength  and  knowl- 
edge to  the  end,  from  this  year  we  observe  a  steadiness  and  sobriety  of 
thought  and  purpose  discernible  in  his  life."(12) 

This  estimate  does  not  include  the  service  rendered  by  Lucy  Gilman 


RIDING  THE   CIRCUIT. 


113 


Speed.  When  the  great  account  is  made  up,  and  the  angels  of  God 
come  from  the  harvest-fields  to  lay  their  sheaves  at  the  feet  of  the  Mas- 
ter, hers  will  be  the  changed  life  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 


MJCY  OILMAN  SPEED. 
[From  a  painting  by  Bush,  in  possession  of  the  family.] 


As  this  biography  unfolds,  there  will  be  seen,  as  the  years  go  by 
and  the  responsibilities  of  life  roll  upon  him,  a  reverent  recognition  of 
Divine  Providence,  an  increasing  faith  and  childlike  trust  in  God. 

8 


LIFE  OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

NOTES  TO  CHAPTER  VII. 

(  > )  J.  G.  Holland,  "Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  81. 

(2)  W.  H.  Herndou,  "Lincoln,"  p.  340  (edition  1889). 

(»)  Ibid.,  p.  327. 

(4)  Ibid.,  p.  343. 

(")  Joshua  F.  Speed,  Lecture  on  Abraham  Lincoln,  p.  31. 

(6)  W.  H.  Herndou,  "Lincoln,"  p.  215  (edition  1889). 

C1)  Letter  to  J.  T.  Stuart,  quoted  in  Herndou's  "Lincoln,"  p.  215  (edition  1889). 

(8)  Joshua  F.  Speed,  Lecture  on  Abraham  Lincoln,  p.  39. 

( 9 )  Governor  Ford,  "  History  of  Illinois." 

(10)  Joshua  F.  Speed,  Lecture  on  Abraham  Lincoln,  p.  39. 
(  u)  "Century  Magazine,"  January,  1887. 

('*)  Ibid. 


SEVEN    YEARS   OF   ACTIVE   LIFE.  115 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

SEVEN    YEARS   OF  ACTIVE   LIFE. 

FROM  the  restful  retreat  in  the  home  of  Lucy  Gilman  Speed,  Mr. 
Lincoln,  with  new  hopes  and  ambitions,  took  passage  on  a  steam- 
boat down  the  Ohio  and  up  the  Mississippi  and  the  Illinois  rivers  to 
his  home.     It  was  the  most  convenient  route  of  travel.    With- 

1 84 1 

out  doubt,  when  he  reached  Gentry's  Landing  he  recollected 
the  day  when  he  ferried  two  passengers  out  to  a  passing  boat,  and 
received  in  return  two  shining  half-dollars,  which  seemed  a  fortune 
at  the  time.  It  was  the  locality  where  Katy  Robie  had  made  the 
evening  hours  pleasant  by  her  presence.  It  was  the  home  of  Judge 
Pitcher,  who  had  been  so  kind  to  him.  From  that  point  to  the  junc- 
tion of  the  Ohio  with  the  Mississippi  he  had  pulled  an  oar  on  a  flat- 
boat.  From  the  Mississippi  to  Beardstown  he  would  be  once  more 
amid  the  familiar  scenes  of  his  second  trip  to  New  Orleans.  There  is 
little  question  that  the  recollections  of  the  auction  of  human  beings 
came  back  to  him,  for  once  more  he  beheld  the  barbarism  of  the  insti- 
tution of  slavery.  In  the  Kentucky  home  where  he  had  found  sucli 
restfulness  he  had  seen  slavery  in  its  most  attractive  form — the  slaves 
cared  for  as  members  of  the  household,  and  a  tender  affection  existing 
between  them  and  their  mistress.  In  such  a  home,  the  institution  was 
patriarchal  and  seemingly  beneficial,  but  upon  the  steamboat  the  illu- 
sion faded.  In  a  letter  to  Miss  Mary  Speed  he  said: 

"  A  fine  example  was  presented  on  board  the  boat  for  contem- 
plating the  effect  of  condition  upon  human  happiness.  A  gentleman 
had  purchased  twelve  negroes  in  different  parts  of  Kentucky,  and 
was  taking  them  to  a  farm  in  the  South.  They  were  chained  six  and 
six  together;  a  small  iron  clevis  was  around  the  left  wrist  of  each, 
and  this  was  fastened  to  the  main  chain  by  a  shorter  one  at  a  conven- 
ient distance  from  the  others,  so  that  the  negroes  were  strung  together 
precisely  like  so  many  fish  upon  a  trout-line.  In  this  condition  they  were 
being  separated  forever  from  the  scenes  of  their  childhood,  their  friends. 


116  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

their  fathers  and  mothers  and  brothers  and  sisters,  and  many  of  them 
from  their  wives  and  children,  and  going  into  perpetual  slavery,  where 
the  lash  of  the  master  is  proverbially  more  ruthless  than  anywhere  else; 
and  yet  amid  all  these  distressing  circumstances,  as  we  would  think 
them,  they  were  the  most  cheerful  and  apparently  happy  people  on 
board.  One,  whose  offence  for  which  he  was  sold  was  an  over-fondness 
for  his  wife,  played  the  fiddle  almost  continually,  and  others  danced, 
sang,  cracked  jokes,  and  played  various  games  with  cards  from  day  to 
day.  How  true  it  is  that  '  God  tempers  the  wind  to  the  shorn  lamb/ 
or,  in  other  words,  that  He  renders  the  worst  of  human  conditions  tol- 
erable, while  He  permits  the  best  to  be  nothing  better  than  tolerable."  ( l ) 

In  Kentucky  slavery  wras  in  some  respects  patriarchal.  Kind-hearted 
planters  felt  a  degree  of  responsibility  for  the  physical  and  moral  wel- 
fare of  their  slaves.  Those  of  the  household  had  many  liberties,  and  en- 
joyed rollicking  times  in  the  kitchen,  singing  songs  and  dancing.  It  was 
for  the  planter's  interest  to  provide  them  comfortable  cabins.  Each 
had  its  patch  of  ground  for  a  garden.  In  sickness  they  received  kindly 
care.  The  dark  side  was  revealed  when  they  were  sold  to  enable  the 
master  to  pay  his  debts.  There  were  mournful  scenes  when  the  law 
stepped  in  to  settle  an  estate  of  a  deceased  planter.  The  inexpressible 
hideousness  of  the  institution  was  revealed  when  hard-hearted  men  dis- 
posed of  their  slaves  for  gain,  just  as  they  sold  cattle  and  pigs. 

Mr.  Lincoln  did  not  write  to  Miss  Speed  the  effect  that  the  spec- 
tacle had  upon  himself,  but  it  intensified  his  abhorrence  of  such  a  con- 
dition of  affairs  in  a  free  republic. 

Times  were  hard.  The  period  which  people  were  looking  for  when 
everybody  was  to  be  rich  had  not  arrived,  but  seemed  farther  off  than 
ever.  There  had  been  a  period  of  speculation  in  the  East  and  South  as 
well  as  in  the  West.  In  Illinois  the  inhabitants  were  feeling  the  out- 
come of  the  legislation  which  appropriated  $12,000,000  for  the  construc- 
tion of  railroads  and  a  canal.  The  bonds  had  been  printed  and  a  por- 
tion, of  them  sold;  but  the  rich  men  of  New  York  and  Boston,  who 
were  expected  to  purchase  them,  had  themselves  been  speculating,  buy- 
ing farms  and  house -lots,  borrowing  money  from  the  banks.  When 
their  notes  became  due  they  were  unable  to  pay  them.  The  banks  had 
no  more  money  to  loan  and  were  crippled.  A  firm  in  New  Orleans, 
which  had  been  buying  cotton  at  high  prices  and  borrowing  money, 
failed  to  pay  its  notes  when  due.  It  was  the  beginning  of  a  financial 
crash.  Men  who  supposed  themselves  rich  suddenly  found  they  were 
penniless.  Banks  and  individuals  alike  failed.  Trade  was  at  a  stand- 


SEVEN   YEARS   OF   ACTIVE   LIFE  119 

still.  Very  little  money  passed  between  buyer  and  seller.  The  mer- 
chant was  obliged  to  take  farm  produce  at  low  price  in  exchange  for 
his  goods.  Creditors  were  suing  those  who  owed  them.  Lawyers  were 
making  out  writs  and  trying  cases.  Taxes  were  especially  burdensome 
by  the  action  of  State  officials,  who  refused  all  bank-bills  and  demanded 
gold  or  silver,  wrhich  had  disappeared  from  circulation.  People  saw 
their  farms  sold  for  taxes  and  were  powerless  to  prevent  the  sale. 


NEGRO   CABINS   ON   A   KENTUCKY   PLANTATION. 

The  official  most  active  in  this  period  of  financial  distress  was  Mr. 
Shields,  an  emigrant  from  Ireland,  who  had  been  elected  State  Auditor. 
He  was  believed  by  many  to  be  vain,  egotistical,  and  pompous  in  the 
discharge  of  the  duties  of  the  office.  The  Auditor  regarded  himself 
with  much  complacency  when  in  the  society  of  ladies,  and  lost  no  op- 
portunity of  showing  them  attentions.  He  was  a  Democrat,  whereas 
quite  a  number  of  the  young  ladies  of  Springfield  were  ardent  Whigs, 
especially  Miss  Mary  Todd  and  Miss  Julia  Jayne.  The  action  of 
Shields  in  refusing  to  receive  bank-bills  in  payment  for  taxes  gave 


120  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

great  offence.  He  was  bitterly  denounced.  Abraham  Lincoln  gave 
utterance  to  no  denunciation,  but,  knowing  Shields  was  sensitive  to 
ridicule,  adopted  a  far  different  method  of  attack.  The  "  Spring- 
field Journal,"  the  last  week  in  August,  contained  a  letter  which 
set  the  Whigs  to  laughing,  but  which  irritated  Mr.  Shields.  It  was 
written  from  "  Lost  Township,"  a  place  not  found  on  any  map.  The 
writer  was  a  widow,  and  signed  herself  "  Rebecca."  The  widow  gave 
an  account  of  a  visit  to  her  neighbor,  whom  she  found  very  angry. 
"  What  is  the  matter,  Jeff  ?"  she  asked.  "  I'm  mad,  Aunt  'Becca !  I've 
been  tugging  ever  since  harvest,  getting  out  wheat  and  hauling  it  to  the 
river  to  raise  State  bank  paper  enough  to  pay  my  tax  this  year  and  a 
little  school  debt  I  owe ;  and  now,  just  as  I've  got  it,  here  I  open  this 
infernal  'Extra  Register'  [Democratic  newspaper],  expecting  to  lind  it 
full  of  Glorious  Democratic  Victories  and  High  Com'd  Cocks,  when,  lo 
and  behold !  I  find  a  set  of  fellows  calling  themselves  officers  of  the 
State  have  forbidden  the  tax  collectors  and  school  commissioners  to 
receive  State  paper  at  all ;  so  here  it  is,  dead  on  my  hands." 

The  widow  went  on  to  tell  how  her  neighbor  used  some  bad  words. 
"  Don't  swear  so,"  she  said,  in  expostulation  to  Jeff ;  "  you  know  I  be- 
long to  the  meetin',  and  swearing  hurts  my  feelings." 

"  Beg  pardon,  Aunt  'Becca,  but  I  do  say  that  it  is  enough  to  make 
one  swear,  to  have  to  pay  taxes  in  silver  for  nothing  only  that  Ford 
may  get  his  $2000,  Shields  his  $2400,  and  Carpenter  his  $1600  a  year, 
and  all  without  danger  of  loss  from  State  paper." (2) 

The  ridicule  of  "  Rebecca "  was  merciless.  A  week  passed  and  a 
second  letter  appeared,  not  written  by  Abraham  Lincoln,  but  by  Mary 
Todd  and  Julia  Jayne,  in  which  "Rebecca"  satirized  the  Auditor  upon 
his  attention  to  the  ladies.  Besides  the  letter  there  were  rhymes : 

"Ye  Jews-harp,  awake  !  the  Auditor's  won  ; 
Rebecca  the  widow  has  gained  Erin's  son  ; 
The  pride  of  the  North  from  Emerald  Isle 
Has  been  wooed  and  won  by  a  woman's  smile.  "(3) 

The  Auditor,  instead  of  laughing  at  the  satire,  became  very  angry, 
and  demanded  the  name  of  the  writer. 

"  Give  him  my  name,  but  say  nothing  about  the  young  ladies,"  said 
Lincoln.  (4) 

Shields  demanded  satisfaction.  In  the  Southern  States  a  refusal  to 
fight  a  duel  was  looked  upon  as  evidence  of  cowardice.  Many  public 
men  had  fought  duels — Alexander  Hamilton  and  Aaron  Burr,  Colonel 


GENERAL   JAMES   SHIELDS. 

[From  a  photograph  taken  in  1861.] 

Benton  and  General  Jackson,  Commodore  Decatur  and  Commodore 
Barron,  Henry  Clay  and  John  Kandolph.  Four  years  before  the  writ- 
ing of  the  "  Rebecca  "  letter  Mr.  Graves,  of  Kentucky,  and  Mr.  Cilley, 
of  Maine,  members  of  Congress,  fought  a  duel,  in  which  Cilley  was 
killed.  Lincoln  was  quite  willing  to  come  to  satisfactory  terms  with 
Shields  for  anything  that  he  had  written  himself,  but  he  could  not  in 
honor  say  to  him  that  the  second  letter  and  poetry  had  been  written  by 
two  estimable  young  ladies. 

"  What  will  you  do  ?"  asked  a  friend. 

''I  am  wholly  opposed  to  duelling,  and  will  do  anything  to  avoid  it 
that  will  not  degrade  me  in  the  estimation  of  myself  and  friends ;  but  if 
degradation  or  a  fight  are  the  alternatives,  I  shall  fight." ("} 

He  knew  the  party  challenged  could  name  the  weapons.  He  knew, 
too,  that  small  swords  were  generally  used,  but  with  grotesque  humor 
he  selected  heavy  broadswords.  He  stipulated  that  there  should  be  a 
barrier  between  himself  and  Shields,  over  which  they  were  to  hack 


122  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

at  each  other,  and  they  were  to  be  confined  to  a  limited  space.  The 
laws  of  Illinois  prohibited  duelling,  and  he  demanded  that  the  meet- 
ing should  be  outside  the  State.  Shields  undoubtedly  knew  Lincoln 
was  opposed  to  fighting  a  duel — that  his  moral  sense  would  revolt  at 
the  thought,  and  that  he  would  not  be  likely  to  break  the  law  by  fight- 
ing in  the  State.  Possibly  he  thought  Lincoln  would  make  a  humble 
apology.  Shields  was  brave  but  foolish,  and  would  not  listen  to  over- 
tures for  explanation.  It  was  arranged  that  the  meeting  should  be 
in  Missouri,  opposite  Alton.  They  proceeded  to  the  place  selected,  but 
friends  interfered  and  there  was  no  duel.  There  is  little  doubt  that 
the  man  who  had  swung  a  beetle  and  driven  iron  wedges  into  gnarled 
hickory  logs  could  have  cleft  the  skull  of  his  antagonist,  but  he  had 
no  such  intention.  He  repeatedly  said  to  the  friends  of  Shields  that 
in  writing  the  first  article  he  had  no  thought  of  anything  personal. 
The  Auditor's  vanity  had  been  sorely  wounded  by  the  second  letter, 
in  regard  to  which  Lincoln  could  not  make  any  explanation  except  that 
he  had  had  no  hand  in  writing  it.  The  affair  set  all  Springfield  to 
laughing  at  Shields,  but  it  detracted  from  the  happiness  of  Lincoln. 
By  accepting  the  challenge  he  had  violated  his  sense  of  right  and  out- 
raged his  better  nature.  He  would  gladly  have  blotted  it  from  memory. 
It  was  ever  a  regret.  (') 

Martin  Van  Buren,  freed  from  the  cares  of  the  nation  by  the  elec- 
tion of  General  Harrison,  journeyed  westward  to  Illinois.  The  roads 
were  deep  with  mud,  and  instead  of  reaching  Springfield  on  the  day  he 
intended,  found  night  overtaking  him  when  six  miles  from  the  capital. 
Word  came  to  his  friends  that  he  would  spend  the  night  in  the  vil- 
lage of  Rochester.  They  knew  the  accommodations  at  the  little  tavern 
would  be  scanty.  The  food  would  be  bacon  and  eggs,  or  other  homely 
fare ;  and  so,  providing  themselves  with  delicacies,  they  hastened  to 
Rochester. 

Abraham  Lincoln  had  made  speeches  supporting  Harrison ;  he  had 
commented  severely  upon  the  shortcomings  of  Van  Buren's  administra- 
tion ;  but  a  man  who  had  been  chief  executive  of  the  nation  should  be 
honored  by  all,  irrespective  of  party.  He  accepted  the  invitation  of  his 
Democratic  fellow-citizens  to  accompany  them  to  Rochester.  Courteous 
the  welcome  extended  to  Van  Buren,  and  equally  kind  the  reception  on 
the  part  of  the  ex-President,  who  talked  of  events  in  New  York  and 
Washington,  and  narrated  anecdotes  to  the  company,  who  were  charmed 
by  his  genial  ways.  But  it  was  the  young  Whig  lawyer  from  Spring- 
field who  convulsed  the  ex-President  with  laughter  by  his  anecdotes  and 


SEVEN   YEARS    OF  ACTIVE  LIFE. 


123 


stories.     It  was  an  evening  often  referred  to  with  many  expressions  of 
pleasure  by  Mr.  Van  Buren  in  after-life. 

"  My  sides  ached  from  laughing,"  he  was  wont  to  say.  (7) 
Although  the  marriage  engagement  between  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mary 
Todd  had  been  suddenly  suspended,  the  friendship  had  not  been  irrevo- 
cably sundered.    Again  he  was  a  welcome  guest  at  the  hospitable  home 
of  Governor  Edwards.     A  renewal  of 
friendship  led  to  a  re-engagement,  re- 
sulting in  their  marriage,  November  4, 
1842.    The  officiating  clergyman,  Rev. 
Mr.  Dresser,  used  the  marriage  service 
of  the   Episcopal  Church,  which  was 
new  to  one  of  the  guests,  Judge  Thos. 
0.  Browne,  an  early  settler   of  that 
section  of  the  country.     Mr.  Lincoln 
placed  the  ring  upon  the  bride's  finger, 
and    solemnly    repeated    the    words : 
"  With  this  ring  I  thee  wed,  and  with 
all  my  worldly  goods  I  thee  endow." 
Suddenly  there  came  an  exclamation 
from  the  judge  not  found  in  the  serv- 
ice :  "  Good  gracious,  Lincoln,  the  stat- 
ute fixes  all  that!"    To  an  old-time,  straightforward  country  lawyer 
the  formula  was  needless  superfluity.     A  ripple  of  laughter  went  round 
the  room ;  but  the  clergyman,  recovering  his  self-possession,  proceeded 
with  the  service. 

The  newly-married  couple  found  accommodations  at  the  Globe  Tavern. 
Soon  after  his  marriage  Mr.  Lincoln  associated  himself  in  his  profession 
with  William  II.  Herndon.  It  was  a  congenial  partnership.  Mr.  Hern- 
don  was  an  Abolitionist,  and  was  holding  correspondence  with  William 
Lloyd  Garrison,  Wendell  Phillips,  and  other  leading  agitators  for  the 
immediate  abolition  of  slavery.  Antislavery  publications  found  their 
way  to  the  office  of  Lincoln  &  Herndon.  Mr.  Lincoln  thought  an  im- 
mediate abolition  of  slavery  was  not  possible.  He  hated  the  institution, 
but  saw  that  it  was  intrenched  in  State  and  Church  alike.  It  was  recog- 
nized by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States ;  it  existed  in  half  the 
States  composing  the  Union.  Public  opinion  regarding  slavery  must 
change  before  laws  could  be  changed.  The  Abolitionists  denounced  the 

O  ~ 

Constitution  and  the  Union  because  the  Constitution  recognized  slavery. 
Mr.  Lincoln  believed  the  government  of  the  people  under  that  agree- 


MARTIN   VAN  BUREN. 


124 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


merit  was  the  best  the  world  had  ever  seen,  notwithstanding  the  ex- 
istence of  slavery.  He  read  the  speeches  of  the  Abolitionists,  but  did 
not  accept  their  premises  or  conclusions.  He  believed  emancipation 
must  be  gradual.  He  did  not  comprehend  the  aggressiveness  of  the 
slave  power. 

When  Henry  Clay  was  nominated  for  President,  Abraham  Lincoln 
became  his  ardent  supporter.  He  made  speeches  in  Illinois  and  Indiana. 
He  went  to  Pigeon  Creek,  and  addressed  the  people  of  that  sec- 
tion of  the  country.  Those  who  had  stood  with  him  in  the  old 
log  school-house,  and  remembered  how  he  surpassed  them  all  in  "speak- 
ing pieces''  and  in  everything  else,  were  not  surprised  to  find  him  one 
of  the  foremost  speakers  in  the  political  campaign.  He  confidently  ex- 
pected that  Mr.  Clay  would  be  elected,  and  was  much  disappointed  by 
the  election  of  the  Democratic  candidate,  Mr.  Polk,  of  Tennessee.  A 
greater  disappointment  awaited  him.  He  had  never  seen  Mr.  Clay,  but 
learning  that  he  was  to  give  an  address  at  Lexington,  Ky.,  on  the 
gradual  emancipation  of  the  slaves,  he  determined  to  make  a  trip  to 
that  town  to  hear  one  whom  he  regarded  with  such  veneration  and 
honor.  Wot  many  of  us  like  to  have  our  idols  shattered.  It  is  not 
pleasant  to  have  illusions  which  we  have  fondly  cherished  rudely  blown 
away.  Mr.  Lincoln  entered  the  hall  in  Lexington  a  stranger  to  all 
about  him.  He  beheld  a  brilliant  assembly  of  men  and  women  who 


GLOBE   TAVEHN. 

[From  a  photograph.] 


SEVEN  YEARS   OF  ACTIVE  LIFE.  125 

bad  gathered  to  listen  to  the  man  who,  for  nearly  half  a  century,  had 
electrified  audiences  by  his  eloquence.  But  time  had  turned  many  fur- 
rows on  his  brow.  The  fire  of  early  years  was  dying  out.  He  had  held 
many  places  of  honor  and  trust,  but  had  not  reached  the  goal  to  the  at- 
tainment of  which  he  had  directed  all  his  energies  —  the  Presidency. 
Never  again  could  there  be  a  flaming  up  of  the  old-time  enthusiasm  upon 
any  theme.  The  address  which  he  had  prepared  was  not  upon  a  subject 
calculated  to  win  the  applause  of  his  hearers.  No  thrilling  words  fell 
from  his  lips.  In  that  evening  hour  the  illusions  of  many  years  were 
fading  away  from  the  eyes  of  the  man  who  had  taken  the  journey  from 
Illinois  to  Lexington, 

But  a  keener  disappointment  was  to  come.  Henry  Clay  had  been 
born  in  poverty,  had  made  his  way  against  adverse  circumstances  to  an 
exalted  position.  From  his  first  entrance  into  public  life  he  had  been 
accustomed  to  receive  adulation  and  homage.  Men  approached  him 
as  if  he  were  a  superior  being ;  sycophants  had  fawned  around  him. 
Through  many  years  he  had  maintained  a  dignified  public  life.  lie 
gave  a  courteous  reception  to  the  man  from  Illinois,  who  had  been  mak- 
ing speeches  in  his  behalf  —  courteous,  nothing  more.  Mr.  Clay  was 
polite,  affable,  agreeable  in  conversation,  but  cold,  distant,  patronizing 
in  manner.  His  was  not  a  hearty  grasp  of  the  hand.  He  manifested 
no  great  pleasure  in  meeting  the  Illinois  lawyer  who,  without  hope  or 
expectation  of  reward,  had  labored  to  make  him  President.  Hundreds 
had  also  been  making  speeches,  and  it  is  possible  that  Mr.  Clay  may  not 
have  heard  that  a  man  by  the  name  of  Lincoln  was  stumping  Illinois  in 
his  behalf,  and  so  received  him  politely,  but  without  marked  cordiality. 
Beneath  the  oaks,  elms,  and  ashes  casting  their  shade  over  the  home 
of  the  great  statesman  at  Ashland,  Abraham  Lincoln  became  disen- 
chanted. (8)  Whether  he  himself  was  acquainted  with  men  or  not, 
whether  they  had  labored  for  or  against  him,  whether  men  were  rich  or 
poor,  whether  occupying  humble  or  exalted  positions,  it  made  no  differ- 
ence to  him ;  to  all  there  was  the  hearty  grasp  of  his  hand.  It  was 
Abraham  Lincoln's  way,  but  not  Mr.  Clay's. 

The  Congressional  districts  in  Illinois  were  Democratic,  except  that 

in  which  Abraham  Lincoln  resided.     The  Democratic  party  nominated 

Rev.  Peter  Cartwright,  a  Methodist  minister,  who  had  preached 

in  nearly  every  school  district,  and  who  was  known  to  everybody. 

The  Whig  party  believed  Mr.  Lincoln  would  prove  to  be  more  popular 

than   the   minister.     He  was  nominated  and   elected.      Some   of   his 

friends,  knowing  that  he  had  but  little  money,  contributed  $200  tow- 


126 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


HENRY   CLAY. 


ards  meeting  his  expenses  while  travelling  through  the  district  and  mak- 
ing speeches,  and  were  much  surprised  to  receive  the  following  letter 
from  him,  returning  $199.25: 

"  I  have  ridden  my  own  horse.     My  friends  have  entertained  me  at 


SEVEN  YEARS   OF   ACTIVE   LIFE.  127 

night.  My  only  outing  has  been  To  cents  for  some  cider,  which  I  bought 
for  some  farm-hands." 

He  saw  no  harm  in  the  drinking  of  cider.  He  may  have  thought 
a  little  given  to  a  gang  of  men  whom  he  met  in  the  harvest -field 
would  not  harm  them,  and  might  be  of  some  benefit  to  himself  on 
election-day. 

In  the  Capitol  at  Washington,  as  a  member  of  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, Mr.  Lincoln  met  men  whose  names  are  inseparably  associated 
with  the  history  of  the  country :  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, Speaker  of  the  House ;  John  Quincy  Adams,  ex-President 
of  the  United  States,  member  of  the  House ;  George  Ashmun,  from  the 
same  State  ;  Caleb  B.  Smith,  of  Indiana ;  Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee ; 
Alexander  H.  Stephens,  Ho  well  Cobb,  and  Robert  Toombs,  of  Georgia ; 
and  Barnwell  Rhett,  of  South  Carolina,  On  the  same  day  Stephen  A. 
Douglas  became  a  Senator  from  Illinois,  meeting  Daniel  "Webster,  of 
Massachusetts ;  John  P.  Hale,  of  New  Hampshire ;  John  Adams  Dix, 
of  New  York ;  Lewis  Cass,  of  Ohio ;  Thomas  R.  Benton,  of  Missouri ; 
Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania ;  John  J.  Crittenden,  of  Kentucky ; 
James  M.  Mason,  and  R.  M.  T.  Hunter,  of  Virginia ;  John  C.  Calhoun, 
of  South  Carolina ;  and  Jefferson  Davis,  of  Mississippi,  all  of  whom 
were  to  appear  in  the  great  drama  in  which  Abraham  Lincoln  was 
to  take  the  leading  part. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  meeting  the  foremost  men  of  the  nation  as  their 
equal  in  making  laws  for  the  country.  He  introduced  a  resolution  call- 
ing upon  the  President  to  furnish  the  House  with  a  statement  of  facts 
relating  to  the  war  with  Mexico,  and  advocated  its  passage  in  a  very 
able  speech. 

"While  member  of  Congress  he  was  greatly  exercised  at  seeing 
gangs  of  slaves  in  chains  marched  away  from  the  slave -prison  to  be 
sold  in  Southern  markets.  He  looked  upon  it  as  a  national  disgrace. 
Mr.  Gait,  member  from  New  York,  introduced  a  resolution  prohibiting 
the  slave  -  trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  in  favor 
not  only  of  prohibiting  slavery  in  the  district,  but  he  would  make 
free  all  children  born  after  January  1,  1850;  and  if  owners  of  slaves 
were  willing  to  part  with  them,  he  would  have  the  Government  pur- 
chase their  freedom.  He  soon  discovered,  however,  that  the  members 
from  the  slave-holding  States  were  bitterly  opposed  to  any  such  bene- 
ficent measure.  They  would  not  listen  to  any  proposition  which  in  the 
remotest  degree  would  interfere  with  the  institution. 

General  Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan,  was  the  candidate  of  the  Demo- 


128  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

cratic  Party  for  President,  in  opposition  to  General  Zachary  Taylor, 
the  candidate  of  the  Whigs.  The  partisans  of  Cass  unwisely 

J"i8487'  magmfied  his  military  services.  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  common  with 
many  other  members,  made  a  speech  upon  the  political  situation, 

in  which  General  Cass  was  held  up  to  ridicule,  especially  in  regard  to 

extra  charges  upon  the  Treasury.     Mr.  Lincoln  said : 

"I  have  introduced  General  Cass's  accounts  here  chiefly  to  show  the  wonderful  phys- 
ical capacities  of  the  man.  They  show  that  he  not  only  did  the  labor  of  several  men  at 
the  same  time,  but  he  often  did  it  in  several  places  many  hundred  miles  apart  at  the  same 
time.  And  as  to  eating,  too,  his  capacities  are  shown  to  be  quite  as  wonderful.  From 
October,  1821,  to  May,  1822,  he  ate  ten  rations  a  day  in  Michigan,  ten  rations  a  day  here 
in  Washington,  and  nearly  $5  worth  a  day,  besides,  partly  on  the  road  between  the  two 
places.  And  then  there  is  an  important  discovery  in  his  example — the  act  of  being  paid 
for  what  one  eats,  instead  of  having  to  pay  for  it.  Hereafter,  if  any  nice  young  man  shall 
owe  a  bill  which  he  cannot  pay  in  any  other  way,  he  can  just  board  it  out.  We  have  all 
heard  of  the  animal  standing  in  doubt  between  two  stacks  of  hay  and  starving  to  death  ; 
the  like  of  that  would  never  happen  to  General  Cass.  Place  the  stacks  a  thousand  miles 
apart,  and  he  would  stand  stock-still  midway  between  them  and  eat  them  both  at  once, 
and  the  green  grass  along  the  line  would  be  apt  to  suffer  some,  too,  at  the  same  time.  By 
all  means,  make  him  President,  gentlemen.  He  will  feed  you  bounteously,  if — if — there 
is  any  left  after  he  shall  have  helped  himself." 

Just  before  the  close  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  term  in  Congress  the  thought 
came  to  him  that  he  might  possibly  obtain  an  appointment  from  the 
President  as  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office,  which  would 
give  him  a  fair  salary.  He  applied  for  the  situation,  but  his  friend, 
Edwin  D.  Baker,  from  Illinois,  also  wanted  the  office.  Fortunately  for 
themselves  and  for  the  country  neither  of  them  received  the  appoint- 
ment. 

Mr.  Lincoln  visited  New  York  and  Boston.  He  gave  an  address 
at  Worcester,  Mass.,  which  was  much  liked  by  those  who  heard  it. 
He  journeyed  to  Niagara.  He  beheld  the  swirling  stream  above  the 
falls,  the  cataract,  and  the  fury  of  the  current  below.  A  Yankee 
thought  it  might  be  a  good  place  to  wash  sheep.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  not 
thinking  about  washing  sheep,  or  of  setting  Niagara  to  turning  mill- 
wheels,  but  wondered  where  all  the  water  came  from.  The  most  com- 
fortable route  home  was  by  steamboat  down  the  Ohio  River  and  up 
the  Illinois.  The  water  was  low,  and  the  boat  grounded  on  a  bar.  The 
firemen  stuffed  wood  under  the  boilers,  and  black  clouds  of  smoke  rolled 
out  from  the  chimneys.  Louder  the  puffing  of  the  steam,  but  the  boat 
was  hard  and  fast  upon  the  sand.  "  Get  out  those  empty  barrels !"  the 
order  of  the  captain.  The  crew  pitched  a  lot  of  empty  casks  into  the 


JOHN    QUINCY   ADAMS. 

[From  a  painting  by  G.  I'.  A.  Healy,  in  the  Corcoran  Gallery,  Washington.] 


SEVEN  YEARS   OF   ACTIVE  LIFE. 


131 


river  and  fastened  them  with  ropes  under  the  bow  of  the  boat,  thus  lift- 
ing it  till  clear  of  the  obstruction.  A  thought  came  to  the  man  who 
looked  down  upon  the  operation  from  the  deck  of  the  steamer.  Quite 
likely  he  recalled  the  days  when  he  took  the  Talisman  over  the  sand- 
bars of  the  Sangamon.  Why  not  get  up  a  contrivance — a  flexible  air- 
chamber,  to  be  attached  to  the  hull  of  the  boat  ?  It  could  be  pumped 
full  of  air  whenever  the  vessel  grounded,  and  so  enable  it  to  glide  over. 
He  thought  about  it  all  the  way  to  Springfield ;  set  Walter  Davis,  a 
carpenter,  to  work  making  a 
model,  which  he  sent  to  the 
Patent  Office,  and  received  a 
patent  for  his  invention ;  but, 
like  most  of  the  patents  issued, 
it  came  to  nothing. 

Zachary  Taylor,  who  won 
the  battle  of  Buena  Vista  in 
the  war  with  Mexico,  had  been 
elected  President.  During  the 
campaign  Mr.  Lincoln  made 
many  speeches  favoring  his 
election,  and  as  a  reward  for 
what  he  had  done  could  have 
an  office.  He  started  for 
Washington  to  see  what  the 
President  would  give  him.  In 
the  early  morning  he  took 
his  seat  in  the  stage  at  Rams- 
dell's  tavern.  There  was  only 

one  other  passenger,  a  Kentuckian,  who  took  a  plug  of  tobacco  from 
his  pocket,  bit  off  a  quid,  and  handed  it  to  the  silent  man  beside  him. 

"  No,  I  thank  you,  sir ;  I  do  not  chew." 

"Perhaps  you  will  take  a  cigar?"  and  the  Kentuckian  held  out 
a  case  well  filled  with  cigars. 

"Much  obliged  to  you,  but  I  do  not  smoke." 

"  Well,  stranger,  seeing  you  don't  chew  or  smoke,  perhaps  you  will  take 
a  little  nice  French  brandy  ?"  said  the  man,  taking  a  flask  from  his  pocket. 

"  You  are  very  kind,  but  I  am  not  in  the  habit  of  drinking,"  replied 
Lincoln.  The  stage  reached  the  tavern  where  the  horses  were  changed, 
and  where  the  Kentuckian  was  to  stop.  He  did  not  quite  understand 
the  man  who  had  declined  the  offered  courtesies. 


LEWIS   CASS. 


132  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  See  here,  stranger,"  he  said,  "  I  think  you  are  a  real  clever  fellow  ; 
I  wouldn't  offend  you  for  the  Avorld ;  but  allow  me  to  say  that  a  man 
who  does  not  chew,  smoke,  or  drink,  who  has  no  vices  of  any  kind,  is 
not  likely  to  have  many  virtues." 

Mr.  Lincoln  laughed  heartily  as  he  bade  him  good-bye. 

At  Terre  Haute  two  prominent  citizens  of  Indiana,  Thomas  H.  Nel- 
son  and  Judge  Hammond,  took  seats  for  Indianapolis.  It  was  early 
morning,  the  sun  not  up.  They  saw  a  man  asleep,  lying  on  the  back 
seat  and  his  long  legs  stretched  across  the  vehicle. 

"  Hullo,  my  friend !  Say,  have  you  chartered  the  whole  of  this 
coach?"  shouted  the  judge,  slapping  the  sleeper  on  the  shoulder. 

"  Beg  your  pardon,  gentlemen ;  but  I  thought  I  would  make  myself 
as  comfortable  as  I  could,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  as  he  courteously  took  the 
front  seat. 

The  sun  rises,  and  the  two  passengers  see  that  their  fellow-traveller 
is  a  tall  man  with  deep  set  eyes  and  thin  cheeks.  It  is  a  warm  morn- 
ing, and  he  has  laid  aside  vest  and  cravat.  His  hat  is  of  palm -leaf, 
tipped  back  on  his  head.  He  must  be  a  queer  fellow,  and  they  will 
have  some  fun  with  him.  He  laughs  at  their  jokes,  and  does  not  seem 
to  mind  it  when  they  make  him  the  butt  of  their  raillery.  At  night 
they  behold  a  comet  blazing  in  the  sky.  Ignorant  people  are  fearful  it 
is  going  to  destroy  the  world.  Judge  Hammond  and  Mr.  Nelson  are 
surprised  at  what  their  fellow -passenger  has  to  say  upon  astronomy. 
He  seems  to  be  well  informed.  "  What  do  you  think  is  to  be  the  up- 
shot of  this  comet  business  ?"  he  asks. 

"  I  differ  from  the  scientific  men  and  the  philosophers.  I  should  not 
be  surprised  if  the  world  should  follow  the  plaguy  thing  off,"  the  reply 
of  Mr.  Nelson. 

The  man  without  any  vest  or  cravat  laughs  heartily,  but  does  not 
controvert  the  opinion.  Late  in  the  evening  the  stage  rolls  up  to 
Browning's  Hotel,  in  Indianapolis,  and  Judge  Hammond  and  Mr.  Nel- 
son go  to  their  rooms  to  brush  the  dust  from  their  clothing.  They 
are  astonished  when  they  come  down  and  see  Judge  McLean  and  half  a 
dozen  of  the  foremost  public  men  of  the  State  shaking  hands  with  the 
man  wearing  the  palm-leaf  hat. 

"  "Who  is  he  ?"  Nelson  asked  of  the  landlord. 

"  That  is  Abraham  Lincoln." 

Mortified  and  ashamed  of  their  joking  and  raillery,  they  sneak  out 
of  the  back  door  and  make  their  way  to  another  tavern.  They  do 
not  care  to  meet  him  after  what  has  taken  place. 


SEVEN  YEARS   OF  ACTIVE    LIFE.  133 

Mr.  Lincoln  reached  Washington,  and  learned  that  the  President 
would  appoint  him  Governor  of  Oregon.  It  was  a  territory  far  away, 
with  but  few  inhabitants.  It  could  be  reached  only  after  a  tedious 
journey  across  the  plains  of  ^Nebraska,  over  the  Eocky  Mountains  and 
the  sterile  Snake  River  region.  It  would  require  many  weeks  of  travel, 
and  when  there  he  would  be,  as  it  were,  out  of  the  world.  The  office 
was  respectfully  declined,  and  he  returned  to  Illinois,  to  again  "  ride  the 
circuit." 

NOTES    TO    CHAPTER    VIII. 

( '  )  Joshua  F.  Speed,  Lecture  on  Abraham  Lincoln,  p.  40. 

(2)  William  H.  Herndon,  "  Lincoln,"  p.  233  (edition  1889). 

(3)  Ibid.,  p.  242. 
(•»)  Ibid.,  p.  243. 

(5)  E.  II.  Merryman,  letter  to  "Sangmnon  Journal,"  quoted  in  Hcrndon's  "Lincoln," 
p.  248  (edit ion  1889). 

(6)  William  H.  Herndon,  "Lincoln,"  p.  231  (edition  1889). 
C1)  Joshua  F.  Speed,  Lecture  on  Abraham  Lincoln,  p.  36. 
(8)  "Century  Magazine,"  January,  1887. 


134  LIFP:  OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 


CHAPTEK  IX. 

BEGINNING  OF  THE   CONFLICT  BETWEEN  FREEDOM  AND  SLAVERY. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  was  forty  years  old.  It  cannot  be  said 
*^r  that  he  had  accomplished  very  much  for  his  fellow-men.  Some- 
how we  cannot  help  thinking  of  Moses,  who  was  in  the  desert  forty 
years,  doing  nothing  beyond  tending  the  sheep  of  his  father-in- 
law — not  knowing  that  he  was  biding  God's  time.  Great  events 
must  take  place  before  the  man  who  had  declined  the  Governorship 
of  Oregon  could  do  the  work  which  divine  Providence  had  planned 
for  the  welfare  of  our  country  and  the  whole  human  race.  In  his 
Springfield  home  he  bade  good-bye  to  politics  and  resumed  the  prac- 
tice of  law. 

The  war  with  Mexico  was  over,  and  California  had  become  a  part 
of  the  United  States.  While  Abraham  Lincoln  was  a  legislator  in  the 
Representatives'  Hall  in  Washington,  January,  1848,  James  W.  Marshall 
was  digging  a  mill-race  for  John  A.  Sutter  in  California. 

"  I  wonder  what  that  yellow  stuff  is !"  said  Marshall,  as  he  threw  up 
a  shovelful  of  earth. 

u  I  guess  it  is  brass,"  said  one  of  the  workmen. 

"  I'll  see  what  vinegar  will  do  to  it,"  said  Marshall.  He  put  the 
yellow  particles  into  vinegar,  but  they  did  not  change. 

"  I  am  going  to  San  Francisco,  and  will  see  what  they  say  about  it 
there,"  said  Mr.  Bennett,  who  went  to  that  town  and  showed  it  to  Isaac 
Humphrey,  who  had  worked  in  a  gold-mine  in  Georgia. 

"  It  is  gold,"  said  Humphrey. 

The  news  spread.  There  was  a  rush  of  people  to  the  American  River, 
where  the  gold  had  been  found.  In  June  and  July,  1849,  gold-dust  val- 
ued at  $250.000  was  received  at  San  Francisco,  then  only  a  little  collec- 
tion of  houses.  Lieutenant  Beale,  of  the  United  States  Navy,  was  in 
California,  and  was  sent  to  Washington  with  despatches.  He  made  his 
way  down  the  coast  to  Monterey,  crossed  Mexico,  and  in  September 
reached  Washington.  "  Rich  Gold-mines  Discovered  in  California!"  was 


CONFLICT  BETWEEN  FREEDOM   AND   SLAVERY.  135 

the  announcement  in  the  Baltimore  "  Sun,"  September  20th.  The  news 
spread  far  and  wide ;  it  was  flying  all  over  the  country.  Miners  were 
making  fortunes — hundreds  of  dollars  a  day.  From  Boston,  New  York, 
Philadelphia,  and  all  the  Atlantic  ports  vessels  were  sailing  for  Califor- 
nia. By  February,  1850,  ninety  had  sailed,  carrying  8,000  men.  Seventy 
other  ships  were  getting  ready.  The  men  of  the  Western  States  flocked 
to  St.  Louis,  went  up  the  Missouri  to  the  mouth  of  the  Platte  Eiver,  and 
started  from  there  in  caravans  across  the  plains,  with  oxen  and  horses, 
drawing  white  canvas-topped  wagons.  Over  the  plains,  across  the  wide 
reaches  of  sage  lands  where  there  was  little  water,  over  the  Sierra 
Nevada  Mountains  streamed  a  long  line  of  weary,  poverty-stricken  men, 
hungry  for  gold,  more  hungry  for  food.  Into  the  Golden  Gate  sailed 
the  white-winged  ships.  Before  the  year  closed  more  than  400  vessels 
were  riding  at  anchor  in  the  Bay  of  San  Francisco;  and  that  place, 
which  was  only  a  village  when  the  first  yellow  gold-dust  was  thrown 
to  the  surface,  was  a  city  with  20,000  people — a  jostling,  hurrying  crowd, 
having  only  one  object  in  view  :  to  get  gold. 

We  are  not  to  forget  that  the  slave-holders  of  the  South  had  brought 
about  the  annexation  of  Texas  for  the  purpose  of  extending  the  area 
of  slavery  and  perpetuating  their  power  in  political  affairs,  that  they 
might  control  the  Government.  The  annexation  resulted  in  a  war  with 

o 

Mexico.  That  republic  had  been  forced  to  surrender  California  and  a 
vast  extent  of  country  between  the  Kio  Grande  and  the  Pacific  coast, 
which  the  slave-holders  confidently  expected  would  become  Slave  States. 
Henry  A.  Wise,  of  Virginia,  of  whom  we  shall  speak  further  on,  said  in  a 
speech :  "  Slavery  should  spread  itself,  and  have  no  limit  except  the  South- 
ern Ocean."  Very  unexpectedly  to  him  and  all  the  slave-holders,  the  peo- 
ple of  the  gold  region  declared  there  should  be  no  slavery  in  California. 
Twenty  years  had  gone  by  since  the  imprisonment  of  the  young  print- 
er in  Baltimore  for  saying  the  slave-trade  was  piracy ;  twenty  years 
since  a  flat-boatman  in  New  Orleans  had  sworn  a  solemn  oath  that  if 
he  ever  got  a  chance  to  hit  the  institution  he  would  hit  it  hard.  During 
the  years  a  great  change  had  taken  place  in  public  sentiment  throughout 
the  Northern  States  regarding  slavery.  Men  were  beginning  to  see 
that  it  was  an  aggressive  political  force ;  that  it  was  wicked  and  cruel, 
and  threatened  to  subvert  the  liberties  of  the  people.  Several  men  who 
mainly  had  acted  with  the  Democratic  Party,  but  who  were  opposed  to 
the  further  extension  of  slavery,  met  at  Buffalo,  N.Y.,  and  organized  the 
Free-soil  Party.  "  No  more  Slave  States  !  No  more  Slave  Territory  !" 
their  motto. 


136  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

When  the  slave-holders  heard  that  the  miners  of  California  intended 
to  make  it  a  Free  State  they  sent  Senator  Gwyn,  of  Mississippi,  to  the 
Pacific  coast  to  do  what  he  could  towards  making  it  a  Slave  State ;  but 
his  efforts  were  vain.  The  slave-holders,  chagrined  at  the  upsetting 
of  their  plans,  determined  to  oppose  its  admission  to  the  Union.  To 
understand  what  followed  we  must  remember  that  in  1820,  when 
Missouri  was  admitted  to  the  Union,  it  was  agreed  that  all  the  terri- 
tory north  of  36°  30',  which  formed  the  southern  boundary  of  that 
State,  should  be  free.  Mexico,  before  the  ceding  of  California  to  the 
United  States,  had  abolished  servitude ;  so  when  California,  New  Mexi- 
co, and  Utah  were  joined  to  the  United  States,  those  sections  were  free 
from  slavery.  Henry  Clay  had  been  instrumental  in  accomplishing  the 
Compromise  of  1820,  and  in  his  declining  years,  seeing  the  trouble 
brewing  between  the  Free  and  Slave  States,  bent  all  his  waning  energies 
to  bring  about  another  Compromise,  which  he  hoped  would  forever  settle 
the  question.  Daniel  Webster,  in  Massachusetts,  having  a  great  love  for 
the  Constitution  and  the  Union,  was  ready  to  do  what  he  could  to  secure 
peace  and  harmony.  The  agreement  made  was  one-sided.  The  slave- 
holders were  to  consent  that  California  should  be  admitted  as  a  Free 
State.  To  pay  them  for  the  concession  Utah  and  New  Mexico  were  to 
be  organized  as  territories,  without  any  stipulation  whether  they  should 
or  should  not  permit  the  holding  of  slaves.  Texas  was  to  receive 
$10,000,000  for  70,000  square  miles  belonging  to  that  State  north  of  the 
Missouri  Compromise  line,  and  slavery  was  to  be  extended  over  it.  No 
more  slaves  were  to  be  sold  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  but  fugitives  es- 
caping from  a  Slave  to  a  Free  State  were  to  be  returned  to  their-mas- 
ters.  Insulting  and  degrading  to  the  people  of  the  Free  States  were  the 
provisions  of  the  law  regarding  fugitive  slaves. 

Such  was  the  Compromise  which,  it  was  declared,  would  forever  put 
an  end  to  the  agitation  of  the  slavery  question. 

"  There  shall  be  no  more  agitation.  These  measures  are  a  finality, 
and  we  will  have  peace,"  said  Daniel  Webster.  ( ' ) 

"  In  taking  leave  of  this  subject,"  said  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  "  I  wish 
to  state  that  I  have  determined  never  to  make  another  speech  upon  the 
slavery  question.  So  long  as  our  opponents  do  not  agitate  for  repeal  or 
modification,  why  should  we  agitate  for  any  purpose.  This  Compromise 
is  a  final  settlement."  (") 

They  did  not  comprehend  the  aggressive  character  of  slavery.  The 
Compromise  became  a  law,  and  California  was  admitted  to  the  Union. 

During  these  days  Abraham  Lincoln  was  reading  Shakespeare  and 


CONFLICT  BETWEEN   FREEDOM   AND   SLAVERY.  137 

the  poetry  of  Robert  Burns.  When  work  for  the  day  was  done  he  was 
accustomed  to  tip  himself  back  in  his  office  chair,  put  his  feet  on  the 
table,  and  read  aloud.  "  I  can  understand  it  better,"  he  said. 

A  poem,  entitled  "The  Last  Leaf,"  written  by  Oliver  Wendell  Holmes, 
gave  him  great  pleasure.  He  often  recited  it  to  his  friends.  His  lips 
were  tremulous  at  times  as  he  repeated  the  lines : 

"The  mossy  marbles  rest 
Ou  the  lips  that  he  has  prest 

la  their  bloom  ; 

And  the  name  he  loved  to  hear 
Has  been  carved  for  many  a  year 

On  the  tomb. "(3) 

• 

"  For  pure  pathos,"  he  said,  in  after-years,  "  there  is,  in  my  judgment, 
nothing  finer  in  the  English  language." 

Without  doubt  the  lines  awakened  tender  and  holy  memories  of  Ann 
Eutledge. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  giving  little  attention  to  political  affairs.  His  one 
term  in  Congress  seems  to  have  satisfied  for  the  time  all  desire  for  po- 
litical distinction.  He  had  made  the  acquaintance  of  men  prominent  in 
public  affairs,  and  taken  the  measure  of  their  abilities.  He  had  dis- 
covered that  with  most  of  them  politics  was  not  devotion  to  principles, 
but  the  advancement  of  selfish  interests. 

We  have  seen  Mr.  Lincoln  assuming  the  joint  indebtedness  of  Berry 
&  Lincoln,  store  -  keepers  of  New  Salem.  During  the  years  that  had 
passed  since  the  death  of  Berry  and  the  failure  of  the  firm  he  had  strug- 
gled under  the  burden,  but  the  time  came  when  the  last  cent  of  princi- 
pal and  interest  was  paid.  It  was  a  happy  day  when  he  left  the  Globe 
Tavern  and  began  house-keeping  in  his  owrn  home,  where  he  could  dis- 
pense liberal  hospitality  to  his  friends.  It  was  a  pleasure  to  them  to  sit 
at  a  table  bountifully  supplied  by  Mrs.  Lincoln.  There  was  little  for- 
mality in  his  intercourse  with  his  guests.  The  repast  was  ever  made 
enjoyable  by  flashes  of  wit,  humor,  and  story-telling  on  the  part  of  the 
host.  When  the  meal  was  finished,  and  the  company  assembled  in  the 
room  set  apart  for  the  library,  the  grave  topics  of  the  day  were  dis- 
cussed. Although  Mr.  Lincoln  was  personally  out  of  politics,  he  was 
not  indifferent  to  the  great  political  questions  of  the  hour ;  on  the  con- 
trary, he  was  keenly  alive  to  them.  He  was  a  Whig  from  principle,  but 
he  took  little  interest  in  the  campaign  between  General  Scott, 
the  Whig  candidate  for  President,  and  Franklin  Pierce,  the 
Democratic  candidate.  It  seems  probable  that  he  saw  from  the  outset 


138 


LIFE  OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 


OLIVER  WENDELL   HOLMES. 


that  the  Democratic  Party  would  triumph.  General  Scott  had  been 
selected  as  candidate  by  the  Whigs  solely  on  account  of  his  military 
services.  Franklin  Pierce,  without  national  reputation,  had  been  se- 
lected by  the  slave  power  because  he  would  be  subservient  to  their 


CONFLICT   BETWEEN   FREEDOM   AND   SLAVERY.  139 

interests.  We  may  believe  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  common  with  Daniel  Web- 
ster, saw  that  after  the  election  the  Whig  Party  would  live  only  in 
history ;  that  new  political  combinations  must  be  made.  He  knew  the 
Compromise  of  1850  had  settled  nothing.  The  law  which  compelled  the 
return  of  fugitive  slaves  to  their  masters  was  hateful,  unrighteous,  and 
contrarv  to  human  instincts.  He  knew  that  sooner  or  later  vital  ques- 
tions would  come  up  for  consideration,  but  he  little  thought  he  was  to 
be  a  leading  actor  in  the  historic  drama  of  the  future. 

"  The  Compromise  of  1850,"  said  President  Pierce,  in  his  inaugural 

address,  "  has  given  repose  to  the  country.     That  repose  is  to  suffer  no 

shock  during  my  official  term  if  I  have  power  to  avert  it."    Pres- 

klent  Pierce,  quite  likely,  was  sincere  in  his  expression.     We  are 

not  to  conclude  he  was  cognizant  of  the  plans  of  the  slave-holders; 

but  he  was  a  partisan,  and  ready  to  do  the  bidding  of  those  who  had 

elevated  him  to  power. 

Stephen  A.  Douglas,  Senator,  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Terri- 
tories, reported  a  bill  which  gave  authority  to  the  people  in  the  Terri- 
tory of  Nebraska  to  say  whether  they  would  or  would  not  have  slavery. 
It  was  north  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  line.  Senator  Dixon,  of  Ken- 
tucky, in  order  to  carry  out  the  plans  of  the  slave-holders,  offered  an 
amendment  to  repeal  the  act  of  1820  which  prohibited  slavery  north 
of  that  line.  David  R.  Atchison,  of  Missouri,  advocating  the  amend- 
ment, said  :  "  I  am  entirely  devoted  to  the  interests  of  the  South,  and  I 
would  sacrifice  everything  but  my  hope  of  heaven  to  advance  her  wel- 
fare." He  wanted  very  much  to  be  chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Ter- 
ritories, that  he  might  carry  out  his  plans  for  making  Kansas  and  Ne- 
braska Slave  States.  He  was  President  pro  tern,  of  the  Senate,  and  asked 
Douglas  to  change  places  with  him.  So  earnest  was  he  that  he  would 
willingly  step  down  from  the  higher  position.  "  I  do  not  care  to 
make  such  a  change,  but  I  intend  to  introduce  a  measure  which  will 
repeal  the  Compromise  of  1820,"  said  Douglas.  "I  have  become  per- 
fectly satisfied  that  it  is  my  duty,  as  a  fair-minded  man,  to  co-operate 
with  you  for  its  repeal.  It  is  due  the  South  ;  it  is  due  to  the  Consti- 
tution. The  repeal,  if  we  can  effect  it,  will  produce  much  stir  and 
commotion  in  the  Free  States  for  a  season.  I  shall  be  assailed  by 
demagogues  and  fanatics  without  stint  or  moderation.  Every  oppro- 
brious epithet  will  be  applied  to  me.  I  probably  shall  be  hung  in 
effigy  in  many  places.  It  is  more  than  probable  that  I  may  become 
permanently  odious  among  those  whose  friendship  I  have  hitherto  pos- 
sessed. The  proceeding  may  end  my  political  career.  But,  acting 


I  |<i  1. 1|  I.    ul       MM:  Ml  \M     LINCOLN 

under  !l.<  !   iluly   wliirli  ;iiimi;il<    ,  IIM-.  I  ;mi  |>tv|>;in-d  |<,  m;ikc  |.|H- 

.irnlirr,  ;iii'l    I    will  do  it 

II.,  .-(I    lli;if     |)on;d;i.-;    would    do   wh;il    S«-n;itor,    from 

tin-    Sl;m-   Sl;ilrs    w;mtcd    don.-,    Alrhi.on    \v:is    (|iiil<-    willing    to    r«-ni:iin 

di-nl   of  tin-  S«Mi;ilr. 

On    Suiid.-iy    inoniin,",  .1  :i  niKiry   22<l,  S«-li;iloj-    |)ouid;i  ..  of    Iliin«,i    .  :iini 

. I. •!].•!  ,011  l>;i\is,  ..I  MisHissippi,  \\cn-  nti^in^  UK-  !M-||  ;il   Hi.-  NVIiih-  House 

I. -MI    I'M-I..-  did   iiol.  ;illi'ud   to   |)iil)lic    liiisiix-KH  on    Suinhiy  :   In-   did 


I   lloMK. 
i«u.-n  \>y  th«  author  In  \mo  | 

not  wish  to  li;ivr  |)ro|)lr  c:dl   upon   linn  on   licit    d;iy;  lull    tin-  I  \\  o  Sciui 
l.o  rs  lind  nil    nii|i..rl:iiii    ui.-iltrr  in    li;uul  :    MM-   N'chr.-iskii    I'.ill,  w  liirli    Doiiu 
l;is  |.ro|M,srd   In  l;iy   I»C|MIV  III.-  Scliiitc,  ;ind  u  liidi,  if  pjisscd,  \\.Mild 
iv|>r;il    Ihr    (  'iiiii|iroiiii :.c   of    1  S'JO.      'I'lir    rn-sidriil     w;is    r.-idy    to 
•     to    Ilirir    |i|r;i         "Vrs,    I    \\ill    (loidl    tlilll     I    r;in     to    siviin-    its    |>;is 
\\rlcoiiif    \VOIXI 

'1'ln-    ,1111  wmt  down    on    M.I.          1      ,1,  \\  illi  .Minion   t  liiindcrin^   U|H  >n 

<';i|>llo|      Hill,     in     \\';i  Jiin^lon,    r«-li-l.r;il  lliv     tin-     |»:iss;inv     of    Mir     K;ins;iS 
\«  lu-;isk:i    liill,  (.inud  lln'oii^li  (  'OM^IVSH  liy    I  >«»u^l;is,  I'lrrc.-,    I  );i  vis,  ;md 


CONFLICT  BETWEEN    FUKKDnM    AM>  -i. AYKUY  Ml 

the  Blave- holders,  opening   \»  slavery   ;i    region   of  country  lamer  lli;in 
the  original  thirteen  States  of  the  I'nioti. 

Just  what  motives  ;inim;iieil  Douglas  to  violate  his  pledges  never 
will  lie  known.  Not  m;my  people  thought  him  to  have  been,  sincere  in 
his  declarations,  but  believed  In-  was  influenced  by  an  ardent  desire  to 
be  President,  and  attempted  to  secure  the  prize  by  doing  what  the 
slave  holders  wanted  done.  He  saw  nothing  immoral  or  wrong  in  hold 
ing  slaves.  Many  other  men  in  tin-  Northern  States  did  not  regard 
slavery  as  unchristian  or  sinful.  It  might  or  it  might  not  be  beneficial 
to  a  community.  If  the  people  of  a  Territory  wanted  slavery  as  one  of 
their  institutions,  Douglas  was  willing  they  should  have  it. 

In  their  estimate  of  the  morality  of  the  act  which  violated  a  solemn 
compaet  in  order  to  secure  the  extension  of  slavery,  Douglas,  Davis,  and 
Pierce  did  not  stop  to  consider  that  for  national  wrongdoing  there  had 
been  no  abrogation  of  the  eternal  law  :  an  eye  for  an  eye,  a  tooth  fora 
tooth.  It  did  not  occur  to  them  that  divine  Providence  might  have 
some  part  to  enact  in  carrying  out  the  plan.  The  booming  of  the 
cannon  on  Capitol  Hill  was  heard  in  every  city  and  town  throughout 
the  Northern  States  It  was  seen  that  the  first  movement  of  the  slave- 
holders would  be  to  Lrain  possession  of  Kansas,  and  there  was  therefore 
a  determination  to  secure  that  Territory  to  freedom.  The  Free  State 
men  contemplated  the  establishing  of  towns,  schools,  colleges,  churches, 
happy  homes  of  free  men  and  women,  who  should  enjoy  their  civil  and 
political  rights  under  a  Constitution  guar 
anteeine;  freedom.  The  Slave  Party  deter- 
mined to  doom  the  beautiful  region  to 
the  barbarism  of  slavery.  The  struggle 
began,  the  slav«-  holders  of  Missouri  taking 
possession  of  the  lands  nearest  the  tern 
torial  line  in  advance  of  any  settlers  from 
the  I'Yec  States.  A  society  was  formed  in 
Massachusetts  to  aid  emigrants.  It  was 
a  national  society,  and  Abraham  Lincoln 
was  one  of  the  Kxeeiitive  Committee;  but 
there  is  no  evidence  that  he  was  actively 
engaged  in  promoting  the  settlement  of 

the  Territory.      The  first   party  of  settlers  11;  \\KI.IN  IMKHCK. 

from   Massachuse'.ts  reached    Kansas,  and 

laid  out  the  town  of   Lawrence,  naming  it  in   honor    of  Mr.  Amos  A. 
Lawn-nee,  the  president    of  the  society.      The    po  •(    \Vhitlier  wrote  a 


142  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

song  which  the  emigrants  sang  as  they  rolled  onward  to  their  future 
homes : 

"  We  cross  the  prairies,  as  of  old 
The  Pilgrims  crossed  the  sea, 
To  make  the  West,  as  they  the  East, 
The  homestead  of  the  free. 

"We  go  to  rear  a  wall  of  men 

On  Freedom's  Southern  line, 

And  plant  beside  the  cotton-tree 

The  rugged  Northern  pine. 

"We  go  to  plant  her  common-schools 

On  distant  prairie  swells, 
And  give  the  Sabbath  of  the  wilds 
The  music  of  her  bells." 

When  the  time  came  to  hold  the  first  election,  several  thousand 
ruffians  from  Missouri,  under  the  lead  of  Senator  Atchison,  armed  with 
rifles,  invaded  the  Territory,  and  elected  officers  favorable  to  slavery. 
A  newspaper  in  Leaven  worth  announced  the  result  with  triumphant 
lines : 

"ALL  HAIL!     PRO -SLAVERY   PARTY  VICTORIOUS!     COME  ON,  SOUTH- 
ERN MEN  !    BRING  YOUR   SLAVES !    ABOLITIONISM  REBUKED  !" 

The  Pro-slavery  Party  seized  William  Phillips,  a  Free  State  settler, 
shaved  his  head,  stripped  off  his  clothes,  daubed  him  with  tar,  ripped 
open  a  bed  and  rolled  him  in  the  feathers,  rode  him  on  a  rail,  and  sold 
him  at  a  mock  auction.  They  put  Eev.  Mr.  Butler  on  a  raft  and  set 
him  adrift  on  the  Missouri  Kiver.  The  Legislature  elected  by  the  Mis- 
sourians  voted  that  the  laws  of  their  State  should  be  the  laws  of  Kansas. 
An  act  was  passed  prohibiting  the  printing  of  anything  against  slavery. 
Any  one  found  with  a  book  or  newspaper  containing  an  article  against 
slavery  was  to  be  imprisoned  not  less  than  two  years,  and  wear  a  chain 
and  ball  attached  to  his  ankle.  The  Governor,  Wilson  Shannon,  ap- 
pointed by  President  Pierce,  was  using  his  power  to  make  it  a  Slave 
State.  He  ordered  the  militia  to  aid  the  marshal  in  driving  out  the  Free 
State  settlers.  Rifles  and  revolvers  were  purchased  for  those  who  fa- 
vored freedom.  The  Missourians  kept  a  sharp  watch  on  the  steam- 
boats going  up  the  Missouri,  and  they  were  sent  by  team  through 
Iowa.  A  pro -slavery  grand -jury  indicted  two  newspapers  for  print- 
ing articles  against  slavery.  A  deputy  marshal  of  the  United  States, 


CONFLICT  BETWEEN   FREEDOM   AND    SLAVERY.  143 


JOIIN   G.    WHITTIKR. 


with  800  men  and  four  cannon,  entered  Lawrence,  destroyed  the  print- 
ing-presses, set  Mr.  Eldridge's  hotel  on  fire,  and  pillaged  the  houses  of 
the  citizens.  Some  of  the  Free  State  men,  burning  for  revenge,  killed 
five  of  the  ruffians.  The  Missourians,  under  Captain  Pate,  seized  a  son 


144 


LIFE    OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 


of  John  Brown,  marched  him  rapidly  across  the  prairie  in  a  burning 
sun,  and  treated  him  with  such  inhumanity  that  he  became  insane. 
Brown,  with  twenty-seven  men,  came  upon  the  Missourians,  took  twenty- 
two  of  them  prisoners,  and  captured  their  horses  and  supplies.  Another 
company  of  ruffians  hacked  another  of  Brown's  sons  to  pieces  writh  their 
knives,  threw  his  mangled  body  across  a  horse,  took  it  to  his  own  door, 
and  tumbled  it  to  the  ground  at  the  feet  of  his  young  wife. 

Civil  war  had  begun.  Men  were  shot  by  lurking  assassins ;  houses 
were  deserted ;  the  smoke  of  burning  dwellings  darkened  the  sky ; 
women  and  children  were  fleeing  from  their  homes  to  escape  from 
the  inhuman  wretches  who  were  desolating  the  land  that  they  might 
secure  it  forever  to  slavery,  It  seems  probable  that  Douglas,  when  he 
said  he  doubtless  would  be  burned  in  effigy,  did  not  look  forward  to 
any  such  outbreak  as  that  which  suddenly  flamed  up  on  the  plains  of 
Kansas.  He  saw  only  the  bauble  of  the  Presidency  of  the  nation — not 
murdered  men.  On  the  day  of  his  arrival  in  Chicago,  after  the  adjourn- 
ment of  Congress,  many  of  the  flags  flying  above  the  vessels  in  the  har- 
bor were  displayed  at  half-mast,  and  at  sunset  the  church-bells  tolled  as 
at  a  funeral  service.  The  feeling  against  him  was  deep  and  intense. 

Men  who  had  been  his  friends  did 
not  call  upon  him.  But  he  put  a  bold 
face  upon  the  matter,  and  began 
an  address  vindicating  his  course. 
No  cheer  welcomed  him  as  he 
mounted  the  platform.  For  a  while 
the  people  listened  in  sullen  silence, 
and  then  asked  questions  which 
made  him  angry.  He  shook  his 
fists  in  their  faces,  and  the  noise  be- 
came so  great  that  he  could  not 
finish  his  speech.  He  visited  his 
old  home  in  Springfield. 

A  great  crowd  filled  the  Hall  of 
Eepresentatives  in  the  State-house. 
Abraham  Lincoln  was  present,  a 
silent  listener  to  what  Douglas  had 
to  offer.  For  six  years  he  had  taken 
no  part  in  political  affairs,  but  the 
violation  of  a  sacred  compact  bv 
JOHN  BROWN.  Douglas  and  President  Pierce  in  the 


CONFLICT  BETWEEN  FREEDOM  AND   SLAVERY.  145 

interest  of  the  slave-holders  had  aroused  his  righteous  indignation.     He 
informed  his  friends  that  he  should  make  a  speech  in  reply. 

Every  seat,  every  inch  of  space  is  occupied,  when  Abraham  Lincoln 
rises  to  speak.  People  are  curious  to  hear  what  he  will  say,  for  Douglas 
is  one  of  the  able  men  of  the  country.  He  has  practised  law, 
^8*54'  been  elected  judge  and  Senator.  He  has  shown  himself  strong 
enough  to  secure  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  and  his 
friends  have  named  him  "  The  Little  Giant."  He  has  respect  for  Abra- 
ham Lincoln,  because,  like  himself,  he  has  fought  with  adversity  and 
won  success.  He  knows  Lincoln  is  an  able  lawyer,  that  he  has  been 
member  of  Congress ;  but  his  measure  of  success  has  been  small  in  com- 
parison with  his  own.  Possibly  Douglas  feels  a  sense  of  superiority  as 
he  takes  a  seat  in  the  hall  to  hear  Lincoln's  argument.  He  has  encoun- 
tered in  debate  Charles  Sumner,  of  Massachusetts;  William  H.  Seward,  of 
New  York ;  Thomas  H.  Benton,  of  Missouri.  He  is  fresh  from  the  arena, 
where  he  has  won  a  great  victory.  He  has  listened  to  all  the  arguments 
that  the  champions  of  freedom  could  marshal  in  opposition  to  the  re- 
peal. The  literature  of  the  question  is  at  his  tongue's  end.  Lincoln  has 
heard  none  of  the  speeches.  He  may  have  read  portions  of  the  argu- 
ments of  Senators  and  members  of  Congress,  but  has  been  attending 
to  his  own  affairs  through  the  months.  Lie  has  only  a  night  to  put  his 
thoughts  in  order.  After  a  cheerful  welcome  a  hush  falls  upon  the 
great  audience.  He  has  only  a  scrap  of  paper  before  him.  His  friends 
and  Douglas  are  amazed  at  his  marvellous  presentation  of  facts,  and 
his  statement  of  political  principles  enforced  with  thrilling  eloquence. 
Douglas  rises  to  interrupt  him,  but  is  courteously  waved  to  his  seat. 
Memory  recalls  the  scene  in  the  slave -market  in  New  Orleans,  and  he 
vividly  pictures  it.  Douglas  would  reproduce  such  scenes  all  over  the 
fair  domain  once  consecrated  to  freedom.  But  the  Territory  is  doomed 
to  slavery  by  what  has  been  done  if  the  Missourians  succeed  in  driving 
out  the  settlers  from  the  Free  States.  These  burning  words  fall  from 
Lincoln's  lips : 

"  This  declared  indifference — but  I  must  think  covert  zeal — for  the  spread  of  slavery  I 
can  but  hate.  I  hate  it  because  of  the  monstrous  injustice  of  slavery  itself.  I  hate  it 
because  it  deprives  our  republican  example  of  its  just  influence  in  the  world ;  enables  the 
enemies  of  free  institutions  to  taunt  us  as  hypocrites ;  causes  the  real  friends  of  freedom 
to  doubt  our  sincerity  ;  is  at  war  with  the  vital  principles  of  civic  liberty;  contrary  to 
the  Declaration  of  Independence ;  and  maintains  that  there  '^  no  right  principle  of  action 
but  self-interest.  ...  If  the  negro  is  a  man,  is  it  not  the  destruction  of  self-government 
to  say  that  he  shall  not  govern  himself  ?  When  a  white  man  governs  himself,  that  is 
self-government;  but  when  he  governs  himself  and  another  man,  that  is  more  than  self- 
10 


140 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


government — it  is  despotism.  No  man  is  good  enough  to  govern  another  man  without 
the  other's  consent.  .  .  .  Slavery  is  founded  on  the  selfishness  of  man's  nature  ;  opposi- 
tion to  it  is  his  love  of  justice.  These  principles  are  in  eternal  antagonism.  ...  I  object 
to  the  Nebraska  Bill,  because  it  assumes  there  can  be  moral  right  in  the  enslaving  of  one 
man  by  another.  .  .  .  Little  by  little,  but  as  steadily  as  man's  march  to  the  grave,  we 
have  been  giving  up  the  old  for  the  new  fajtb.  Nearly  eighty  years  ago  we  began  by 
declaring  that  all  men  are  created  equal ;  but  now  we  have  come  to  the  other  declara- 
tion :  that  for  some  men  to  enslave  others  is  a  sacred  right  of  self-government.  These 
principles  cannot  stand  together;  they  are  as  opposite  as  God  and  Mammon." 

The  building  shook  with  the  stamping  of  feet.  Cheers  rent  the 
air;  women  waved  their  handkerchiefs.  Douglas  was  confounded. 
Through  the  long  debate  in  Congress  the  falsity  of  his  position  never 


REPRESENTATIVES    CHAMBER. 
[The  hall  in  which  Lincoln  made  his  first  speech  in  opposition  to  Douglas.] 

had  been  so  clearly  held  up  before  the  public.  Never  before  had  the 
immorality  of  the  Nebraska  measure  been  so  exposed.  Lincoln  had 
spoken  four  hours,  but  Douglas  was  so  stung  that  he  spoke  for  two 
hours  in  a  vain  endeavor  to  break  the  force  of  Lincoln's  argument. 

Douglas  went  to  Peoria,  and  was  followed  by  Lincoln.  As  the  trees 
are  swayed  by  the  winds,  so  the  great  audience  there  was  moved  by  the 
thrilling  words  spoken  in  behalf  of  freedom.  In  the  debate  at  Washing- 
ton no  Senator  had  given  utterance  to  such  fundamental  truths  as  fell 


CONFLICT  BETWEEN  FREEDOM  AND    SLAVERY.  147 

from  his  lips.  Douglas  had  intended  to  travel  through  the  State  and 
make  speeches  in  the  principal  towns  to  vindicate  his  course,  but  aban- 
doned the  plan.  He  frankly  said  the  arguments  of  Lincoln  gave  him 
more  trouble  than  any  presented  in  Congress. 

If  Douglas  or  the  slave-holders  thought  there  would  be  no  discus- 
sion of  the  question  of  slavery,  or  that  the  people  of  the  North  would 
quietly  see  Kansas  given  over  to  slavery,  they  greatly  misunderstood 
the  temper  of  the  times.  The  first  political  condemnation  of  the  act 
came  from  New  Hampshire,  the  President's  own  State.  For  a  quarter 
of  a  century,  with  the  exception  of  one  year,  the  Democratic  Party  had 
controlled  that  State,  but  at  the  election,  March,  1854,  a  Governor,  the 
Legislature,  and  members  of  Congress  were  elected  who  were  opposed 
to  the  Nebraska  Bill.  Other  Northern  States,  one  by  one,  elected  mem- 
bers \vho  were  opposed  to  the  further  extension  of  slavery ;  so  the 
Democratic  Party,  instead  of  having  a  majority,  found  itself  in  a  mi- 
nority in  the  House  of  Representatives. 

Illinois  had  always  been  a  Democratic  State.  The  election  in  No- 
vember, 1854,  was  for  members  of  the  Legislature.  It  was  an  exciting 
campaign,  for  that  body  would  have  the  choosing  of  a  United  States 
Senator  to  succeed  Mr.  Shields.  Douglas  endeavored  to  make  the  peo- 
ple vote  once  more  for  the  rule  of  the  Democratic  Party,  but  had  the 
mortification  of  seeing  a  majority  elected  who  were  opposed  to  his 
course  in  Congress.  Some  were  Democrats,  others  "Whigs ;  but  all 
agreed  that  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  was  a  violation  of 
a  sacred  compact. 

The  friends  of  Abraham  Lincoln  ardently  desired  his  election  as 
Senator.  It  was  due  him.  No  one  had  done  more  than  he  to  expose 
the  iniquity  of  the  course  pursued  by  Douglas.  He  had  been  elected  a 
member  of  the  Legislature,  and  could  not  for  that  reason  be  a  candidate 
for  the  Senate,  on  account  of  a  clause  in  the  Constitution  of  the  State ; 
he  therefore  resigned  his  seat.  Unfortunately,  the  man  chosen  to  suc- 
ceed him  was  a  Democrat,  which  made  the  question  of  his  election  as 
Senator  very  doubtful. 

The  time  had  come  for  the  election  of  a  Senator ;  it  was  an  exciting 
day  in  the  Capitol  at  Springfield.  Shields  was  the  Democratic  candi- 
date. The  Whig  members  of  the  Free-soil  Party  were  ready  to 
*i8558'  vo^e  ^or  Lincoln,  but  the  Democratic  members  would  not  vote 
for  a  Whig.  They  liked  Abraham  Lincoln  personally,  but  he  was 
a  Whig.  They  were  for  Lyman  Trumbull,  a  Democrat,  who  did  not 
agree  with  Douglas.  Without  their  votes  it  would  not  be  possible  to 


148  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

elect  a  Senator  opposed  to  the  extension  of  slavery.  The  Democrats, 
seeing  that  they  could  not  elect  Shields,  Avere  ready  to  vote  for  Gov- 
ernor Matheson.  Lincoln  feared  they  would  succeed.  A  great  hour 
had  come  to  him — a  time  when  he  could  show  that  personal  advantage 
is  nothing,  principle  everything.  If  he  continued  to  be  a  candidate 
Matheson  would  be  elected,  and  Douglas  and  slavery  triumphant.  He 
called  his  true  and  steadfast  friends  around  him.  "  Drop  my  name  and 
vote  for  Trumbull,"  he  said.  It  was  a  great  thing  to  ask.  Why  should 
the  Whigs  give  up  their  candidate  and  vote  for  a  Democrat  ?  Upon 
every  question,  other  than  that  of  Nebraska,  Trumbull  was  an  uncom- 
promising Democrat.  The  persuasive  words  of  Abraham  Lincoln  pre- 
vailed. With  tears  upon  their  cheeks  their  votes  were  cast  for  Trum- 
bull, and  he  was  elected.  The  prize  which  Lincoln  hoped  to  win  had 
passed  beyond  his  grasp ;  but  when  he  walked  to  his  home  in  the  twi- 
light of  the  winter  evening,  with  saddened  heart  and  disappointed 
hopes,  he  was  greater  than  ever  before.  He  had  fought  a  battle  for 
principle  and  won  the  victory.  Self  had  been  sacrificed,  but  Freedom 
had  triumphed. 

On  a  summer  night,  while  attending  the  Supreme  Court  in  Chicago, 
Mr.  Lincoln  sat  upon  the  piazza  of  the  residence  of  Mr.  Norman  B.  Judd, 
overlooking  Lake  Michigan.  The  labors  of  the  day  were  over,  and  host, 
hostess,  guest,  and  friends  were  enjoying  the  evening  hour.  Daylight 
was  fading  in  the  west,  while  in  the  east  rose  the  full  moon,  seemingly 
from  the  lake.  They  beheld  flocks  of  white-winged  gulls ;  vessels  were 
spreading  their  sails  to  the  evening  breeze.  The  waves  were  rippling 
upon  the  shore,  and  the  stars  shining  in  the  azure  depths  of  heaven. 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  greatly  stirred  by  the  beauty  of  the  scene. 

"  In  that  mild,  pleasant  voice,"  writes  the  hostess,  "  attuned  to  har- 
mony with  his  surroundings,  and  which  was  his  wont  when  his  soul  was 
stirred  by  aught  that  was  lovely  or  beautiful,  Mr.  Lincoln  began  to  speak 
of  the  mystery  which  for  ages  enshrouded  and  shut  out  those  distant 
worlds  above  us  from  our  own ;  of  the  poetry  and  beauty  which  was  seen 
and  felt  by  seers  of  old  when  they  contemplated  Orion  and  Arcturus  as 
they  wheeled,  seemingly,  around  the  earth  in  their  nightly  courses ;  of  the 
discoveries  since  the  invention  of  the  telescope,  which  had  thrown  a 
flood  of  light  and  knowledge  on  what  before  was  incomprehensible  and 
mysterious  ;  of  the  wonderful  computations  of  scientists  who  had  meas- 
ured the  miles  of  seemingly  endless  space  which  separated  the  planets  in 
our  solar  system  from  our  central  sun,  and  our  sun  from  other  suns 
which  were  now  gemming  the  heavens  above  us  with  their  resplendent 


CONFLICT  BETWEEN  FREEDOM  AND   SLAVERY. 


149 


beauty.  He  speculated  on  the  possibilities  of  knowledge  which  an  in- 
creased power  of  the  lens  would  give  in  the  years  to  come ;  and  then 
the  wonderful  discoveries  of  late  centuries,  as  proving  that  beings  en- 
dowed with  such  capacities  as  men  must  be  immortal,  and  created  for 
some  high  and  noble  end  by  Him  who  had  spoken  those  numberless 
Avorlds  into  existence,  and 
made  man  a  little  lower 
than  the  angels  that  he 
might  comprehend  the 
glories  and  wonders  of 
His  creation.  When  the 
night  air  became  too  chill- 
ing to  remain  longer  on 
the  piazza  we  went  into 
the  parlor,  and,  seated  on 
the  sofa,  his  long  limbs 
stretching  across  the  car- 
pet and  his  arms  folded 
behind  him,  Mr.  Lincoln 
went  on  to  speak  of  other 
discoveries,  and  also  of 
the  inventions  which  had 
been  made  during  the 
long  cycles  of  time  lying 
between  the  present  and 
those  early  days  when 

the  sons  of  Adam  began  to  make  use  of  material  things  about  them, 
and  invent  instruments  of  various  kinds  in  brass  and  gold  and  sil- 
ver. He  gave  us  a  short  but  succinct  account  of  all  the  inventions  re- 
ferred to  in  the  Old  Testament,  from  the  time  when  Adam  walked  in 
the  Garden  of  Eden  until  the  Bible  record  ended,  600  B.C.  I  said,  '  Mr. 
Lincoln,  I  did  not  know  you  were  such  a  Bible  student.'  He  replied, '  I 
must  be  honest,  Mrs.  Judd,  and  tell  you  just  how  I  come  to  know  so 
much  about  these  early  inventions.'  He  then  went  on  to  say  that,  dis- 
cussing with  some  friend  the  relative  age  of  the  discovery  and  use  of  the 
precious  metals,  he  went  to  the  Bible  to  satisfy  himself,  and  became  so 
interested  in  his  researches  that  he  made  memoranda  of  the  different 
discoveries  and  inventions ;  that  soon  after  he  was  invited  to  lecture 
before  some  literary  society  (I  think  in  Bloomington) ;  that  the  interest 

he  had  felt  in  the  study  convinced  him  that  the  subject  would  interest 
10* 


NORMAN   B.   JUDD. 


150  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

others,  and  he  therefore  prepared  and  delivered  his  lecture  on  the  '  Age 
of  Different  Inventions.'  '.Of  course,'  he  added,  'I  could  not  after 
that  forget  the  order  or  time  of  such  discoveries  and  inventions.'  "(5) 


NOTES  TO    CHAPTER   IX. 

( ' )  Daniel  Webster's  speech  in  Congress,  March  5,  1850. 

(*)  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  "  Congressional  Globe,"  Appendix,  1851-52. 

(3)  "The  Last  Leaf"  was  first  published  1836.     The  volume  had  a  limited  sale.     It 
seems  probable  that  Mr.  Lincoln  first  became  acquainted  with  it  through  the  "Louisville 
Journal,"  the  editor  of  which,  being  himself  a  poet,  often  enriched  its  columns  with  choice 
poems  from  other  writers.     Mr.  Lincoln  for  many  years  was  a  subscriber  to  that  paper. 
Mr.  Holmes  was  nearly  his  own  age,  both  having  been  born  in  1809. — Author. 

(4)  Archibald  Dixon  to  H.  S.  Foote,  in  "Louisville  Democrat,"  October  3, 1858. 
(6)  Mrs.  Norman  B.  Judd,  quoted  in  "  Every-day  Life  of  Lincoln,"  p.  208. 


KANSAS-NEBRASKA   STRUGGLE.  151 


CHAPTER  X. 

KANSAS-NEBRASKA  STRUGGLE. 

T)EOPLE  in  the  Northern  States  during  the  month  of  July,  1854, 
-*-  were  holding  meetings  to  form  a  new  political  party  which  should 
have  for  its  object  resistance  to  the  aggressions  of  the  slave  power. 

Twenty-three  years  had  passed  since  William  Lloyd  Garrison  was 
put  in  prison  for  saying  the  slave  traffic  was  piracy.  The  Abolitionists, 
as  they  called  themselves,  proposed  to  bring  about  the  abolition 
of  slavery  by  convincing  the  people  that  it  was  morally  wrong — 
a  sin  against  God  and  their  fellow-men.  They  denounced  the 
Constitution  because  it  recognized  slavery,  and  they  advocated  the  dis- 
solution of  the  Union  because  it  was  in  league  with  iniquity.  They 
saw  the  aggression  of  slavery,  but  were  opposed  to  any  political  action 
to  restrict  it.  The  Free  Soil  Party  of  1848  was  formed  more  to  avenge 
the  slight  put  upon  President  Van  Buren  by  the  slave  power  in  not  re- 
nominating  him  for  a  second  term  than  from  any  deep-seated  sentiment 
in  favor  of  freedom. 

The  passage  of  the  Nebraska  Bill  brought  spontaneous  combustion — 
ii  kindling  of  the  fires  of  freedom  throughout  the  Northern  States,  result-- 
ing  in  the  formation  of  the  Republican  Party. 

At  Ostend,  a  seaport  of  Belgium,  James  Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania, 
Minister  of  the  United  States  to  England,  Pierre  Soule,  of  New  Orleans, 
Minister  to  Spain,  and  Mr.  Mason,  of  Virginia,  Minister  to  France, 
°i8549'  ha(l  a  conference  as  to  the  best  way  for  the  United  States  to 
gain  possession  of  Cuba.     The  slave-holders  wanted  to  obtain 
that  island  for  the  purpose  of  extending  the  area  of  slavery  and  strength- 
ening their  political  power.     They  sent  a  letter  to  President  Pierce 
suggesting  that  the  United  States  should  offer  Spain  $120,000,000,  and  if 
Spain  would  not  sell,  the  United  States  ought  to  take  the  island  by  force. 
The  thought  that  the  United  States  would  be  acting  the  part  of  a  high- 
way robber  did  not  deter  them  from  putting  forth  the  proposition.    But 
President  Pierce  discovered  that  Spain,  England,  and  other  European 


152 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


countries  might  have  something  to  say  about  such  a  transaction ;  be- 
sides, such  an  outburst  of  indignation  was  heard  from  the  people  of  the 
Northern  States  that  no  attempt  was  made  to  carry  out  the  plan.  The 
boldness  and  wickedness  of  the  scheme  aroused  the  people.  There  must 
be  united  action,  or  slavery  would  be  the  controlling  political  force. 

Delegates  from  the  several  Northern  States  met  in  convention  at 

Philadelphia  and  formed  the  Republican  Party.     They  selected  John 

Charles  Fremont  as  their  candidate  for  the  Presidency.     The 

JUoL17'  Democratic  Party  met  in  Cincinnati  and  nominated  James  Bu- 

1856. 

chanan,  who  had  signed  the  letter  in  regard  to  seizing  Cuba. 
Stephen  A.  Douglas  confidently  expected  to  be  nominated.     He  had 


JOHN   CHARLES  FREMONT. 


KANSAS-NEBRASKA  STRUGGLE.  153 

rendered  great  service  to  the  slave-holders,  but  they  had  no  intention  of 
rewarding  him  for  what  he  had  done. 

Abraham  Lincoln  travelled  through  Illinois  making  speeches  for  the 
Kepublican  Party,  Douglas  for  the  Democrats.  They  often  spoke  in  the 
same  town.  Very  graceful  the  tribute  which  Lincoln  paid  to  Douglas : 

"  Twenty  years  ago  Mr.  Douglas  and  I  first  became  acquainted.  We 
were  both  young — he  a  trifle  younger  than  I.  Even  then  we  were  am- 
bitious— I,  perhaps,  quite  as  much  as  he.  With  me  the  race  has  been  a 
failure — a  flat  failure.  With  him  it  has  been  one  of  splendid  success. 
His  name  fills  the  nation,  and  is  not  unknown  in  foreign  lands.  I  affect 
no  contempt  for  the  high  eminence  he  has  reached.  So  reached  that  the 
oppressed  of  my  species  might  have  shared  with  me  the  elevation,  I 
would  rather  stand  on  that  eminence  than  wear  the  richest  crown  that 
ever  pressed  a  monarch's  brow." 

Little  does  he  know,  as  he  utters  the  words,  of  the  elevation  towards 
which  divine  Providence  is  leading  him.  He  has  been  thinking  of  the 
millions  of  his  fellow-men  in  slavery.  He  never  has  forgotten  the  scene 
in  the  slave-market  in  New  Orleans.  He  believes  that  somehow  Prov- 
idence is  to  bring  about  the  extinction  of  slavery.  He  said  to  a  friend, 
"  Sometimes  when  I  am  speaking  I  feel  that  the  time  is  soon  coming 
when  the  sun  shall  shine  and  the  rain  fall  on  no  man  who  shall  go  forth 
to  unrequited  toil.  .  .  .  How  it  will  come  about,  when  it  will  come,  I 
cannot  tell ;  but  that  time  will  surely  come !"  ( ' ) 

Mr.  Buchanan  was  elected.  His  inaugural  address  was  carefully 
written,  and  he  was  ready  to  take  his  seat.  We  do  not  know  who  in- 
formed him  that  the  Supreme  Court,  the  highest  judicial  tribunal 
of  the  nation,  was  prepared  to  make  a  decision  in  a  case  affecting 
the  rights  of  slave-holders  under  the  Constitution ;  but  Mr.  Bu- 
chanan thought  it  best  to  insert  another  sentence  in  his  address.  It 
was  the  expression  of  a  hope  that  the  decision  would  forever  settle  a 
very  vexatious  question.  Two  days  passed,  and  Roger  B.  Taney,  of 
Maryland,  Chief-justice,  startled  the  people  by  what  he  had  to  say  con- 
cerning two  slaves.  Dred  Scott  and  his  wife  Harriet  were  owned  by 
Dr.  Emerson,  of  St.  Louis.  He  was  a  surgeon  in  the  army.  He  took 
them  to  Rock  Island,  in  Iowa,  Fort  Snelling,  Minnesota,  and  then  to  St. 
Louis.  Having  been  taken  voluntarily  by  him  into  a  Free  Territory,  the 
slaves  claimed  they  were  entitled  to  their  liberty  under  the  common 
law  of  the  country.  Of  the  nine  judges  composing  the  court,  five  were 
from  the  Slave  States.  Seven  of  the  judges  agreed  that  the  Constitution 
recognized  slaves  as  property  and  nothing  more.  They  were  not  and 


154 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM    LINCOLN. 


KOGEH   B.   TANEY. 


could  not  be  citizens.  Not  being  citizens,  they  could  not  bring  a  suit  in 
any  court  of  the  United  States.  The  claim  of  Dred  and  Harriet  Scott 
must  be  settled  by  the  court  of  Missouri.  The  Constitution  recognized 
slaves  as  property,  and  that  property  must  be  protected.  It  was 
decided  that  the  Compromise  of  1820  and  that  of  1850  were  uncon- 
stitutional. 

By  this  decision  a  slave  had  no  civil  rights.  He  was  a  thing  only — 
no  more  than  a  horse,  cow,  or  pig.  The  logic  of  the  decision  carried 
slavery  not  only  into  the  Territories,  but  into  the  Free  States.  It  upset 


JAMES  BUCHANAN. 


KANSAS-NEBRASKA  STRUGGLE.  157 

Mr.  Douglas's  theory  that  the  people  of  a  Territory  alone  had  the  right 
to  say  whether  they  would  or  would  not  have  slavery. 

Only  two  of  the  judges — Mr.  McLean,  of  Ohio,  and  Mr.  Curtis,  of 
Massachusetts — dissented  from  this  opinion,  which  made  slavery  instead 
of  freedom  the  basis  upon  which  the  nation  had  been  established.  If 
President  Buchanan  thought  this  decision  would  settle  a  vexatious  ques- 
tion, he  little  comprehended  the  spirit  of  the  people.  Nothing  can  be 
made  permanent  that  is  not  established  in  righteousness.  No  people 
with  the  spirit  of  freedom  in  their  blood  will  ever  see  their  great  char- 
ter of  liberty  utterly  subverted.  The  Supreme  Court,  instead  of  being 
regarded  with  reverence,  became  an  object  of  contempt.  The  common- 
sense  of  the  people  led  them  to  say  the  judges  had  made  an  unwarranted 
decision  in  the  interests  of  slavery. 

The  struggle  for  the  possession  of  Kansas  was  going  on.  The  Free 
State  candidate  for  Congress  had  a  majority  of  more  than  4000  votes. 
The  coveted  prize  was  slipping  away  from  the  slave-holders,  who  de- 
termined to  reverse  the  majority  by  stuffing  the  ballot-boxes  with  fraud- 
ulent votes.  They  selected  600  names  from  an  old  Directory  of  the 
City  of  Cincinnati,  and  registered  them  as  the  names  of  settlers  in  one 
of  the  counties. 

The  Free  State  settlers  elected  a  legislature,  which  met  at  Topeka 
and  framed  a  constitution.  The  slave-holders  met  at  Lecompton  and 
adopted  a  constitution  recognizing  slavery.  Both  of  these  documents 
were  forwarded  to  Washington. 

We  have  seen  Abraham  Lincoln  in  1832  splitting  rails  on  the  bank 
of  the  Sangamon  when  informed  that  John  Calhoun  had  appointed  him 
surveyor  of  land.  A  quarter  of  a  century  had  gone  by,  and  John  Cal- 
houn was  surveyor  of  public  lands  in  Kansas.  He  was  president  of  the 
Lecompton  convention,  and  was  wielding  his  influence  to  make  Kansas  a 
Slave  State  by  changing  the  election  returns.  He  had  a  list  of  379  names 
in  a  precinct  where  only  forty-three  votes  were  cast.  To  keep  them  out 
of  the  hands  of  a  committee  of  Congress  he  secreted  them  in  a  candle-box 
under  a  wood-pile.  For  that  act  he  was  called  "  Candle-box  Calhoun." 

In  Washington  the  slave-holders  were  persuading  President  Buchanan 
to  recommend  the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  State  with  a  constitution 
recognizing  slavery. 

Stephen  A.  Douglas  called  upon  the  President.  He  was  angry,  for 
his  theory  of  the  rights  of  the  people  in  a  Territory  to  say  whether  they 
will  or  will  not  have  slavery  had  been  overturned  by  the  decision  of 
the  Supreme  Court. 


158  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

"  I  must  recommend  the  acceptance  of  the  Lecompton  constitution," 
said  Mr.  Buchanan. 

"  I  shall  feel  it  my  duty  to  oppose  its  acceptance." 

"  Allow  me  to  remind  you,  Senator  Douglas,  that  no  Democrat  ever 
yet  differed  from  an  Administration  of  his  own  party  without  being 
himself  crushed.  I  refer  you  to  the  fate  of  Tallmadge  and  Rives  under 
the  administration  of  President  Jackson." 

"  Mr.  President,  allow  me  to  remind  you  that  General  Jackson  is 
dead."  Mr.  Douglas  bows  and  leaves  the  White  House.  He  keeps  his 
word.  He  knows  the  slave  power  never  will  forgive  him,  but  he  also 
knows  that  unless  he  opposes  the  slave-holders  in  their  attempts  to 
force  a  hateful  constitution  upon  the  people  of  Kansas,  he  will  endanger 
his  own  re-election  to  the  Senate. 

On  the  banks  of  the  little  river  Marias-des-Cygnes  (Marsh  of  the 
Swans),  three  miles  from  Missouri,  settlers  from  the  Free  States  were 
ploughing  their  fields.  They  never  had  taken  part  in  any  trou- 
Mi8589'  kles  between  other  people  and  the  Missouri  ruffians,  but  they 
did  not  want  slaves  in  Kansas,  and  had  voted  to  make  it  a  Free 
State.  Lawless  men  in  Missouri  were  ever  ready  to  shoot  settlers  from 
the  Free  States.  Charles  Hamilton,  with  a  gang  of  twenty-seven,  seized 
eleven  of  the  men  who  had  taken  farms  in  the  valley  of  Marias-des- 
Cygnes.  "  Make  ready !  Take  aim !  Fire !"  the  word  of  command.  The 
rifles  and  revolvers  flashed,  and  all  but  one  were  killed  or  wounded. 
The  murderers  fired  once  more,  riddling  the  bodies  with  bullets,  and 
then  rode  back  to  Missouri  to  gloat  over  the  morning's  work.  It 
was  their  way  of  upsetting  the  popular  sovereignty  of  Senator  Douglas 
—their  way  of  interpreting  the  meaning  of  the  Constitution  —  their 
method  of  carrying  slavery  into  Kansas. 

The  people  of  the  Northern  States  were  horrified  when  they  heard 
of  the  cold-blooded  massacre,  and  the  peaceful  Quaker  poet,  John  G. 
Whittier,  far  away  on  the  banks  of  the  Merrimac,  in  Massachusetts, 
wrote  these  lines : 

"A  blush  as  of  roses, 

Where  roses  never  grew  ; 
Great  drops  on  the  bunch-grass, 

But  not  of  the  dew  ; 
A  taint  in  the  sweet  air 

For  wild  bees  to  shun  ; 
A  stain  that  shall  never 

Bleach  out  with  the  sun." 

Into  Missouri  with  a  company  of  men  marched  John  Brown,  not  to 


HORACE  GREELEY. 


KANSAS-NEBRASKA   STRUGGLE.  161 

commit  murder,  but  with  a  far  different  object  in  view.  The  Supreme 
Court  had  decided  that  under  the  Constitution  slavery  might  be  estab- 
lished in  Kansas.  Missourians  were  determined  to  force  it  upon  the 
Territory.  He  would  let  the  ruffians  know  that  slaves  had  legs  and 
could  run  away.  He  found  fourteen  who  were  ready  to  be  free  men. 
He  started  with  them,  bound  for  Iowa.  "  Three  thousand  dollars  reward 
for  the  arrest  of  John  Brown !"  read  the  proclamation  of  the  Governor 
of  Missouri. 

"Two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  reward!"  read  the  proclamation  of 
James  Buchanan,  President  of  the  United  States. 

The  Marshal  of  Missouri  with  a  posse  of  men  surrounded  the  log- 
cabin  occupied  by  Brown  and  his  company,  but  the  muzzles  of  rifles 
projected  from  the  crevices  between  the  logs. 

"  Come  on,  gentlemen,  if  you  wish  to."  It  was  a  pleasant  voice, 
with 'no  bravado  in  the  tones. 

But  three  thousand  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  was  no  tempta- 
tion to  advance.  Night  came,  and  John  Brown  and  the  slaves  were  on 
their  way  to  Iowa.  Never  again  would  the  fugitives  call  any  man 
master. 

The  disagreement  of  Douglas  with  President  Buchanan  upon  the 
acceptance  of  the  Lecompton  constitution  led  Horace  Greeley,  editor 
of  the  New  York  "  Tribune,"  and  other  men  of  the  Eastern  States,  to 
think  it  would  be  good  policy  for  the  Kepublicans  .to  support  Doug- 
las. Mr.  Lincoln  and  his  friends  thought  differently.  They  knew  Mr. 
Douglas  desired  to  be  President  of  the  United  States,  and  that  he  was 
not  opposing  the  acceptance  of  the  Lecompton  constitution  from  any 
noble  principle.  Mr.  Herndon,  Mr.  Lincoln's  law  partner,  thought  it 
would  be  well  for  some  one  to  let  Mr,  Greeley  and  other  Eastern  gen- 
tlemen know  their  advocacy  of  Douglas  was  doing  much  harm  to  the 
Republicans  of  Illinois,  and  he  accordingly  visited  the  Eastern  States. 
In  Boston  he  made  the  acquaintance  of  Theodore  Parker,  a  Unitarian 
minister,  who  was  making  very  earnest  efforts  to  bring  about  the 
abolition  of  slavery,  and  who  presented  him  with  a  copy  of  a  speech 
which  he  had  made.  Herndon  carried  it  to  Springfield.  Mr.  Lincoln 
read  it,  and  made  a  pencil  mark  against  this  sentence :  "  Democracy  is 
direct  self-government  over  all  the  people,  for  all  the  people,  by  all  the 
people."  (*) 

It  was  a  sentence  to  be  remembered. 

Times  had  changed  in  Illinois  since  that  day  when  Abraham  Lin- 
coln entered  the  State  driving  an  ox-team.  Then  the  farmers  reaped 

11 


162  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

their  grain  with  a  sickle,  or  gathered  it  with  a  cradle.  In  1833  Obed 
Hussey  invented  a  machine  for  reaping,  and  in  1834  Cyrus  McCormick 
took  out  a  patent  for  a  similar  machine.  Mr.  Manny,  of  Chicago,  also 
took  out  a  patent,  which  McCormick  claimed  was  an  infringe- 
ment. Mr.  Manny  employed  two  able  lawyers  to  defend  his  claim 
—  George  Harding,  of  Philadelphia,  who  understood  mechanics,  and 
Abraham  Lincoln,  who  was  to  take  up  the  points  of  law  involved.  Mr. 
Reverdy  Johnson,  of  Baltimore,  regarded  as  one  of  the  ablest  lawyers 
in.  the  country,  was  employed  by  Mr.  McCormick.  Mr.  Lincoln  pre- 
pared himself  with  great  care,  and  was  quite  ready  to  meet  Mr.  Johnson 
in  argument. 

Judge  McLean,  of  the  Supreme  Court,  was  to  hear  the  case  in  Cin- 
cinnati. Mr.  Lincoln  reached  that  city  and  found  that  Mr.  Manny  had 
also  engaged  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  of  Pittsburg.  The  three  lawyers  met 
for  consultation.  Only  two  of  them  could  be  heard  by  the  Court.  Mr. 
Harding,  by  mutual  consent,  was  to  present  the  mechanical  features  of 
the  invention.  Who  should  present  the  legal  points,  Lincoln  or  Stan- 
ton?  By  custom  it  was  Lincoln's  right.  He  was  prepared,  Stanton 
Avas  not.  "  You  will  speak,  of  course,"  said  Stanton.  "  No,  you,"  the 
courteous  reply.  "  I  will,"  the  answer,  and  Mr.  Stanton  abruptly  and 
discourteously  left  the  room.  He  had  taken  a  great  dislike  to  Lincoln, 
who  overheard  him  in  an  adjoining  room  say  to  a  friend :  "  Where  did 
such  a  lank  creature  come  from  ?  His  linen  duster  is  blotched  on  his 
back  with  perspiration  and  dust,  so  that  you  might  use  it  for  a  map  of 
the  continent."  (3) 

Mr.  Lincoln  felt  the  discourtesy.  He  had  looked  forward  to  the 
contest  with  keen  zest,  but  Stanton  had  rudely  pushed  him  aside  and 
assumed  superiority. 

We  have  seen  Mr.  Lincoln,  when  clerk  in  Offut's  store  in  New  Sa- 
lem, vanquishing  Jack  Armstrong  in  a  wrestling  match,  and  Jack  from 
that  day  becoming  a  true  and  steadfast  friend.  It  was  Hannah 
j^-g'  Armstrong,  wife  of  Jack,  who  mended  the  clerk's  clothing.  He 
was  ever  welcomed  to  the  Armstrong  cabin.  But  Jack  had 
died  and  Hannah  was  in  trouble.  To  whom  should  she  go  but  to  the 
great-hearted  friend,  no  longer  reseating  chairs  or  surveying  land,  but 
foremost  among  the  lawyers  of  Illinois?  It  was  a  sad  story.  Her 
son  William  was  in  jail,  accused  of  killing  James  T.  Metzger.  He 
went  to  a  camp-meeting,  drank  too  much  whiskey,  and  quarrelled  with 
Metzger. 

A  fatal  blow  was  struck  either  by  William  or  by  a  boon  companion. 


KANSAS-NEBRASKA   STRUGGLE.  163 

The  people  were  so  bitter  against  him  that  the  trial  was  to  be  at  Beards- 
town,  in  another  county. 

"  Hannah,  I'll  do  all  I  can  for  you."  That  was  all  Lawyer  Lincoln 
could  say. 

The  court-house  is  filled  with  people.  The  evidence  in  the  case  is 
very  much  against  William.  The  witnesses  swear  they  heard  the  quar- 
relling between  him  and  Metzger.  It  was  in  the  evening.  They  saw 
Bill  strike  the  fatal  blow. 

"  You  say  that  you  saw  him  strike  the  fatal  blow  ?"  Lincoln  asks. 

"Yes."  " 

"  What  time  was  it  ?" 

"  About  eleven  o'clock  in  the  evening." 

"Was  it  a  bright  night?" 

"  Yes,  the  moon  was  nearly  full." 

"  What  was  its  position  in  the  sky  ?" 

"  It  was  just  about  the  position  of  the  sun  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  fore- 
noon." 

"  You  say  that  the  moon  was  nearly  full,  and  shining  so  bright  that 
you  could  see  Bill  strike  the  blow." 

"  Yes." 

Lawyer  Lincoln  takes  an  almanac  from  his  pocket  and  shows  it  to 
the  jury.  "  Gentlemen,  either  this  witness  is  wrong  or  this  almanac  is 
wrong,  for  it  says  there  was  no  moon  that  night.  Which  will  you  be- 
lieve?" Yery  eloquent  are  the  closing  words  of  his  argument.  Han- 
nah Armstrong  is  looking  up  into  his  face.  He  sees  the  white  hair  and 
the  wrinkled  brow  of  the  woman  who  has  been  as  a  mother  to  him. 
There  is  no  conclusive  evidence  that  her  son  plunged  the  knife  into  the 
side  of  the  murdered  man.  The  almanac  contradicts  the  witnesses  who 
testify  that  they  saw  the  stroke  by  the  light  of  the  moon.  There  are 
tears  in  his  eyes  as  he  tells  the  jury  about  the  dead  father,  the  cabin 
where  he  lived ;  how  it  had  been  a  home  to  himself ;  how  tenderly  the 
woman  sitting  by  his  side  had  cared  for  him  ;  how  the  son,  with  no  fa- 
ther to  restrain  him,  had  fallen  into  bad  company.  With  all  the  evi- 
dence before  them  the  jury^  could  not  unmistakably  say  that  William, 
struck  the  blow.  The  jurors  brush  the  tears  from  their  sunburnt  faces. 
The  judge  cannot  conceal  his  emotion,  and  there  is  a  sound  of  stifled 
sobbing  in  the  room  as  he  pictures  the  past. 

The  jury  render  its  verdict  of  "  not  guilty."  The  court-room  sud- 
denly changes  to  a  scene  of  congratulation  —  lawyer,  judge,  a  great 
crowd  of  citizens  shaking  hands  with  Mr.  Lincoln. 


164  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

The  summer  birds  were  singing,  but  Abraham  Lincoln  did  not  heed 
them  as  he  walked  the  streets.  Old  acquaintances  met  him,  but  he  did 
not  see  them.  He  was  lost  in  thought.  At  times  his  friends  saw  him 
take  a  scrap  of  paper  from  his  hat  and  the  stub  of  a  pencil  from  his 
pocket  and  jot  down  a  few  words.  In  by-gone  years  his  hat  had  been 
the  New  Salem  Post-office,  but  it  had  come  to  be  a  receptacle  of  his 
thoughts.  When  he  reached  his  office  he  usually  emptied  it  of  the  bits 
of  paper,  dipped  his  pen  into  a  large  wooden  inkstand,  and  wrote  out  the 
thoughts  that  had  come  to  him.  He  was  thinking  about  the  decision 
of  Chief -justice  Taney,  of  what  was  going  on  in  Kansas,  and  smiled  as 

he  reflected  upon  the  predicament  in  which 
Douglas  found  himself.  He  looked  into 
the  future,  and  the  smile  faded  away.  He 
saw  what  other  men  did  not  see,  that 
-  either  slavery  or  freedom  was  to  be  su- 
preme in  the  nation ;  that  ever  since  the 
advent  of  Jesus  Christ  on  earth  righteous- 
ness and  liberty  had  been  making  head- 
way against  wrong  and  slavery.  He  had 

ABRAHAM    LINCOLN'S   INKSTAND.  ^    abidmg     faith     jn     God?    and      gaw     that 

sooner  or  later  freedom  was  to  win. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  an  Abolitionist,  but  was  against  the  further 
extension  of  slavery.  Possibly  before  the  formation  of  the  ^Republican 
Party  ho  could  not  have  said  just  what  course  ought  to  be  pursued  to 
bring  about  its  final  extinction.  He  was  being  educated  by  passing 
events.  He  read  the  "  Antislavery  Standard,"  the  New  York  "  Tri- 
bune," the  Chicago  "Tribune,"  which  came  regularly  to  his  office. 
"  Never  did  a  man,"  said  his  partner,  Mr.  Herndon,  "  change  as  did  Mr. 
Lincoln.  No  sooner  had  he  planted  himself  right  on  the  slavery  ques- 
tion than  his  whole  soul  seemed  burning.  He  blossomed  right  out. 
Spiritual  things  became  clear  to  him." 

The  hotels  of  Springfield  were  filled  with  delegates  from  all  the 
counties  in  the  State.  They  were  discussing  the  great  question  of  the 
hour  —  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court,  its  effect  on  the 
J'l85816'  "Popular  Sovereignty"  doctrine  of  Douglas.  They  had  read 
about  the  massacre  in  Kansas,  and  were  enthusiastic  over  the 
formation  of  the  Kepublican  Party.  In  a  quiet  chamber  Abraham 
Lincoln  was  reading  his  speech  to  several  of  his  confidential  friends. 
He  wanted  their  opinion  in  regard  to  it.  These  the  opening  sen- 
tences : 


KANSAS-NEBRASKA  STRUGGLE.  165 

"  If  we  could  first  know  where  we  are  and  whither  we  are  tending,  we  could  better 
judge  what  to  do  and  how  to  do  it.  We  are  now  far  into  the  fifth  year  since  a  policy  was 
initiated  with  the  avowed  object  and  confident  promise  of  putting  an  end  to  slavery  agita- 
tion. Under  the  operation  of  that  policy  that  agitation  has  not  only  not  ceased,  but  has 
constantly  augmented.  In  my  opinion  it  will  not  cease  until  a  crisis  has  been  reached  and 
passed.  '  A  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand.'  I  believe  this  Government  cannot 
endure  permanently  half  slave  and  half  free.  I  do  not  expect  the  Union  to  be  dissolved, 
I  do  not  expect  the  house  to  fall,  but  I  do  expect  it  will  cease  to  be  divided.  It  will  be- 
come all  one  thing  or  all  the  other.  Either  the  opponents  of  slavery  will  arrest  the  fur- 
ther spread  of  it,  and  place  it  where  the  public  mind  shall  rest  in  the  belief  that  it  is  in 
the  course  of  ultimate  extinction,  or  its  advocates  will  push  it  forward  till  it  shall  become 
alike  lawful  in  all  the  States,  old  as  well  as  new,  North  as  well  as  South."(4) 

His  friends  were  startled. 

"  It  will  never  do  for  you  to  make  that  speech,"  they  said.  "  What 
you  say  is  true,  but  the  time  has  not  come  for  you  to  say  it.  It  will 
defeat  your  election.  It  will  ruin  the  Eepublican  Party." 

Mr.  Lincoln  hears  them,  rises  from  his  chair,  stands  erect.  He  does 
not  look  into  the  faces  of  those  around  him.  It  is  the  old  far-away  look, 
as  if  seeing  what  they  cannot  see. 

"My  friends,  I  have  given  much  thought  to  this  question.  The  time  has  come  when 
these  sentiments  should  be  uttered.  If  it  is  decreed  that  I  should  go  down  because  of  this 
speech,  then  let  me  go  down  linked  with  it  to  the  truth.  Let  me  die  in  the  advocacy  of 
what  is  just  and  right." 

If  it  is  decreed.  He  believes  in  God,  a  being  of  absolute  justice  and 
truth,  who  directs  the  affairs  of  men  and  nations.  He  himself  is  of  little 
account.  Justice  and  truth  are  eternal,  and  if  need  be  he  will  go  down 
in  their  defence. 

Not  quite  half  a  century  has  gone  By  since  his  mother  folded  him  in 
her  arms  in  the  cheerless  Kentucky  home,  less  than  twenty-five  years 
since  he  was  swinging  an  axe  in  the  woods  on  the  bank  of  the  Sangamon ; 
but,  with  a  great  prize  before  him,  he  tramples  all  political  and  personal 
considerations  beneath  his  feet.  In  this  supreme  hour  he  stands  with 
the  steadfast  men  of  all  the  ages.  Not  a  word  is  changed.  He  will  de- 
liver it  as  written  or  not  at  all. 

He  exposed  the  plan  by  which  Kansas  was  to  be  made  a  Slave  State, 
and  slavery  carried  into  the  Free  States — a  plan  arranged  by  Stephen  A. 
Douglas,  Franklin  Pierce,  Roger  B.  Taney,  and  James  Buchanan.  "  "We 
cannot,"  he  said,  "  absolutely  know  that  all  these  exact  adaptations  are 
the  result  of  preconcert.  But  when  we  see  a  lot  of  framed  timbers,  dif- 
ferent portions  of  which  we  know  have  been  gotten  out  at  different 
times  and  places  by  different  workmen — Stephen,  Franklin,  Eoger,  and 


166 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


James,  for  instance — and  when  we  see  these  timbers  joined  together, 
and  see  that  they  exactly  make  the  frame  of  a  house  or  a  mill,  all  the 
tenons  and  mortises  exactly  fitting  and  all  the  lengths  and  proportions 
exactly  adapted  to  their  respective  places,  and  not  a  piece  too  many  or 
too  few,  not  omitting  even  scaffolding,  we  find  it  impossible  not  to 
believe  that  Stephen,  Franklin,  Koger,  and  James  all  understood  one 
another  from  the  beginning,  and  all  worked  upon  a  common  plan  drawn 
before  the  first  blow  was  struck." 

The  convention  nominated  him  as  candidate  for  Senator,  but  the 
delegates  went  home  with  heavy  hearts,  fearing  the  sentiments  expressed 
would  not  be  acceptable  to  the  Kepublicans  of  the  State. 

"  The  first  ten  lines  of  your  speech  will  bring  about  your  defeat,'1 
wrote  his  friend  Swett  from  Chicago. 

"  You  have  made  a  great  mistake,"  the  words  of  another. 
"  If  I  had,"  wrote  Mr.  Lincoln  in  reply,  "  to  draw  my  pen  across  my 

record  and  erase  my 
whole  life  from  sight, 
and  if  I  had  one  poor 
choice  left  as  to  what 
I  should  save  from 
the  wreck,  I  should 
choose  that  speech 
and  leave  it  to  the 
world  as  it  is." 

Douglas  and  Lin- 
coln both  visited  Chi- 
cago. A  great  crowd 
assembled  in  front  of 
the  Tremont  House 
to  listen  to  a  speech 
from  the  former.  He 
had  many  ardent 
friends  who  admired 
his  great  abilities  and 
his  winning  ways. 
He  knew  Mr.  Lincoln 

was  in  the  city  and  courteously  invited  him  to  take  a  seat  on  the  plat- 
form. It  was  a  gracious  act.  The  invitation  was  accepted.  The  thou- 
sands in  the  street  had  an  opportunity  of  seeing  the  two  foremost  men 
of  the  State,  both  of  them  in  the  full  vigor  of  manhood. 


LEONARD   SWETT. 


KANSAS-NEBRASKA   STRUGGLE.  167 

"  I  take  great  pleasure,"  said  Douglas,  "  in  saying  that  I  have  known 
personally  and  intimately,  for  about  a  quarter  of  a  century,  the  worthy 
gentleman  who  has  been  nominated  for  my  place,  and  I  Avill  say  that  I 
regard  him  as  a  kind,  amiable,  and  intelligent  gentleman — a  good  citizen 
and  an  honorable  opponent ;  and  Avhatever  may  be  the  issue  I  may  have 
with  him  it  will  be  of  principle  and  not  of  personalities." 

He  read  the  opening  sentences  of  the  speech  of  Lincoln  at  Spring- 
field, "  A  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand,"  and  said : 

"  Mr.  Lincoln  advocates  boldly  and  clearly  a  war  of  sections,  a  war 
of  the  North  against  the  South,  of  the  Free  States  against  the  Slave 
States,  a  war  of  extermination  to  be  continued  relentlessly  until  the  one 
or  the  other  shall  be  subdued,  and  all  the  States  shall  either  become  free 
or  become  slave." 

Mr.  Lincoln  had  not  indicated  a  desire  to  see  any  such  contest,  but 
had  stated  what  would  be  the  probable  course  of  events.  He  had  ut- 
tered a  prophecy,  nothing  more. 

Douglas  did  not  notice  the  allusion  to  the  political  carpenters  and 
house-builders,  Stephen,  Franklin,  Koger,  and  James.  He  boldly  an- 
nounced his  support  of  the  decision  rendered  by  the  Supreme  Court  in 
relation  to  Dred  and  Harriet  Scott. 

"  This  Government  is  founded  on  the  white  basis.  It  was  made  for 
the  white  man,  for  the  benefit  of  the  white  man,  to  be  administered  by 
the  white  men  as  they  shall  determine.  .  .  .  Kentucky  has  the  right  to 
say  that  her  negroes  shall  be  slaves,  Illinois  that  her  negroes  shall  not 
vote,  New  York  that  hers  may  vote,  when  qualified  by  property,  and 
Maine  that  the  negro  is  equal  at  the  polls  to  the  white  man." 

The  next  evening  Abraham  Lincoln  stood  upon  the  same  platform, 
looking  down  upon  a  sea  of  faces.  He  made  a  vigorous  reply  to  Doug- 
las. A  week  later  both  candidates  were  in  Bloomington.  Douglas 
had  misrepresented  his  opponent,  but  Lincoln  was  not  irritated.  With 
good-humor  he  spoke  of  those  who  supported  Douglas.  "They  are 
looking  upon  him  as  certain  at  no  distant  day  to  be  President.  They 
have  seen  in  his  round,  jolly,  fruitful  face,  post-offices,  land-offices,  mar- 
shalships,  Cabinet  appointments,  chargeships,  and  foreign  missions  burst- 
ing and  sprouting  out  in  wonderful  luxuriance  ready  to  be  laid  hold  of 
by  their  greedy  hands.  ...  On  the  contrary,  nobody  has  ever  expected 
me  to  be  President.  In  my  poor,  lean,  lank  face  nobody  has  seen  any 
cabbages  sprouting  out." 

"Challenge  Douglas  to  a  joint  debate,"  said  some  of  Lincoln's 
friends. 


168  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  Will  it  be  agreeable  to  you  to  make  an  arrangement  for  you  and 
myself  to  divide  the  time  and  address  the  same  audiences  the  present 
canvass  ?"  read  a  note  from  Lincoln.  It  lead  ultimately  to  an  arrange- 
ment for  a  joint  discussion  in  some  of  the  principal  towns  in  different 
parts  of  the  State. 

"  It  never  will  do  for  Lincoln  to  meet  Douglas  on  the  same  plat- 
form," said  timid  friends. 

The  hotel  of  Mr.  Chenery  in  Springfield  was  crowded  with  the  friends 
of  Lincoln,  and  he  was  there  to  meet  them.  The  old-time  sadness  was 
on  his  face,  for  he  knew  many  of  them  were  fearful  that  he  would  be 
no  match  for  Douglas. 

"  We  are  looking  forward  with  some  anxiety  to  your  proposed  de- 
bate," the  remark  of  one  who  had  ridden  the  circuit  with  him. 

"  Sit  down ;  let  me  tell  you  a  story.  Have  you  and  I  not  seen  two 
men  about  to  fight,  one  noisy  and  boastful,  jumping,  striking  his  fists 
together,  telling  what  he  is  going  to  do,  trying  hard  to  sheer  the  other 
fellow,  who  don't  say  anything?  His  arms  hang  down,  but  his  fists 
are  clinched,  his  teeth  are  set,  his  muscles  rigid.  You  may  be  sure  he 
will  whip.  Good-bye.  Kemember  what  I  say." 

The  sadness  was  gone  ;  his  face  was  beaming  with  smiles. 

The  arrangements  were  made.  The  first  debate  was  at  Ottawa,  at- 
tended by  20,000  people.  No  hall  could  hold  the  multitudes  who  gath- 
ered to  hear  the  two  men  who  had  risen  from  obscurity  to  be  the 
foremost  political  debaters  of  the  State.  Douglas  had  a  series  of  ques- 
tions for  which  he  demanded  answers.  Mr.  Lincoln  answered  them  un- 
hesitatingly. Before  the  next  meeting  came,  which  was  to  be  held  at 
Freeport,  Lincoln  prepared  four  questions  for  Douglas  to  answer.  This 
was  the  third  question  propounded  : 

"  If  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  shall  decide  that  States 
cannot  exclude  slavery  from  their  limits,  are  you  in  favor  of  acqui- 
escing in,  adopting,  and  following  such  decision  as  a  code  of  political 
action  ?" 

"  Douglas,"  said  Lincoln's  friends,  "  will  reply  by  affirming  this  de- 
cision as  an  abstract  principle,  but  denying  its  political  application." 

"  If  he  does  that  he  can  never  be  President,"  said  Lincoln. 

"  That  is  not  your  lookout ;  you  are  after  the  Senatorship." 

"  No,  gentlemen  ;  I  am  killing  larger  game.  The  battle  of  1860  is 
worth  a  hundred  of  this." 

Mr.  Douglas  saw  the  dilemma  in  which  he  would  be  placed,  and 
evaded  answering  the  question.  Throughout  the  campaign  he  trav- 


KANSAS-NEBRASKA   STRUGGLE.  169 

elled  from  town  to  town  in  a  railway  car  decorated  with  flags,  accom- 
panied by  his  friends  and  a  brass  band. 

Mr.  Lincoln,  on  the  other  hand,  travelled  alone.  No  trumpeter 
heralded  his  coming.  He  knew  there  was  not  much  chance  for  him  to 
win,  but  he  was  battling  for  great  principles. 

"  Why  don't  you  tell  funny  stories,  and  make  people  laugh  and  cheer 
you  ?"  asked  a  friend. 

"  The  occasion  is  too  serious  and  the  issue  too  grave.  I  do  not  seek 
applause,  or  to  amuse  the  people,"  the  reply. 

"  Somehow,"  said  one  who  heard  them  both,  "  while  Douglas  was 
greeted  with  constant  cheers,  when  Lincoln  closed,  the  people  seemed 
serious  and  thoughtful,  and  could  be  heard  all  through  the  crowd 
gravely  and  anxiously  discussing  the  subjects  on  which  he  had  been 
speaking."  (6) 

Mr.  Douglas  stated  that  he  did  not  care  whether  slavery  was 
voted  into  or  out  of  the  Territories ;  the  negro  was  not  his  equal ; 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  not  intended  to  include  the 
negro.  Far  different  is  the  following  statement  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  con- 
victions : 

"The  men  who  signed  the  Declaration  of  Independence  said  that  all  men  are  created 
equal,  and  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with  certain  inalienable  rights — life,  liberty,  and 
the  pursuit  of  happiness.  This  was  their  majestic  interpretation  of  the  economy  of  the 
universe.  This  was  their  lofty  and  wise  and  noble  understanding  of  the  justice  of  the 
Creator  to  His  creatures  —  yes,  gentlemen,  to  all  His  creatures,  to  the  whole  great 
family  of  man.  In  their  enlightened  belief,  nothing  stamped  with  the  divine  image  and 
likeness  was  sent  into  the  world  to  be  trodden  on  and  degraded  and  imbruted  by  its 
fellows.  They  grasped  not  only  the  whole  race  of  man  then  living,  but  they  reached 
forward  and  seized  upon  the  farthest  posterity.  They  erected  a  beacon  to  guide  their 
children,  and  their  children's  children,  and  the  countless  myriads  who  should  inhabit 
the  earth  in  other  ages.  Wise  statesmen  as  they  were,  they  knew  the  tendency  of  pos- 
terity to  breed  tyrants,  and  so  they  established  these  great  self-evident  truths,  that  when 
in  the  distant  future  some  man,  some  faction,  some  interest,  should  set  up  the  doctrine 
that  none  but  rich  men,  none  but  white  men,  or  none  but  Anglo-Saxon  white  men  were 
entitled  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  their  posterity  might  look  up  again 
to  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  take  courage  to  renew  the  battle  which  their 
fathers  began  ;  so  that  truth  and  justice  and  mercy  and  all  the  humane  and  Christian 
virtues  might  not  be  extinguished  from  the  land  ;  so  that  no  man  would  hereafter  dare  to 
limit  and  circumscribe  the  great  principles  on  which  the  temple  of  liberty  was  being 
built. 

"Now,  my  countrymen,  if  you  have  been  taught  doctrines  conflicting  with  the  great 
landmarks  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  ;  if  you  have  listened  to  suggestions 
which  would  take  away  from  its  grandeur  and  mutilate  the  fair  symmetry  of  its  pro- 
portions ;  if  you  have  been  inclined  to  believe  that  all  men  are  not  created  equal  in  those 
inalienable  rights  enumerated  by  our  chart  of  liberty— let  me  entreat  you  to  come  back. 


170  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

Return  to  the  fountain  whose  waters  spring  close  by  the  blood  of  the  Revolution. 
Think  nothing  of  me  ;  take  no  thought  for  the  political  fate  of  any  man  whomsoever, 
but  come  back  to  the  truths  that  are  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  You  may  do 
anything  with  me  you  choose  if  you  will  but  heed  these  sacred  principles.  You  may 
not  only  defeat  me  for  Ihe  Senate,  but  you  may  take  me  and  put  me  to  death.  While 
pretending  no  indifference  to  earthly  honors,  I  do  claim  to  be  actuated  in  this  contest  by 
something  higher  than  an  anxiety  for  office.  I  charge  you  to  drop  every  paltry  and 
insignificant  thought  for  any  man's  success.  It  is  nothing  ;  I  am  nothing  ;  Judge 
Douglas  is  nothing.  But  do  not  destroy  that  immortal  emblem  of  humanity  :  the 
Declaration  of  American  Independence." 

It  was  a  wearying  campaign.  Besides  the  seven  debates  with  Doug- 
las, Mr.  Lincoln  made  many  speeches  throughout  the  State.  Mr. 
Douglas  travelled  in  a  saloon  car,  luxuriously  fitted  up  for  his  accom- 
modation, where  he  could  rest  undisturbed  after  the  fatigue  of  the  day. 
The  Superintendent  of  the  Illinois  Central  Railroad,  George  B.  Mc- 
Clellan,  was  a  Democrat,  and  Mr.  Douglas's  personal  friend.  Mr.  Lin- 
coln had  been  retained  as  an  attorney  for  the  railroad,  but  could  obtain 
no  accommodation  from  the  officials  of  the  company,  who  were  in  sym- 
pathy with  Douglas,  and  who  used  their  influence  to  secure  his  election. 

The  majority  of  votes  was  more  than  four  thousand  in  Lincoln's 
favor,  but  the  Democrats,  through  an  unfair  districting  of  the  State, 
secured  the  election  of  a  majority  of  the  Legislature  favorable  to 
Douglas. 

"  I  am  glad,"  he  said  to  a  friend,  "  that  I  made  the  race.  It  gave 
me  a  hearing  on  the  questions  of  the  age  which  I  could  have  had  in  no 
other  way,  and  though  I  may  sink  entirely  out  of  view  and  shall  be 
forgotten,  I  believe  I  have  made  some  marks  which  will  tell  for  the 
cause  of  liberty  after  I  am  gone."(°) 

The  old-time  depression  returned.  It  was  a  natural  sequence  to  the 
exhausting  labors  of  the  campaign.  He  was  no  longer  receiving  the 
applause  of  listening  thousands.  The  enthusiasm  which  sus- 
J^g'  tained  him  as  he  set  forth  the  great  questions  involving  the 
future  welfare  of  the  country  no  longer  thrilled  him.  Per- 
nicious political  principles  were  in  the  ascendent ;  truth  and  justice  had 
gone  down  in  the  conflict.  Friends  would  soon  forget  that  he  had  ever 
lived.  Discouraged  and  downcast,  he  walked  the  streets.  Little  did 
he  know  how  divine  Providence  had  planned  comfort  and  consolation. 
He  heard  sweet  music — a  melody  and  chorus.  He  stopped  and  listened 
to  the  enchanting  strains  floating  upon  the  evening  air.  He  was  soothed 
by  the  music  and  enraptured  by  the  words.  They  awakened  tender 
memories. 


TELL   ME,   YE    WINGED    WINDS. 


SONG   WITH   INVISIBLE   CHORUS,'1 


Andante  sostenuto. 


H.  S.  THOMPSON. 


E—3 

1.  Tell     me,      ye     wing-ed       winds,  that  round  my     path  -  way    roar,    Do 

2.  Tell    me,     thoti  might-y        deep,  whose  bil  -  lows  round  me    play,Know'st 

3.  And    thou,    se  -  ren  -  est        moon,  that  with  such    ho   -    ly      face    Dost 


ye  not  know  some  spot  where  mor  -  tals  weep  no  more,  Some 
thou  some  fav  -  ored  spot,  some  isl  -  and  far  a  -  way.  Where 
look  up  -  on  the  earth,  a  -  sleep  in  night's  em  -  brace;  Tell 


lone  and  pleas-ant  dell, 
wea  -  ry  man  may  find 
me,  in  all  thy  round, 


some  val  -  ley  in  the  west,  Where 
the  bliss  for  which  he  sighs,  Where 
hast  thou  not  found  some  spot,  Where 


free  from  care  and  pain  the  wea  -  ry  soul 
sor  -  row  nev  -  er  lives,  and  friendship  nev 
we  poor  wretched  men  may  find  a  hap 


may      rest? 
er         dies? 
pier       lot? 


*  When  sung  in  public,  the  Chorus  are  placed  in  an  adjoining  room. 
[By  permission  ot  Oliver  Uitson  &  Co.] 


TELL  MB,   YE  WINGED  WINDS. 


CHORUS. 
Soprano. 


mo 


^£ 


p*=rr*: 

3rta=P 


?=1 


No     rest,         no     rest      for    mor-tals        here    be    -    low: 
Alto. 


Tenor. 


No    rest,         no     rest      for    mor-tals        here    be    -    low; 


Islii 


Sor-row,      sin,    and    death        fill        the  pathway      as      you      go. 


Sor-row,      sin,    and    death        fill        the  pathway      as      you      go. 


II 


4  Tell  me,  my  secret  soul,  oh !  tell  me,  hope  and  faith, 
Is  there  no  resting-place  from  sorrow,  sin,  and  death? 
Is  there  no  happy  spot  where  mortals  may  be  bless'd, 
Where  grief  may  find  a  balm,  and  weariness  a  rest? 

CHORUS. 

Yes,  they  rest ;  yes,  they  rest  beyond  the  bright  blue  skies, 
Where  sorrow  never  comes,  and  friendship  never  dies. 


KANSAS-NEBRASKA  STRUGGLE.  173 

The  depression  was  gone.  True  friendship  never  dies/  Justice  and 
truth  and  love  are  eternal.  Right  will  triumph.  "I  must  have  that,"  he 
said,  and  addressed  a  note  to  the  young  lady  whose  voice  had  thrilled 
him  with  its  sweetness  and  pathos,  requesting  a  copy  of  the  words.  (') 
So  again  angels  ministered  to  him. 

The  speeches  made  by  Lincoln  and  Douglas  were  published  in  a 

volume,  which  people  in  other  sections  of  the  country  were  reading.     It 

seems  probable  that  though  Mr.  Lincoln  had  served  a  term  in 

Congress,  few  outside  of  Illinois  knew  that  such  a  man  existed 

till  they  read  his  speeches.     Douglas  was  known  throughout  the  repub- 

*lic.     But  who  was  Abraham  Lincoln  ?     Where  had  he  been,  and  what 

had  he  been  doing  through  preceding  years  ?     People  were  astonished. 

No  statesman  in  Congress  had  grappled  with  the  great  questions  of  the 

day  with  such  transcendent  power.     They  were  amazed  that  one  of 

whom  they  had  never  heard  should  so  suddenly  appear  to  confront  with 

unanswerable  arguments  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  aggressive  debaters 

in  the  country. 

Mr.  Douglas  had  won  a  re-election  to  the  Senate,  but  he  was  conscious 
that  he  had  lost  ground  politically  in  the  Southern  States,  and  so  deter- 
mined to  visit  that  section  of  the  country.  He  made  a  speech  at  Mem- 
phis. "  The  question  of  slavery,"  he  said,  "  is  one  of  climate.  Wherever 
it  is  for  the  interest  of  the  inhabitants  of  a  territory  to  encourage  slave 
property,  they  will  pass  a  slave  code.  On  the  sugar  plantations  of 
Louisiana  it  is  not  a  question  between  the  white  man  and  the  negro,  but 
between  the  negro  and  the  crocodile.  The  Almighty  has  drawn  a  line 
on  the  continent,  on  the  one  side  of  which  the  soil  must  be  cultivated  by 
slave  labor,  on  the  other  by  free  labor.  .  .  .  We  must  have  more  territory. 
Men  may  say  we  shall  never  want  anything  more  of  Mexico,  but  the 
time  will  come  when  we  shall  be  compelled  to  take  more.  ...  So  of  the 
Island  of  Cuba.  It  is  a  matter  of  no  consequence  whether  we  want  it  or 
not ;  we  are  compelled  to  take  it,  and  we  can't  help  it." 

He  went  to  New  Orleans,  and  made  a  like  speech  in  that  city. 
Jan.,  When  he  reached  Washington  he  found  the  slave-holders  had 
1859.  deposed  him  from  the  chairmanship  of  the  Committee  on  Ter- 
ritories. It  was  intended  humiliation. 

We  have  seen  John  Brown  in  Kansas  fighting  to  make  it  a  Free 
State.  He  was  born  in  Connecticut,  but  when  he  was  only  five  years 
old  his  father  moved  to  Ohio.  He  hated  oppression  and  injustice,  and 
was  ever  ready  to  help  the  poor.  He  wanted  to  be  a  minister,  but  be- 
came a  tanner  instead,  and  was  so  conscientious  that  he  would  never 


174 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 


sell  his  leather  until  it  was  perfectly  dry.  He  became  a  wool  merchant, 
hut  lost  what  little  money  he  had  earned.  He  selected  land  in  north- 
ern New  York,  cut  down  the  trees,  built  a  cabin ;  but  when  emigrants 
were  called  for  to  make  Kansas  a  Free  State,  he  started  for  that  Terri- 
tory with  several  of  his  sons.  He  did  not  believe  slavery  would  ever  be 
abolished  by  telling. the  slave-holders  it  was  a  sin.  He  thought  the 
only  way  to  get  rid  of  it  was  by  making  slave  property  insecure.  Of 
the  heroic  deeds  mentioned  in  the  Bible,  he  was  deeply  impressed  by 
what  Gideon  accomplished.  He  came  to  believe  that  he,  also,  was  to  be 
an  instrument  in  the  hands  of  the  Almighty  to  give  freedom  to  the 
slaves.  He  laid  a  plan  to  seize  with  a  handful  of  men  the  United  States 
Arsenal  at  Harper's  Ferry.  He  thought  the  slaves  everywhere  would 
flock  to  him.  There  was  no  sanity  in  his  plan.  His  few  friends  in 
whom  he  confided  tried  to  dissuade  him  from  such  an  attempt,  but  he 


HAKPEK  S   FEIIRY. 


KANSAS-NEBRASKA   STRUGGLE.  175 

felt  that  he  was  called  of  God  to  execute  it.  He  rented  a  farm  on  a 
mountain  in  Maryland,  near  Harper's  Ferry,  obtained  guns  which  had 
been  used  by  the  Free  State  men  in  Kansas,  and  employed  a  black- 
smith to  make  pikes. 

With  seventeen  white  men  and  five  negroes  he  marched  in  the  night 
to  Harper's  Ferry,  seized  the  arsenal,  captured  Colonel  Lewis  Washing- 
ton, and  liberated  his  slaves.  Pie  stopped  a  railroad  train,  but 
°18596'  a^er  a  little  while  allowed  it  to  go  on.  Two  of  the  citizens  mor- 
tally wounded  one  of  Brown's  sons.  Brown's  soldiers  returned 
the  fire  and  killed  one  citizen.  The  telegraph  flashed  the  news  far  and 
wide.  In  Charleston  the  church-bells  were  ringing,  drums  beating,  and 
400  men  hastening  with  shot-guns  and  rifles  towards  Harper's  Ferry. 
The  story  of  John  Brown  in  the  engine-house ;  its  defence  ;  the  arrival 
of  Robert  E.  Lee  with  United  States  marines  from  Washington  and  two 
cannon ;  the  capture  of  John  Brown  ;  his  mockery  of  a  trial  and  execu- 
tion, is  a  part  of  the  history  of  the  country. 

Wendell  Phillips,  orator,  from  Boston,  looking  down  into  the  open 
coffin  and  the  face  of  John  Brown,  calm  and  peaceful  in  death,  at  his 
funeral  in  North  Elbe,  1ST.  Y.,  said,  "  He  has  abolished  slavery." 

James  Eussell  Lowell,  poet,  wrote  of  him  : 

"Truth  forever  on  the  scaffold, 

Wrong  forever  on  the  throne  ; 
Yet  that  scaffold  sways  the  future, 
And,  behind  the  dim  unknown, 
Standeth  God  within  the  shadow, 
Keeping  watch  above  his  owu." 

The  curiosity  of  the  people  of  New  York  and  Boston  in  regard  to  the 
hitherto  unknown  man  who  had  proved  himself  a  match  for  Douglas 
was  so  great  that  he  received  an  invitation  to  give  a  lecture  in  those 
cities. 

The  great  hall  of  the  Cooper  Institute  in  New  York  was  filled. 
William  Cullen  Bryant,  poet  and  editor,  presided.  "  Since  the  day  of 
Clay  and  Webster  no  man  has  spoken  to  a  larger  assemblage  of  the 
intellect  and  mental  culture  of  our  city,"  wrote  Horace  Greeley,  the 
editor  of  the  "Tribune,"  when  the  lecture  was  over.  "Mr.  Lincoln  is 
one  of  Nature's  orators,  using  his  rare  powers  solely  to  elucidate  and 
convince,  though  the  irresistible  effect  is  to  delight  and  electrify 
as  well.  .  .  .  The  hall  frequently  rang  with  cheers  and  shouts  of  ap- 
plause, which  were  prolonged  and  intensified  at  the  close.  No  man 


176 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


ever  before  made  such  an  impression  on  his  first  appeal  to  a  New  York 
audience."  (e) 

One  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  personal  friends,  Elihu  B.  Washburne,(9)  mem- 
ber of  Congress  from  Galena,  111.,  was  in  New  York,  and  on  Sunday 
they  made  their  way  together  to  the  Five  Points  Mission  Sunday-school, 

which  had  been  established  in  the 
most  degraded  section  of  the  city. 
Many  of  the  children  were  in  rags. 
Rev.  Mr.  Pease,  the  superintendent, 
kindly  welcomed  them,  and  in  re- 
sponse to  his  invitation  Mr.  Lincoln 
addressed  the  children. 

Mr.  Lincoln    repeated    his    ad- 
dress at  New  Haven,  Conn.    A  pro- 
fessor of  rhetoric  in  Yale  College 
listened    in    astonishment.     Never 
|     before  had   he    heard    such  plain, 
^     direct,  clear,  and   comprehensive 
ft    language — words  so  simple  that  a 
child  could  understand  what  he  was 
saying.     Mr.  Lincoln  was  to  speak 
at   Meriden,  .and   the  professor 
hastened  to  that  town  to  hear  him 
once  more.     He    returned   to    the 
college  and  gave  a  lecture  to  his 

class  upon  the  marvellous  rhetoric  of  this  man  from  the  West  who  never 
had  had  the  advantages  of  an  education. 

From  Meriden  Mr.  Lincoln  went  to  Hartford  and  Norwich.  The 
largest  hall  in  Norwich  was  filled  with  people  who  desired  to  hear  him. 
"  It  gives  me  pleasure,"  the  words  of  Mayor  A.  W.  Prentice,  who 
presided,  "to  introduce  a  gentleman  with  whom  you  are  already  ac- 
quainted, and  whom  you  hope  to  see  presiding  in  the  Senate  over  Ste- 
phen Arnold  Douglas  as  Vice-president  of  the  United  States."  The 
mayor  was  anticipating  that  "William  H.  Seward  would  be  the  Re- 
publican candidate  for  President,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  for  Vice-president. 

Rev.  John  Putnam  Gulliver,  one  of  the  ministers  of  Norwich,  lis- 
tened in  amazement  to  what  Mr.  Lincoln  had  to  say.  He  had  heard 
many  eloquent  men,  but  none  that  used  such  plain  words  with  so  much 
power.  Mr.  Lincoln,  Mr.  Gulliver,  and  the  mayor  met  at  the  railroad 
station  in  the  morning ;  the  mayor  introduced  the  minister. 


WILLIAM   CULLEN   BRYANT. 


KANSAS-NEBRASKA  STRUGGLE. 


177 


"  I  have  seen  you  before,"  Mr.  Lincoln  remarked. 

"  I  think  not.     You  must  mistake  me  for  some  other  person." 

"  No ;  I  saw  you  last  evening  in  the  town-hall." 

"  Is  it  possible  that  you  could  have  observed  individuals  so  closely  in 
such  an  audience  ?" 

"  Oh  yes ;  that  is  my  way.  I  do  not  forget  faces.  Were  you  not 
there?" 

"  I  was,  and  I  was  well  paid  for  going.  I  consider  it  one  of  the  most 
extraordinary  speeches  I  ever  heard." 


ELIIIU   P>.   WA8HBUBNK. 


178  LIFE   OF    ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

"  Will  you  take  a  seat  with  me  ?"  the  kind  invitation  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
as  they  entered  the  car.  "  Were  you  sincere  in  what  you  said  about 
my  speech  ?" 

"I  mean  every  word  of  it.  I  learned  more  of  the  art  of  public 
speaking  last  evening  than  I  could  from  a  whole  course  of  lectures  on 
rhetoric." 

"  That  is  .extraordinary.  I  am  informed  that  one  of  the  professors 
at  Yale  College  followed  me  to  Meriden  to  hear  me  a  second  time,  and 
has  been  lecturing  about  my  speech.  I  should  like  to  know  what  there 
is  about  what  I  say  that  has  made  you  and  the  professor  think  it  any 
way  remarkable." 

u  It  is  the  clearness  of  your  statements,  your  unanswerable  style  of 
reasoning,  and  your  illustrations,  which  are  romance,  pathos,  and  fun 
welded  together." 

"  I  am  much  obliged  to  you.  I  have  been  wishing  for  a  long  time 
to  have  some  one  make  an  analysis  for  me.  It  throws  light  on  a  sub- 
ject which  has  been  dark  to  me." 

"  May  I  ask  how  you  acquired  your  unusual  power  of  putting  things? 
It  must  have  been  a  matter  of  education.  No  man  has  it  by  nature 
alone.  "What  has  been  your  education  ?" 

"  Well,  as  to  education,  I  never  went  to  school  more  than  six  months 
in  my  life.  When  I  was  a  child  I  used  to  get  irritated  if  anybody 
talked  to  me  in  a  way  I  could  not  understand.  I  don't  think  I  got  an- 
gry at  other  things,  but  that  disturbed  my  temper.  I  remember  when 
the  neighbors  came  in  and  talked  to  my  father  in  the  evening,  I  tried  to 
understand  what  they  were  talking  about.  When  I  got  hold  of  an  idea 
I  put  it  into  my  own  language.  It  has  become  a  kind  of  passion  with 
me — has  stuck  to  me.  I  am  not  easy  now  when  I  am  handling  a  thought 
till  I  have  bounded  it  north,  south,  east,  and  west.  Perhaps  that  ac- 
counts for  the  characteristic  you  spoke  of,  though  I  never  put  the  two 
things  together  before." 

"  Did  you  not  have  a  law  education  ?" 

"  Oh  yes !  I  '  read  law,'  as  the  phrase  is ;  that  is,  I  became  a  law- 
yer's clerk  in  Springfield,  and  copied  tedious  documents,  and  picked  up 
what  I  could  of  law  in  the  intervals  of  other  work.  But  your  question 
reminds  me  of  a  bit  of  education  I  had  which  I  am  bound  in  honesty  to 
mention.  In  the  course  of  my  law-reading  I  constantly  came  upon  the 
word  '  demonstrate.'  I  thought  at  first  that  I  understood  its  meaning, 
but  soon  became  satisfied  I  did  not.  I  said  to  myself,  '  What  do  I  do 
when  I  demonstrate  more  than  when  I  reason  or  prove  ?  How  does 


KANSAS-NEBRASKA   STRUGGLE.  179 

demonstration  differ  from  any  other  proof  ?'  I  consulted  Webster's  Dic- 
tionary. That  told  of  '  certain  proof,'  '  proof  beyond  the  possibility  of 
doubt ;'  but  I  could  form  no  idea  of  what  sort  of  proof  that  was.  I 
thought  a  great  many  things  were  proved  beyond  the  possibility  of 
doubt  without  recourse  to  any  such  extraordinary  process  of  reasoning 
as  I  understood  '  demonstration '  to  be.  I  consulted  all  the  dictionaries 
and  books  of  reference  I  could  find,  but  with  no  better  results.  You 
might  as  well  have  defined  '  blue'  to  a  blind  man.  At  last  I  said,  '  Lin- 
coln, you  can  never  make  a  lawyer  if  you  do  not  understand  what  "  de- 
monstrate" means;'  and  I  left  my  situation  in  Springfield,  went  home 
to  my  father's  house,  and  stayed  there  till  I  could  give  any  proposition 
in  the  six  books  of  'Euclid'  at  sight.  I  then  found  out  what  'demon- 
strate' means,  and  went  back  to  my  law  studies."  (I0) 

Mr.  Lincoln  visited  his  eldest  son  Robert  at  Harvard  University, 
Cambridge,  Mass.  He  proceeded  to  New  Hampshire,  and  addressed 
audiences  at  Concord  and  Manchester. 

"  He  is  far  from  prepossessing  in  personal  appearance,"  wrote  the 
editor  of  the  Manchester  "Mirror,"  "and  his  voice  is  disagreeable,  yet  he 
wins  attention  and  good-will  from  the  start.  He  indulges  in  no  flowers 
of  rhetoric,  no  eloquent  passages.  He  is  not  a  wit,  humorist,  or  a  clown ; 
yet  so  fine  a  vein  of  pleasantry  and  good-nature  pervades  what  he  says, 
gliding  over  a  deep  current  of  poetical  arguments,  that  he  keeps  his 
hearers  in  a  smiling  mood,  with  their  mouths  open  to  hear  all  he  says. 
His  sense  of  the  ludicrous  is  very  keen  ;  and  an  exhibition  of  that  is  the 
clincher  to  all  his  arguments — not  the  ludicrous  acts  of  persons,  but  lu- 
dicrous ideas.  Hence  he  is  never  offensive,  but  steals  away  willingly 
into  his  train  of  belief  persons  who  were  opposed  to  him.  For  the  first 
half-hour  his  opponents  would  agree  to  every  word  he  uttered ;  and  from 
that  point  he  began  to  lead  them  off  little  by  little,  until  it  seemed  as  if 
he  had  got  them  all  into  his  fold." 

The  newspapers  of  Springfield  informed  the  people  that  Mr.  Lincoln 
had  addressed  the  ragamuffins  at  the  Five  Points  Mission.  Those  most 
intimate  with  him  were  accustomed  to  call  him  "  Abe ;"  in  like  manner 
he  abbreviated  their  names. 

"  Well,  Abe,"  said  one  of  his  neighbors  upon  his  return,  "  I  see  you 
have  been  making  a  speech  to  Sunday-school  children." 

"  Yes ;  sit  down,  Jim,  and  I'll  tell  you  about  it.  On  Sunday  morn- 
ing Washburne  said, '  Let's  go  down  to  the  Five  Points  Mission.'  I  was 
much  interested  in  what  I  saw,  Jim.  The  superintendent,  Mr.  Pease, 
came  and  shook  hands  with  us,  and  Washburne  introduced  me  to  him. 


180  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

He  spoke  to  the  children,  and  then  I  was  urged  to  speak.  I  told  him 
that  I  didn't  know  anything  about  talking  to  Sunday-schools,  but  Mr. 
Pease  said  that  many  of  the  children  were  homeless  and  friendless,  and 
I  thought  of  the  time  when  I  had  been  pinched  by  terrible  poverty. 
And  so  I  told  them  that  I  had  been  poor ;  I  remembered  when  my  toes 
stuck  out  through  my  broken  shoes  in  winter,  when  my  arms  were  out 
at  the  elbows,  when  I  shivered  with  the  cold.  I  told  them  there  was 
only  one  rule — always  to  do  the  very  best  you  can.  I  told  them  I  had 
always  tried  to  do  the  very  best  I  could,  and  that  if  they  would  follow 
that  rule  they  would  get  on  somehow. 

"When  I  got  through,  Mr.  Pease  said  it  was  just  the  thing  they 
needed.  When  the  school  was  dismissed  all  the  teachers  came  up  and 
shook  hands  with  me  and  thanked  me  for  it,  although  I  didn't  know 
that  I  was  saying  anything  of  any  account.  I  never  heard  anything 
that  touched  me  as  one  of  the  songs  they  sung.  Here  is  one  of  their 
song-books."  Mr.  Lincoln  took  a  little  hymnal  from  his  pocket  and 
read  one  of  the  hymns.  As  he  read  his  lips  became  tremulous  and  tears 
rolled  down  his  cheeks.  (") 

Doubtless  memory  went  back  once  more  to  the  floorless  cabin  of  his 
birthplace  and  to  the  lonely  grave  of  his  mother  in  the  Indiana  forest- 
to  the  poverty  and  hardship  of  his  boyhood.  Looking  into  the  faces  of 
the  poor  and  friendless  children  touched  his  heart  as  nothing  else  could 
have  done,  and  awakened  his  tenderest  sympathies. 


NOTES    TO    CHAPTER   X. 

(')  Isaac  N.  Arnold,  "Life  of  Lincoln,"  p.  144. 

(*)  This  sentence  was  quoted  by  President  Lincoln  at  Gettysburg.  It  occurs  hi  an 
address  given  by  Theodore  Parker  before  the  Massachusetts  Autislavery  Society  at  its  an- 
nual meeting,  1848,  reported  in  the  "  Liberator."  The  idea  was  not  original  with  Mr.  Par- 
ker. It  may  be  found  in  a  volume  on  "The  Advancement  in  Knowledge  and  Eeligion," 
by  James  Douglas,  of  Scotland,  published  at  Edinburgh,  1825.  Mr.  Douglas  was  about 
Mr.  Parker's  age,  living  at  the  place  of  his  birth,  Cavers,  Roxburgh  County,  Scotland. 
He  had  abundant  wealth,  was  endowed  with  a  philosophic  mind,  and  gave  himself  to 
studying  the  philosophy  of  history.  The  book  in  question  went  through  several  editions 
in  Scotland,  and  was  republished  in  the  United  States  by  Cooke  &  Co.,  Hartford,  Conn., 
1830.  The  volume  contains  a  paragraph  entitled  "New  Social  Order  in  America,"  in 
which  occurs  the  following  sentence:  "  The  European  emigrant  might  believe  himself  as 
one  transported  to  a  new  world,  governed  by  new  Laws,  and  finds  himself  at  once  raised 
in  the  scale  of  being — the  pauper  is  maintained  by  his  own  labor,  the  hired  laborer  works 
on  his  own  account,  and  the  tenant  is  changed  into  a  proprietor,  while  the  despised  vas- 
sal of  the  old  continent  becomes  colegislator  and  cornier  in  a  government  where  all 
power  is  from  the  peo/>le,  and  in  the  people,  and  for  the  people."  The  paragraph  was  repub- 


KANSAS-NEBRASKA   STRUGGLE.  181 

lished  in  the  "Rhetorical  Reader,"  a  book  for  schools,  which  was  the  reading  of  my  school- 
days, and  of  which  more  than  one  hundred  thousand  copies  were  sold.  It  seems  prob- 
able that  President  Lincoln  acquired  the  thought  from  Parker,  and  that  he  in  turn 
received  it  from  Douglas.  The  volume  in  which  the  quotation  occurs  is  very  ably 
written,  and  there  can  be  no  question  that  it  has  left  its  impress  upon  the  philosophy  of 
history  during  this  century. — Author. 

(3)  W.  H.  Herndou,  "Lincoln,"  p.  355  (edition  1889). 

(4)  J.  G.  Holland,  "  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  161. 
(B)  Isaac  N.  Arnold,  "Life  of  Lincoln,"  p.  145. 

(6)  W.  H.  Herndon,  "Lincoln,"  p.  414  (edition  1889). 

( 7 )  The  song  was  composed  by  H.  S.  Thompson,  the  most  popular  song-writer  of  Amer- 
ica.    It  was  published  in  1858,  and  was  widely  sung. — Author. 

(8)  New  York  "Tribune,"  Feb.  28,  1860. 

(9)  Elihu  B.  Washburne  was  born  at  Livermore,  Me.,  September  23,  1816.     His  edu- 
cation was  obtained  in  the  public-schools  and  a  few  terms  at  an  academy.     He  became 
a  printer,  but  the  legal  profession  being  more  congenial,  he  studied  law,  emigrated  to 
Illinois,  and  became  an  attorney  at  Galena.     He  was  elected  to  Congress  in  1853,  and 
took  an  active  part  in  the  debates  on  the  Kansas-Nebraska  affairs.    He  was  prominent  in 
the  formation  of  the  Republican  Party  in  Illinois,  and  at  an  early  period  made  the  ac- 
quaintance of  Abraham  Lincoln.     He  was  in  Congress  from  1853  to  1869,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  one  term,  occupying  prominent  and  responsible  positions  on  committees.     He  was 
often  called  the  "Watch-dog  of  the  Treasury,"  from  his  careful  watch  upon  expenditures. 
During  the  later  years  of  his  Congressional  service  he  was  called  '•'  Father  of  the  House." 
Recognizing  the  fitness  of  Ulysses  S.  Grant  as  military  commander,  he  asked  President 
Lincoln  to  appoint  him  brigadier-general,  and  after  the  surrender  of  Vicksbnrg  and  the 
victory  of  Chattanooga  he  urged  Grant's  appointment  as  lieutenant-general.     He  was 
often  with  the  army  during  the  Wilderness  campaign.     Upon  the  election  of  General 
Grant  to  the  Presidency,  Mr.  Washbnrne  became  Secretary  of  State.    He  was  subsequent- 
ly appointed  Minister  to  France,  and  rendered  conspicuous  service  during  the  siege  of 
Paris  by  the  Prussians. — Author. 

(10)  John  Putnam  Gulliver  to  Author.     See,  also,  "  Independent,"  Sept.  1,  1864. 
(n)  Edward  Egglestou,  quoted  in  "  Every-day  Life  of  Lincoln,"  p.  323. 


182  LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 


CHAPTER   XL 

NOMINATED   FOR   THE   PRESIDENCY. 

THE  time  was  approaching  (April  16, 1859)  when  candidates  would  be 
nominated  by  the  different  political  parties  for  the  Presidency. 
Mr.  Pickett,  an  editor  in  Illinois,  wrote  to  Mr.  Lincoln  as  follows : 

"  My  partner  and  myself  are  absent  addressing  the  Republican  editors 
of  the  State  on  the  subject  of  a  simultaneous  announcement  of  your 
name  for  the  Presidency." 

"  I  must  in  candor  say,"  Mr.  Lincoln  wrote  in  reply,  "  that  I  do  not 
think  myself  fit  for  the  Presidency.  I  certainly  am  flattered 
an(^  gratified  that  some  partial  friends  think  of  me  in  that  con- 
nection ;  but  I  really  think  it  best  for  our  cause  that  no  concert- 
ed effort  such  as  you  suggest  should  be  made."(') 

He  was  not  seeking  the  Presidency.  Neither  would  he  be  a  rival  to 
Senator  Trumbull  when  the  time  came  to  choose  Mr.  Trumbull's  suc- 
cessor. Very  frank  and  open  his  letter  to  a  friend  : 

"  I  do  not  understand  Trumbull  and  myself  to  be  rivals.  You  know 
I  am  pledged  not  to  enter  a  struggle  with  him  for  the  seat  in  the  Senate 
now  occupied  by  him ;  and  yet  I  would  rather  have  a  full  term  in  the 
Senate  than  in  the  Presidency.  For  my  single  self,  I  have  enlisted  for 
the  permanent  success  of  the  Republican  cause ;  and  for  this  object  I 
shall  labor  faithful!}7  in  the  ranks,  unless,  as  I  think  not  probable,  the 
judgment  of  the  party  shall  assign  me  a  different  position."  (2) 

In  this  biography  we  have  reached  a  point  where  I  who  am  writing 
became  an  observer  of  passing  events,  and  from  this  page  to  the  close 
shall  at  times  write  of  what  I  saw  and  heard  in  connection  with  the  life 
of  Mr.  Lincoln.  There  was  one  member  of  the  Republican  party  who 
had  an  earnest  desire  to  be  its  candidate  for  the  Presidenc}7 — William  H. 
Seward,  Senator  from  New  York,  who  had  rendered  conspicuous  serv- 
ice in  the  councils  of  the  nation.  It  was  understood  that  a  strong  effort 
would  be  made  by  his  friends  to  secure  his  nomination. 

u  Who  is  to  be  your  candidate  out  West  ?"  was  the  question  put  by 


NOMINATED    FOR   THE   PRESIDENCY.  183 

me  to  my  friend  George  W.  Gage,  of  Chicago,  in  the  month  of  December, 
1859. 

"  Well,  the  Democratic  Party  is  going  to  be  divided,  and  we  can  win 
with  almost  any  good  candidate — Chase,  of  Ohio,  or  Abraham  Lincoln, 
of  our  State,"  the  reply. 

I  am  not  aware  that  Mr.  Lincoln  at  that  date  had  been  publicly  men- 
tioned as  a  candidate.  Not  till  a  month  later  did  the  people  of  New 
York,  New  Haven,  Hartford,  and  Boston  become  acquainted  with  him 
personally.  The  thought  may  have  come  to  him  that  his  friends  might 
bring  him  forward  as  a  candidate,  but  I  find  no  evidence  that  he  him- 
self had  made  any  movement  towards  that  end. 

The  Democratic  Party  had  controlled  the  Government  for  many  years. 
It  was  united  and  powerful  on  that  Sunday  in  1854  when  Stephen  A. 
Douglas  and  Jefferson  Davis  called  upon  President  Pierce  and  unfolded 
the  plan  for  the  introduction  of  slavery  into  Kansas  and  the  other  Ter- 
ritories of  the  Union ;  but  it  was  no  longer  a  united  party.  President 
Buchanan  had  done  what  he  could  to  prevent  Douglas  from  being  re- 
elected  to  the  Senate.  The  Democratic  Senators  from  the  slave-hold- 
ing States  had  degraded  him  from  the  chairmanship  of  the  Committee 
on  Territories.  They  knew  the  Democrats  of  the  Northern  States  were 
enthusiastic  for  his  nomination  as  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  and  de- 
termined to  prevent  it. 

The  Democratic  Convention  assembled  at  Charleston,  S.  C.  A  ma- 
jority of  the  delegates  from  the  Northern  States  were  for  Douglas.  He 
was  a  popular  leader.  The  delegates  from  the  Slave  States  ac- 
' knowledged  his  abilities.  He  had  rendered  them  great  service, 
but  they  did  not  accept  his  ideas  of  the  right  of  the  Territories 
to  vote  slavery  in  or  out  as  the  people  pleased.  Slavery  must  be  voted 
in,  never  out.  They  had  no  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  but  were  in 
favor  of  establishing  a  great  principle :  Congressional  protection  to 
slavery  in  the  Territories  and  States.  The  Southern  delegates  knew 
that  Caleb  Gushing,  of  Massachusetts,  agreed  with  them,  and  secured 
his  election  as  president  of  the  convention.  William  L.  Yancey,  of 
Alabama,  assumed  leadership  in  debate.  The  men  who  were  shouting 
for  the  nomination  of  Douglas  were  astonished  when  they  heard  these 
sentiments  fall  from  his  lips:  "The  Northern  Democrats  are  losing 
ground  before  the  rising  Black  Republican  Party  because  they  have  not 
stood  resolutely  up  against  the  anti-slavery  sentiment.  Northern  Dem- 
ocrats have  admitted  that  slavery  is  wrong.  They  must  change.  There 
must  be  legislation  by  Congress  which  will  protect  slavery  everywhere." 


184  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

Senator  Pugh,  of  Ohio,  replied  to  him :  "  We  have  been  taunted 
with  our  weakness.  We  have  been  told  that  we  must  put  our  hands  on 
our  mouths,  and  our  mouths  in  the  dust.  Gentlemen  of  the  South,  you 
mistake  us.  We  will  not  do  it." 

For  five  days  the  delegates  wrangled  over  resolutions,  the  Southern- 
ers demanding  what  the  Northerners  would  not  give.  Benjamin  F. 
Butler,  of  Massachusetts,  thought  to  settle  all  differences  by  adopting 
the  platform  of  the  convention  held  in  Cincinnati  in  1856,  upon  which 
Buchanan  had  been  elected.  "That  was  a  swindle  on  the  Southern 
States !"  the  shout  of  the  delegates  from  Mississippi.  The  motion  was 
adopted  by  a  large  majority.  If  Mr.  Butler  thought  such  a  motion 
would  bring  peace  and  harmony  he  was  mistaken.  The  time  had  come 
for  carrying  out  what  Yancey  and  his  fellow-conspirators  had  planned. 
The  delegates  from  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  South  Carolina, 
Florida,  Texas,  and  Arkansas  rose  from  their  seats,  marched  out  of  the 
room,  and  organized  another  convention. 

The  great  and  powerful  Democratic  Party  was  divided.  The  dele- 
gates from  the  cotton  States — who  believed  the  world  could  not  get  on 
without  that  product — had  split  the  party  asunder.  It  was  the  initial 
step  of  a  great  and  far-reaching  scheme  to  bring  about  the  disruption 
of  the  Union.  Yancey  outlined  it  in  a  speech  made  in  an  Alabama 
convention : 

"To  obtain  the  aid  of  the  Democracy  in  this  contest  it  is  necessary  to  make  a  contest 
in  its  Charleston  convention.  In  that  body  Douglas's  adherents  will  press  his  doctrines  to 
a  decision.  If  the  State-rights  men  keep  out  of  that  convention  that  decision  must  in- 
evitably be  against  the  South,  and  that  either  in  direct  favor  of  the  Douglas  doctrine  or  by 
the  indorsement  of  the  Cincinnati  platform,  under  which  Douglas  claims  shelter  for  his 
principles.  .  .  .  The  State-rights  men  should  present  in  that  convention  their  demands  for 
a  decision,  and  they  will  obtain  an  indorsement  of  their  demands  or  a  denial  of  these  de- 
mands. If  indorsed,  we  shall  have  a  greater  hope  of  triumph  within  the  Union  ;  if  denied, 
in  my  opinion  the  State-rights  wing  should  secede  from  the  convention  and  appeal  to  the 
whole  people  of  the  South,  without  distinction  of  parties,  and  organize  another  convention 
upon  the  basis  of  their  principles,  and  go  into  the  election  with  a  candidate  nominated  by 
it  as  a  grand  constitutional  party.  But  in  the  Presidential  contest  a  Black  Republican 
may  be  elected.  If  this  dire  event  should  happen,  in  my  opinion  the  only  hope  of  safety 
for  the  South  is  in  a  withdrawal  from  the  Union  before  he  shall  be  inaugurated — before 
the  sword  and  treasury  of  the  Federal  Government  shall  be  placed  in  the  keeping  of  that 
party." 

The  people  of  Charleston  were  wild  in  their  enthusiasm.  Cultured 
ladies  flocked  to  the  hall  in  which  the  seceders  assembled,  and  waved 
their  handkerchiefs  in  token  of  their  approval.  Bonfires  illumined  the 
streets. 


NOMINATED   FOR  THE   PRESIDENCY. 


187 


The  rival  conventions  adjourned  without  nominating  candidates  for 
the  Presidency.  They  were  to  reassemble  in  Baltimore  in  the  month 

of  May. 

The  Whig  Party  also  met  in  Baltimore.  Southern  men  controlled 
the  convention.  They  nominated  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  for  Presi- 
dent, and  Edward  Everett,  of  Massachusetts,  for  Vice-president.  Public 
opinion  in  the  Northern 
States  regarded  Everett 
as  the  greater  statesman. 
One  editor  called  it  the 
"Kangaroo"  ticket,  as 
its  hind  legs  were  long- 
est. I  was  present  as  a 
journalist,  and  noticed 
that  the  antagonism  of 
the  delegates  from  the 
Southern  States  was 
very  much  more  intense 
against  the  Republican 
Party  than  against  either 
wing  of  the  Democratic 
Party. 

At  the  Capitol  (Wash- 
ington) Jefferson  Davis, 
of  Mississippi;  Robert 
Toombs,  of  Georgia  ; 

John  M.  Mason,  of  Virginia;  and  Judah  P.  Benjamin,  of  Louisiana,  were 
crowding  Douglas  to  the  wall.  Like  a  stag  at  bay  he  confronted  them, 
manifesting  marvellous  power  and  boldness  in  debate.  Better  than  any 
other  Northern  Senator  he  understood  their  purpose.  He  had  been 
deep  in  their  counsels.  He  was  experiencing  the  implacable  hate  of  the 
slave  oligarchy  towards  one  whom  they  could  not  control.  The  Repub- 
lican Senators  had,  little  sympathy  for  Douglas.  They  took  no  part  in 
the  debate.  I  was  sitting  on  a  sofa  in  the  Senate-chamber  with  Sena- 
tor Henry  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  when  Senator  Seward  entered. 

"  He  is  to  be  our  next  President.  He  feels  it ;  you  can  see  it  in 
his  actions,"  the  remark  of  Senator  Wilson,  who  was  regarded  as  one 
of  the  far-sighted  politicians  of  the  period.  He  knew  every  phase  of 
public  sentiment  in  the  Eastern  States,  but  he  did  not  fully  compre- 
hend the  rapid  development  of  thought  and  feeling  in  the  West. 


BENJAMIN   F.    BUTT.EK. 


188 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


At  that  time  (May  10,  1864)  the  Illinois  Kepublicans  were  assem- 
bled in  convention  at  Decatur,  where  Abraham  Lincoln  once  split  rails 
for  Nancy  Miller.  Richard  Oglesby  was  chairman  of  the  convention. 

"  Gentlemen,"  he  said,  "  two  old  Democrats  want  to  make  a  contri- 
bution to  the  meeting." 

Two  farmers  thereupon  entered  the  room,  each  with  a  fence  rail  on 
his  shoulder  bearing  this  inscription  : 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  THE  RAIL  CANDIDATE  FOR   THE  PRESIDENCY,  1860! 
Two  rails  from  a  lot  of  3000  made  in  1830  by   Thomas  Hanks  and  Abraham  Lincoln. 

Delegates  and  spectators  sprung  to  their  feet,  mounted  the  seats,, 
swung  their  hats,  and  shouted  :  "  Lincoln  !  Lincoln !  Abe !  Abe !" 

"  It  is  true  I  helped  build  a  house  for  my  father,"  Mr.  Lincoln  said, 
as  he  rose  to  speak.  "It  is  true  that  Thomas  Hanks  and  myself  split 
rails.  Whether  these  are  some  of  the  identical  rails  I  cannot  say. 
Quite  likely  they  are." 

The  dramatic  scene  had  not  been  planned  by  politicians.  It  was  the 
outcome  of  the  thought  of  a  plain  farmer  who  formerly  had  been  a 
Democrat,  but  who  had  become  a  Republican. 

"  They  are  talking  of  you  for  President,"  said  a  friend. 


SECEDERS'   CONVENTION,   ST.   ANDREW'S  HALL. 


NOMINATED   FOR  THE   PRESIDENCY. 


189 


"  They  ought  to  select  some  one  who  knows  more  than  I  do,"  Mr. 
Lincoln  replied.  (3) 

It  was  voted  to  present  his  name  at  the  National  Convention. 
This  action  was  brought  about  mainly  by  Leonard  Swett,  B.  C.  Cook, 
Norman  B.  Judd,  and 
David  Davis.  We  are 
not  to  conclude  that  it 
was  wholly  a  surprise 
to  Mr.  Lincoln.  He 
knew  people  were  talk- 
ing about  him  as  a  pos- 
sible candidate.  He 
had  endeared  himself 
to  the  Republicans  of 
the  State  by  his  devo- 
tion to  principle,  his  de- 
bates with  Douglas,  his 
unselfish  action  in  secur- 
ing the  election  of  Sen- 
ator Trumbull.  They 
loved  him  for  his  noble 
manhood  and  the  sim- 
plicity of  his  character. 

During  a  journey 
from  Washington  to 
Pittsburg  I  conversed 

with  men  prominent  in  political  affairs,  and  was  convinced  that  Mr.  Sew- 
ard  would  not  receive  the  votes  of  Pennsylvania  in  the  convention.  For 
more  than  a  third  of  a  century  New  York  and  Pennsylvania  had  been 
rival  States  for  political  prestige  and  power.  New  York  had  assumed 
to  be  the  "  Empire  State ;"  Pennsylvania  prided  herself  on  being  the 
"  Keystone "  in  the  arch  of  the  republic.  It  was  plain  that  Pennsyl- 
vania did  not  intend  to  support  the  favorite  son  of  the  Empire  State. 
In  Ohio  there  was  a  moderate  enthusiasm  for  Mr.  Chase,  but  I  could  not 
discover  active  effort  being  made  to  secure  his  nomination.  Of  public 
sentiment  in  Indiana  I  could  form  no  definite  opinion,  except  that  the 
candidate  ought  to  be  from  the  great  and  growing  West.  Arriving  in 
Chicago  several  days  before  the  assembling  of  the  convention,  I  found 
a  number  of  delegates  from  St.  Louis  actively  advocating  the  nomina- 
tion of  Mr.  Bates.  In  no  city  of  the  L^nion  had  there  been  so  rapid  a 


UICHAKD   OGLESBY. 


190  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

development  of  Republican  sentiment  as  in  St.  Louis,  and  the  delegates 
believed,  or  affected  to  believe,  that  with  Mr.  Bates  they  could  secure 
the  electoral  vote  of  the  State. 

There  was  but  one  name  on  the  lips  of  the  Republicans  of  Illinois 
— Abraham  Lincoln.  They  knew  him ;  had  looked  into  his  kindly 
face ;  had  listened  to  his  unanswerable  arguments  in  the  debates  with 
Douglas,  as  clear  and  demonstrable  as  a  proposition  from  "  Euclid." 

Mr.  Thurlow  Weed,  of  Albany,  was  managing  affairs  in  the  interest 
of  Mr.  Seward.  He  had  engaged  a  number  of  rooms  at  the  hotels.  His 
agents  were  in  Chicago  previous  to  the  assembling  of  the  convention. 
He  had  men  on  the  ground  to  ask  admission  to  the  convention  as  dele- 
gates from  Texas  and  other  Southern  States,  to  cast  their  ballots  for 
Mr.  Seward.  I  discovered  companies  of  men  strolling  the  streets — half 
a  dozen  in  a  band — hurrahing  for  Seward.  The  train  from  New  York 
bringing  the  delegates  was  decorated  with  flags.  A  brass  band  played 
the  "Star  Spangled  Banner"  and  "Yankee  Doodle."  Seward  was  an 
experienced  statesman,  who  had  had  long  acquaintance  with  public  af- 
fairs. Lincoln  was  only  a  homespun  lawyer  \vho  had  been  in  Congress 
but  one  term.  "A  rail-splitter!  What  did  he  know  of  the  needs  of 
the  nation?  Hurrah  for  Seward!"  such  the  argument. 

The  Republicans  of  Chicago  had  erected  a  building  sufficiently  large 
to  accommodate  10,000  people.  They  called  it  "  The  Wigwam."  It 
was  plain,  unpretentious — built  for  the  accommodation  not  only  of  the 
delegates,  but  of  the  people.  Significant  the  holding  of  the  convention 
of  the  new  party  of  the  people  in  the  rapidly-growing  city  of  the  West 
in  contrast  to  that  of  the  Democratic  Party  in  the  old  City  of  Charles- 
ton, which  had  come  to  a  stand-still.  In  Charleston  every  movement 
of  the  slave  aristocracy  looked  towards  disintegration  and  defeat ;  in 
Chicago  the  enthusiasm  was  indicative  of  harmony  and  victory. 

The  first  day  was  spent  in  organization.  George  Ashman,  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, was  president  of  the  convention.  I  noticed,  as  I  sat  at  a 
small  table  in  the  section  assigned  to  representatives  of  the  Press, 
Mi8606'  *na^  wnen  Mr-  Se ward's  name  was  mentioned  there  was  an  out- 
burst of  applause  in  different  parts  of  the  great  auditorium. 
The  leaders  had  received  their  instructions  from  Thurlow  Weed,  of 
Albany,  who  happened  to  sit  by  my  side,  who  was  not  using  his  pen, 
but  who  saw  everything  that  was  going  on.  The  organization  and 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  convention  was  all  that  he  could  desire  for  bring- 
ing about  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Seward.  The  second  day  was  given 
to  preparing  the  platform  and  canvassing  for  candidates. 


DAVID   DAVIS. 


NOMINATED  FOR   THE   PRESIDENCY. 


193 


This  the  telegram  sent  by  Horace  Greeley  to  his  paper,  the  New 
York  "  Tribune :" 

"Governor  Seward  will  be  nominated  to-morrow." 

Not  so  did  I  regard  the  outlook.  It  was  evident  that  the  delegates 
from  the  East,  who  never  before  had  been  in  the  West,  were  being 
influenced  by  the  rising  enthusiasm  of  the  multitudes  which  surged 
through  the  streets  in  the  evening,  hurrahing  for  Abraham  Lincoln. 

Midnight  beheld  Norman  Judd,  of  Chicago;  Burton  C.  Cook,  of 
Ottawa;  David  Davis,  of  Springfield,  and  others  in  secret  consulta- 
tion at  the  Tremont  House. 

""We  must  beat  Sew- 
ard's  men  on  their  own 
ground,"  said  Judd. 
"  There  is  a  fellow  in  this 
city  with  a  thundering 
voice.  He  can  halloo  loud 
enough  to  be  heard  across 
Lake  Michigan,  and  I  pro- 
pose that  we  have  him  on 
hand  to-morrow." 

"  I  know  of  another  fel- 
low, by  the  name  of  Ames, 
who  lives  down  my  way, 
who  can  halloo  as  loud  as 
your  Chicago  chap.  He 
is  a  Democrat,  but  I  guess 
will  be  open  to  a  job.  I'll 
telegraph  him  to  be  on 
hand  in  the  morning,"  said  '••( 

Cook. 

The   sun   rose   upon  a 
cloudless    sky.     Each    in- 
coming train  brought  ad- 
ditional  thousands    from   Northern   Illinois,  Indiana,  Michigan,   and 
Southern  Wisconsin.      No  one   had   marshalled   them.     They 
i860.8'  came  to  manifest  their  enthusiasm  for  the  party  which  stood 
pledged  to  resist  the  aggressions  of  slavery.     They  were  more 
ready  to  hurrah  for  Lincoln  than  for  Seward.     Lincoln  was  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  bone,  sinew,  and  muscle  of  the  younger  West ;  Seward 

13 


EDWARD    BATES. 


194: 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


REPUBLICAN   WIGWAM,  CHICAGO,   1860. 

represented  the  culture  of  the  older  East.  Stimulating  and  triumphant 
strains  of  music  burst  upon  the  morning  air,  blo\vn  from  clarionet,  cor- 
net, and  trombone  by  the  band  from  New  York.  A  great  crowd  in  the 
interest  of  Seward  was  marching  in  procession  to  the  "Wigwam.  Mr. 
Seward's  lieutenants  had  made  a  mistake.  The  procession  never  would 
enter  the  "Wigwam,  for  a  dense  mass  already  crowded  every  avenue 
leading  to  the  building.  The  interior  was  filled.  Candidates  were  put 
in  nomination.  At  the  mention  of  the  name  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  Mr. 
Cook,  of  Ottawa,  standing  in  a  conspicuous  place  on  the  platform, 
waved  a  white  handkerchief,  and  a  stentorian  voice  broke  forth  at  the 
eastern  end  of  the  building,  answered  by  one  equally  loud  from  the 
western  end,  followed  b}^  the  shouts  of  the  assembled  thousands — con- 
tinuing till  the  white  handkerchief  ceased  to  wave.  The  man  from 
Chicago  and  the  man  from  Ottawa,  with  voices  like  fog-horns,  were 
carrying  out  their  instructions. 

The  first  ballot  was  given,  Seward  receiving  173^  votes;  Lincoln, 
102 ;  the  other  42  ballots  were  divided  between  Cameron,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania ;  Chase,  of  Ohio ;  Bates,  of  Missouri,  and  others.  In  a  full  vote 
of  the  convention  the  successful  candidate  must  receive  233  votes.  The 
second  ballot  gave  Seward  184r| ;  Lincoln,  181. 

Louder  the  thunders  of  applause  evoked  by  the  white  handkerchief 
of  Cook.  The  smile  upon  the  kindly  face  of  Thurlow  Weed  faded  away. 


NOMINATED   FOR  THE  PRESIDENCY.  195 

A  great  hope  was  going  down,  never  to  rise  again.  The  third  ballot 
was  taken;  a  total  of  465  votes — 233  would  be  a  majority.  Seward 
received  180 ;  Lincoln,  231£.  He  needed  only  1-|  votes.  The  president 
had  not  announced  the  result,  but  scores  of  pencils  had  kept  the  tally. 
Profound  the  silence.  Delegates  had  the  right  of  changing  their  votes. 


THURLOW  WEED. 


196  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"Ohio  changes  four  votes  from  Chase  to  Lincoln!"  shouts  Judge 
Cartter.  Like  the  burst  of  a  tornado  is  the  roar  that  rolls  up  from  the 
vast  assembly.  A  cannon  upon  the  roof  of  the  building  belches  its 
thunder.  The  thousands  in  the  streets  toss  their  hats  into  the  air.  The 
man  who  in  early  life  had  been  a  wood-chopper,  rail-splitter,  and  boat- 
man is  before  the  world  as  a  candidate  for  the  highest  office  in  the  re- 
public. Thurlow  Weed  writes  a  word  or  two  and  hands  it  to  the  tele- 
graph operator,  bows  his  head,  covers  his  eyes  to  hide  the  unbidden 
tears.  The  great  hope  and  expectations  have  gone  clown.  William  H. 
Seward  never  can  be  President. 

Abraham  Lincoln,  in  Springfield,  was  not  unmindful  of  what  was 
going  on  at  Chicago.  The  telegraph  had  kept  him  informed  as  to  the 
doings  of  the  convention  from  hour  to  hour.  He  would  be  something 
more  or  less  than  human  were  he  to  remain  indifferent  to  what  was 
taking  place.  He  could  not  sit  quietly  in  his  office  and  await  the  result, 
but  killed  time  by  playing  base-ball  and  billiards.  He  was  in  the  office 
of  the  Springfield  "Journal,"  sitting  with  compressed  lips  and  thought- 
ful  countenance  when  the  telegraph  messenger  entered  with  the  result 
of  the  ballot — his  nomination. 

"  There  is  a  little  woman  down  the  street  who  will  want  to  hear  the 
news.  I  will  go  and  tell  her,"  he  said. 

William  H.  Seward  had  left  Washington  and  was  at  his  charming 
home  in  Auburn,  N.  Y.  Many  people  came  from  the  surrounding  coun- 
try to  be  present  when  the  telegraph  announced  the  nomination  of  the 
man  they  loved.  They  were  sure  he  would  be  selected.  A  cannon 
had  been  loaded.  Flags  would  be  waved  on  the  instant.  Mr.  Seward 
was  surrounded  by  intimate  friends.  A  horseman  came  with  a  tele- 
gram giving  the  first  ballot,  which  was  received  with  tumultuous  cheer- 
ing. He  brought  the  result  of  the  second  ballot. 

"  I  shall  be  nominated  the  next  time,"  the  words.  Again  the  cheers 
resounded,  and  again  the  messenger  appeared? 

"Lincoln  nominated. — T.  W." 

Nothing  more.  No  cheer.  The  flags  were  furled.  The  match  to 
fire  the  cannon  was  not  lighted.  Friends  took  their  departure  as  when 
they  have  laid  a  loved  one  in  the  grave. 

Hannibal  Hamlin,  of  Maine,  was  nominated  for  Vice-president.  An 
excited  crowd  surged  through  the  streets  of  Chicago.  Bonfires  blazed, 
cannon  thundered,  cheers  rent  the  air.  The  work  of  the  convention 
was  done,  and  the  delegates  turned  their  steps  homeward. 


NOMINATED   FOR  THE   PRESIDENCY. 


197 


WILLIAM   H.    SEWARD. 


On  Saturday  morn- 
ing, after  the  adjourn- 
ment, a  passenger  car 
drawn  by  one  of  the 
fastest  locomotives  of 
the  Illinois  Central  Rail- 
road rolled  out  from 
Chicago.  It  bore  to 
Springfield  the  com- 
mittee appointed 
i860  ^7  the  conven- 
tion to  apprise 
Mr.  Lincoln  of  his  nomi- 
nation. Being  a  member 
of  the  Press,  I  accom- 
panied the  committee. 
The  sun  was  setting 
when  we  reached  Spring- 
field. A  crowd  had 

gathered  in  the  State-house  grounds — not  to  welcome  the  committee, 
but  to  listen  to  John  A.  McClernand,  who  was  to  make  a  speech  fa- 
voring Douglas  for  the  Presidency.  The  clock  had  struck  the  hour 
of  eight  when  the  party  from  Chicago  proceeded  to  the  house  of 
Mr.  Lincoln.  Mr.  Lincoln's  two  boys,  Willie  and  Thomas — or  "  Tad," 
as  he  was  familiarly  called — were  perched  on  the  fence  before  the 
house,  chaffing  .their  playmates.  "  Tad "  stood  erect,  and  welcomed 
the  committee  by  shouting  "  Hooray !"  Both  boys  were  brimming 
over  with  life.  The  committee  entered  the  house  and  passed  into 
the  parlor,  where  Mr.  Lincoln  received  them.  Mr.  Ashman,  presi- 
dent of  the  convention,  made  a  brief  address.  The  reply  was  equally 
brief. 

The  formality  ended,  and  all  restraint  was  gone.  Smiles  rippled 
upon  Mr.  Lincoln's  face  as  he  then  addressed  William  D.  Kelley,  of 
Pennsylvania. 

"  You  are  a  tall  man,  Judge  Kelley.     What  is  your  height  ?" 

"  Six  feet  three." 

"  I  beat  you,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln ;  "  I  am  six  feet  four  without  my 
high-heeled  boots  on." 

"Pennsylvania  bows  to  Illinois.  I  am  glad  that  we  have  found  a 
candidate  for  the  Presidency  whom  we  can  look  up  to,  for  we  have  been 


198 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


informed  that  there  were  only  little  giants  in  Illinois,"  the  graceful 
allusion  to  Mr.  Douglas. 

A  few  moments  before,  Mr.  Lincoln,  under  the  constraint  of  for- 
mality, was  like  a  school -boy  making  his  first  declamation.     The  un- 


HANNIBAL   HAMLIN. 


NOMINATED   FOR  THE   PRESIDENCY. 


199 


natural  dignity 
which  had  been 
assumed  laid 
aside,  conversa- 
tion became 
general. 

"Mrs.  Lin- 
coln will  be 
pleased  to  see 
you  in  the  oth- 
er room,  gen- 
tlemen. You 
will  be  thirsty 
after  your  long 
journey.  You 
will  find  some- 
thing refresh- 
ing in  the  li- 
brary." 

In  the  li- 
brary were 
several  hundred 
volumes  ranged 
upon  shelves, 
two  globes  (one 
terrestrial,  the 

other  celestial),  a  plain  table,  a  pitcher  of  cold  water  and  glasses,  but 
no  wines  nor  liquors. 

"  You  did  not  find  any  great  spread  of  liquors,  I  take  it,"  the  remark 
of  a  citizen  of  Springfield  the  next  morning. 

"  No,"  my  reply. 

"Thereby  hangs  a  little  story:  "When, we  knew  you  were  on  your 
way,  a  number  of  us  called  on  Mr.  Lincoln  and  said  that  in  all  proba- 
bility some  of  the  members  of  the  committee  would  need  some  refresh- 
ment, wines  or  liquors.  '  I  haven't  any  in  the  house,'  he  said.  l  We  will 
furnish  them.'  '  Gentlemen,  I  cannot  allow  you  to  do  what  I  will  not 
do  myself,'  the  reply.  But  that  was  not  the  end  of  it.  Some  of  our 
good  Democratic  citizens,  feeling  that  Springfield  had  been  highly  hon- 
ored by  the  nomination,  sent  over  some  baskets  of  champagne,  but  Mr. 
Lincoln  sent  them  back,  thanking  them  for  their  intended  kindness." 


MRS.  LINCOLN,   1861. 
[From  a  photograph  in  possession  of  the  author.] 


200 


The  birds  were  singing  and  building  their  nests  in  the  trees  two 
mornings  later  as  I  crossed  the  public  square  and  entered  the  office  of 
Mr.  Lincoln.  A  pine  table  occupied  the  centre  of  the  room,  a  desk  one 
corner.  The  May  sun  shone  through  uncurtained  windows  upon  ranges 
of  shelves  filled  with  law-books,  pamphlets,  and  documents— a  helter- 
skelter  arrangement.  Newspapers  littered  the  floor.  Mr.  Lincoln  was 


WILLIAM   D.  KELLEY. 


NOMINATED   FOR  THE   PRESIDENCY. 


201 


DESK  UPON  WHICH  PRESIDENT  LIN- 
COLN WROTE  HIS  FIRST  INAUGU- 
RAL. 


seated  at  the  desk,  clad  in  a  linen  duster,  with  a  pile  of  letters  and  a 
wooden  inkstand  before  him.     He  had  a  hearty  welcome  for  all  who 
came.     There  was  no  sign  of  elation.      To  friends,  neighbors,  old  ac- 
quaintances, and  strangers  alike  he  was 
simply  Abraham  Lincoln.     He  saw  two 
tall  young  men — farmers,  he  judged  by 
their  appearance  —bashfully  looking  into 
his  office. 

"  How  do  you  do,  gentlemen  ?  What 
can  I  do  for  you  ?  "Won't  you  come  in 
and  take  a  seat?" 

"We  are  much  obliged  to  you,  Mr. 
Lincoln,"  said  one.  "  You  see,  we  are  a 
little  curious  to  know  which  is  the  tall- 
est, you  or  Jim  here.  I  told  him  he  was 
as  tall  as  you." 

"Oh,  that  is  it.  Well,  let  us  see. 
Stand  up  beside  the  wall,  young  man." 

Jim  stood  against  the  wall  of  the  room,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  placed  a 
cane  on  the  top  of  his  head — the  end  against  the  plastering. 

"That  is  your  height.  Now,  you  hold  the  cane,  and  let  me  see 
what  I  can  do." 

He  steps  under  the  cane,  wags  his  hair  against  it. 

"  Well,  young  man,  you  are  good  at  guessing.  We  are  exactly  the 
same  height."  (4) 

The  act  was  in  keeping  with  his  good-nature.  Did  he  lose  anything 
by  gratifying  their  curiosity?  Did  he  not  rather  gain  their  friend- 
ship? 

A  farmer's  wife  drove  into  Springfield,  bringing  butter  and  eggs  to 
sell,  and  called  to  see  the  man  who  had  been  selected  as  candidate  for 
the  Presidency. 

"  I  thought  I'd  call  and  shake  hands  with  you  once  more,"  she  said. 

Mr.  Lincoln  tried  to  remember  when  and  where  she  had  shaken 
hands  with  him. 

"  Oh,  don't  you  remember  ?  Why,  you've  stopped  at  our  house  to 
get  something  to  eat  when  you've  been  riding  the  circuit." 

"Oh  yes.  Now  I  know.  Well,  I'm  right  glad  to  see  you  once 
more." 

"  Don't  you  remember,  Mr.  Lincoln,  that  day  when  you  called  and 
I  hadn't  anything  to  eat  ?" 


202 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


'  No,  I  don't  remember  the  time,  for  you  always  had  a  good  dinner." 
"  But  you  called  one  day  when  we  had  finished  dinner  and  eat  up 
every  scrap,  and  I  hadn't  nothing  but  some  bread-and-milk  for  you, 
and  you  smacked  your  lips  and  said  it  was  good  enough  for  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States,  and  now  you  are  going  to  be  President.  I'm 
right  glad  to  see  you  so  pert."(B) 

They  were  not  flattering  words,  but  a  sincere  and  honest  expression 
of  her  regard  for  him. 

While  the  Eepublican  Convention  was  in  session  in  Chicago,  the 
two   Democratic  Conventions  were  reassembling  in   Baltimore.     Mr. 


LINCOLN  &  HERNDON'S  OFFICE  IN  THE  THIRD  BUILDING  FROM  THE  CORNER. 

[From  a  photograph  taken  by  the  author  in  October,  1890.] 


NOMINATED   FOR   THE  PRESIDENCY. 


203 


Douglas's  friends  nominated  him  for  the  Presidency,  with  Herschel  Y. 
Johnson,  of  Georgia,  for  Yice-president.     The  delegates  from  the  cot- 
ton-producing States 
nominated  John   C. 
Breckinridge,    of 
Kentucky,  for  Presi- 
dent    and    Joseph 
Lane,  of  Oregon,  for 
Yice-president. 

I  remained  in  the 
vicinity  of  Spring- 
field several  weeks. 
Every  train  brought 
people  to  that  city 
to  see  Mr.  Lincoln. 
Politicians  who 
wanted  to  be  Sec- 
retary of  "War,  or 
of  the  Navy ;  who 
wanted  to  be  made 
Minister  Plenipoten- 
tiary or  Consul  in 
some  foreign  coun- 
try, position  in  a  custom-house,  surveyor  of  lands,  Governor  or  Secre- 
tary of  a  Territory,  postmaster  somewhere — all  thinking  to  take  time  by 
the  forelock  by  making  the  acquaintance  of  Mr.  Lincoln  in  advance  of 
his  election.  So  many  came  that  the  Governor  of  the  State  kindly 
allowed  him  the  use  of  the  executive  chamber  in  the  State-house,  where 
he  courteously  welcomed  all  those  who  wanted  office,  as  well  as  those 
who  only  wished  to  shake  hands  with  him. 


THE    STATE-HOUSE,  SPRINGFIELD,  ILL.,  1860. 

[The  executive  chamber  was  the  corner  room  of  the  upper  story  in  line 
with  the  cupola.] 


NOTES   TO  CHAPTER  XI. 

( * )  "  Century  Magazine,"  September,  1887. 

( * )  Letter  to  N.  B.  Jndd,  December  9,  1859,  quoted  in  "  Century  Magazine,"  Septem- 
ber, 1887. 

(3)  LN.  Arnold,  "Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  163. 
(«)  J.  G.  Holland,  "Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  233. 
(5)  Ibid.,  p.  235. 


204  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


CHAPTEK   XII. 

THE     ELECTION,    1860. 

campaign  was  one  of  intense  excitement  and  unbounded  enthu- 
-•-  siasm  on  the  part  of  the  Republicans,  who  felt  that  with  the  Dem- 
ocratic Party  divided  they  could  bring  about  the  election  of  Mr.  Lin- 
coln. Mass  meetings  were  held  throughout  the  Northern  States. 
The  vital  questions  of  the  hour  were  the  aggressions  of  the  slave 
power,  the  attempt  to  force  slavery  into  the  Territories  and  the  Free 
States,  the  Dred  Scott  decision,  and  the  preservation  of  the  Union. 
The  young  men  organized  "  Wide  Awake  "  clubs.  They  wore  uniforms 
and  carried  torches.  Little  did  they,  in  their  enthusiasm,  comprehend 
what  would  be  the  ultimate  outcome  of  their  midnight  drilling  and 
marching.  Further  on  we  shall  see  them  making  other  midnight 
marches  as  soldiers  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Eepublic. 

The  friends  of  Senator  Douglas  saw  from  the  outset  that  they  were 
doomed  to  defeat.  The  men  who  supported  the  nomination  of  Bell  and 
Everett  in  the  Northern  States  endeavored  to  awaken  enthusiasm  by 
ringing  bells  mounted  on  wagons  and  drawn  by  horses,  as  their  proces- 
sions paraded  the  streets  of  towns  and  cities. 

Breckinridge  had  not  many  supporters  in  the  Northern  States.  It 
was  but  a  small  portion  of  the  Democratic  Party  that  followed  his  lead. 

We  are  not  to  think  because  there  was  an  uprising  of  people  to  re- 
strict the  further  extension  of  slavery,  the  party  supporting  Abraham 
Lincoln  was  for  its  immediate  abolition.  The  printer  imprisoned  at 
Baltimore  thirty  years  before  for  saying  the  slave-trade  was  piracy, 
took  no  part  in  advocating  the  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  who  was 
not  an  Abolitionist.  Public  sentiment  cannot  be  changed  in  a  day. 
Many  good  men  in  the  Northern  States,  including  ministers,  lawyers, 
judges,  opposed  the  Republican  Party.  They  said  it  was  sectional,  and 
its  success  would  bring  about  a  dissolution  of  the  Union.  The  slave- 
holders were  threatening  to  secede,  and  establish  a  Southern  Con- 
federacy if  Lincoln  should  be  elected.  He  saw  a  dark  and  forbidding 


THE   ELECTION.  207 

future.  Shall  we  wonder  that  his  friends  beheld  the  old  look  of  sad- 
ness upon  his  face  at  times  ? 

"  Mr.  Bateman,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln  to  the  Superintendent  of  Instruc- 
tion, whose  office  joined  the  chamber  where  he  received  his  friends, 
"  here  is  a  book — a  canvass  of  this  city,  which  my  friends  have  made — 
the  name  of  every  citizen,  and  how  he  probably  will  vote.  Here 
are  the  names  of  twenty -three  ministers  of  different  denominations, 
and  all  but  three  of  them  are  against  me.  Here  are  the  names  of  a 
great  many  men  who  are  members  of  churches,  and  a  very  large 
majority  of  them  are  against  me.  Mr.  Bateman,  I  am  not  a  Christian. 
God  knows  that  I  want  to  be  one.  I  have  read  the  Bible  ever  since  I 
sat  at  my  mother's  knee.  Here  is  the  New  Testament  which  I  carry 
with  me.  Its  teachings  are  all  for  liberty.  Now,  these  ministers  and 
church  members  know  that  I  am  for  freedom  in  the  Territories — for 
freedom  everywhere  as  far  as  the  Constitution  and  law  will  permit,  and 
that  my  opponents  are  for  slavery.  They  know  this,  and  yet  with  this 
book  in  their  hands,  in  the  light  of  which  human  bondage  cannot  live  a 
moment,  they  are  going  to  vote  against  me.  I  don't  understand  it." 
He  rises  and  paces  the  room.  His  voice  is  tremulous  as  he  goes  on,  and 
there  are  tears  upon  his  cheeks. 

"  Mr.  Bateman,  I  know  there  is  a  God,  and  that  He  hates  injustice 
and  slavery.  I  see  the  storm  coming,  and  I  know  that  His  hand  is  in  it. 
If  He  has  a  place  for  me — and  I  think  He  has — I  believe  I  am  ready.  I 
am  nothing,  but  truth  is  everything.  I  know  that  I  am  right  because 
I  know  that  liberty  is  right.  Jesus  Christ  teaches  it,  and  Christ  is  God. 
I  have  told  them  that  a  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand. 
Christ  and  reason  say  the  same,  and  they  will  find  it  so.  Douglas  doesn't 
care  whether  slavery  is  voted  up  or  down ;  but  God  cares,  humanity 
cares,  and  I  care.  "With  God's  help  I  shall  not  fail.  I  may  not  see  the 
end ;  but  it  will  come,  and  I  shall  be  vindicated,  and  these  men  will 
find  that  they  have  not  read  their  Bibles  right." 

He  paces  the  floor  in  silence  a  while,  and  then  goes  on : 

"  Doesn't  it  seem  strange  that  men  ignore  the  moral  aspects  of 
this  contest  ?  A  revelation  could  not  make  it  plainer  to  me  that 
slavery  or  the  Government  must  be  destroyed.  The  future  would  be 
something  awful,  as  I  look  at  it,  but  for  this."  He  holds  up  the  New 
Testament. 

"  There  is  the  rock  on  which  I  stand.  It  seems  to  me  as  if  God  had 
borne  with  slavery  until  the  very  teachers  of  religion  had  come  to  de- 
fend it  from  the  Bible,  and  to  claim  for  it  a  divine  charter  and  sanction, 


208  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

till  the  cup  of  iniquity  is  full,  and  the  vials  of  wrath  must  be  poured 
out."(') 

Before  Mr.  Lincoln  was  thought  of  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency the  slave-holders  of  South  Carolina  had  purchased  a  cargo  of 
slaves  brought  direct  from  Africa.  They  were  sold  to  the  cotton- 
planters.  It  was  an  attempt  to  reopen  the  slave-trade.  No  preachers 
of  the  gospel  in  the  Slave  States  uttered  a  word  in  condemnation  of  the 
traffic.  On  the  contrary,  the  leading  religious  publication  of  the  South, 
the  "Presbyterian  Eeview,"  published  in  Columbia,  S.  C.,  was  advo- 
cating the  system  of  slavery  as  an  institution  expressly  ordained  of 
God  for  the  welfare  of  the  human  race.(2) 

Mr.  Lincoln  made  a  hurried  trip  to  Chicago  on  business,  and  was  re- 
ceived with  great  enthusiasm  by  Democrats  as  well  as  Kepublicans. 

At  the  house  of  a  friend  he  beholds  a  group  of  little  girls.  One  of 
them  gazes  at  him  wistfully. 

"  What  is  it  you  would  like,  dear  ?" 

"  I  would  like,  if  you  please,  to  have  you  write  your  name  for  me." 

"  But  here  are  several  of  your  mates,  quite  a  number  of  them,  and 
they  will  feel  badly  if  I  write  my  name  for  you  and  not  for  them  also. 
How  many  are  there,  all  told  ?" 

"  Eight  of  us." 

"  Oh,  very  well ;  then  get  me  eight  slips  of  paper  and  pen  and  ink, 
and  I  will  see  what  I  can  do." 

Each  of  the  little  misses,  when  she  went  home  that  evening,  carried 
his  autograph. 

If  we  had  been  in  the  village  of  Westfield,  on  the  shore  of  Lake  Erie, 
Chautauqua  County,  N.  Y.,  on  an  October  evening,  we  might  have 
seen  little  Grace  Bedell  looking  at  a  portrait  of  Mr.  Lincoln  and  a  pict- 
ure of  the  log-cabin  which  he  helped  build  for  his  father  in  1830. 

"  Mother,"  said  Grace,  "  I  think  that  Mr.  Lincoln  would  look  better 
if  he  wore  whiskers,  and  I  mean  to  write  and  tell  him  so." 

"  Well,  you  may  if  you  want  to,"  the  mother  answered. 

Grace's  father  was  a  Republican  and  was  going  to  vote  for  Mr.  Lin- 
coln. Two  older  brothers  were  Democrats,  but  she  was  a  Republican. 

Among  the  letters  going  west  the  next  day  was  one  with  this  super- 
scription, "  Hon.  Abraham  Lincoln,  Esq.,  Springfield,  Illinois."  It  was 
Grace's  letter,  telling  him  how  old  she  was,  where  she  lived,  that  she 
was  a  Republican,  that  she  thought  he  would  make  a  good  President, 
but  would  look  better  if  he  would  let  his  whiskers  grow.  If  he  would 
she  would  try  to  coax  her  brothers  to  vote  for  him.  She  thought  the 


THE  ELECTION. 


209 


FAC-SIMILE  OF   LINCOLN'S  LETTER  TO  GRACE  BEDELL. 

rail-fence  around  the  cabin  very  pretty.  "  If  you  have  not  time  to  an- 
swer my  letter,  will  you  allow  your  little  girl  to  reply  for  you  ?"  wrote 
Grace  at  the  end. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  sitting  in  his  room  at  the  State-house  with  a  great 
pile  of  letters  before  him  from  the  leading  Republicans  all  over  the 

14 


210  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Northern  States  in  regard  to  the  progress  of  the  campaign;  letters 
from  men  who  would  want  an  office  after  his  inauguration ;  letters 
abusive  and  indecent,  which  were  tossed  into  the  waste-basket.  Pie 
came  to  one  from  Westfield,  N".  Y.  It  was  not  from  any  one  who 
wanted  an  office,  but  from  a  little  girl  who  wanted  him  to  let  his 
whiskers  grow.  That  was  a  letter  which  he  must  answer. 

A  day  or  two  later  Grace  Bedell  comes  out  of  the  Westfield  post- 
office  with  a  letter  in  her  hand  postmarked  Springfield,  111.  Her  pulse 
beats  as  never  before.  It  is  a  cold  morning — the  wind  blowing  bleak 
and  chill  across  the  tossing  waves  of  the  lake.  Snow-flakes  are  falling. 
She  cannot  wait  till  she  reaches  home,  but  tears  open  the  letter.  The 
melting  flakes  blur  the  writing,  but  this  is  what  she  reads : 

SPRINGFIELD,  ILL.,  Oct.  19,  1860. 

Miss  GRACE  BEDELL  : 

MY  DEAR  LITTLE  Miss, — Your  very  agreeable  letter  of  the  loth  is  received.  I  regret 
the  necessity  of  saying  I  have  no  daughter.  I  have  three  sons  ;  one  seventeen,  one  nine, 
and  one  seven  years  of  age.  They,  with  their  mother,  constitute  my  whole  family.  As 
to  the  whiskers,  having  never  worn  any,  do  you  not  think  people  would  call  it  a  piece  of 
silly  affection  (affectation)  if  I  should  begin  it  now  ? 

Your  very  sincere  well-wisher,  A.  LINCOLN.  (3) 

Before  the  clocks  in  the  church-towers  of  the  Union  tolled  the  mid- 
night hour  on  the  day  of  election,  it  was  known  that  Abraham  Lincoln 

was  to  be  President.     There  was  great  rejoicing  throughout  the 
^isec)6'  North,  for  it  was  the  verdict  of  the  people  that  slavery  was  not 

to  be  extended  into  the  Territories.  There  was  also  much  re- 
joicing in  Charleston,  for  South  Carolina  was  ready  to  secede  from  the 
Union. 

In  the  hall  of  the  South  Carolina  Institute  a  convention  called  by 
the  Governor  voted  that  the  union  with  the  United  States  be  dissolved. 

Men  tossed  their  hats  into  the  air;    women  waved  their  hand- 
1860°'  kerchiefs.      A   procession   was  formed    which    marched   to   St. 

Michael's  Church-yard,  where,  around  the  grave  of  Calhoun,  a 
solemn  oath  was  taken  to  give  their  lives  and  fortunes  to  secure  the 
independence  of  the  State.  Lieutenant -colonel  Gardner,  with  a  few 
soldiers,  was  in  command  of  the  forts  in  Charleston  harbor.  He  saw 
that  the  Secessionists  were  getting  ready  to  seize  the  fortifications.  The 
Secession  members  of  Congress  called  upon  the  Secretary  of  War,  John 
B.  Floyd,  of  Virginia,  and  asked  for  Gardner's  removal.  The  request 
was  granted,  and  Major  Eobert  Anderson,  of  Kentucky,  was  appointed 
to  succeed  him.  The  Secessionists  did  not  know  how  dearly  he  loved 


THE  ELECTION.  211 

the  flag  of  his  country,  or  how  true  he  was  to  his  convictions.  He,  too, 
saw  what  the  Secessionists  intended  to  do,  and  asked  General  Scott  for 
reinforcements.  Secretary  Floyd  thereupon  sent  a  very  curt  letter  to 
Anderson.  "  Your  communications,"  he  wrote,  "  in  the  future  will  be 
addressed  to  the  Secretary  of  War."  There  was  a  stormy  scene  in  the 
executive  chamber  of  the  White  House  when  it  was  known  that  Ander- 
son had  called  for  reinforcements.  Lewis  Cass,  Secretary  of  State,  true 
and  loyal,  could  no  longer  remain  in  the  Cabinet  when  the  President 
yielded  to  the  demand  of  the  Secretary  of  War  that  no  troops  should 
be  sent.  Mr.  Black,  Attorney-general,  who  had  given  an  opinion  that 
the  President  could  not  coerce  a  State,  also  resigned.  Quite  likely 
Floyd  would  have  removed  Major  Anderson,  but  he  had  other  things  to 
think  of.  He  had  made  a  contract  with  the  firm  of  Kussell  &  Co.  to 
transport  supplies  for  the  army  from  St.  Louis  to  Utah,  and  had  paid 
them  more  than  two  million  dollars  in  excess  of  money  due  for  work 
done — making  the  payments  in  drafts.  But  the  banks  in  New  York 
would  not  advance  money  on  the  drafts,  whereupon  Floyd's  nephew, 
who  had  charge  of  bonds  belonging  to  the  Government,  took  them  from 
the  safe  and  exchanged  them  Avith  Eussell  &  Co.,  taking  the  drafts  as  se- 
curity— doing  what  he  had  no  right  to  do.  In  effect,  it  was  robbery. 
The  interest  on  the  bonds  was  coming  due,  and  then  the  theft  would 
be  known. 

Christmas  came  with  its  joyful  scenes.     Major  Anderson  was  at  a 

dinner-party  in  Charleston.     He  heard  remarks  which  caused  him  to 

take  immediate  action.     No  reinforcements  had  been  sent  him, 

Dieo'J5'and  he  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  none  would  be  sent. 

looO. 

In  the  darkness  of  night  he  abandoned  Fort  Moultrie  and  oc- 
cupied Sumter.  The  sun  of  the  next  morning  was  rising.  The  soldiers 
stood  around  the  flag-staff.  Major  Anderson  kneeled,  holding  the  hal- 
yards, while  the  Kev.  Matthew  Harris,  the  chaplain,  offered  prayer,  and 
the  Stars  and  Stripes  rose  to  the  top-mast  to  float  serenely  in  the  morn- 
ing sunlight. 

The  people  of  Charleston,  looking  across  the  bay,  beheld  with  aston- 
ishment the  flag  at  Sumter,  and  a  column  of  smoke  rising  from  Moultrie, 
caused  by  the  burning  of  the  gun-carriages  set  on  fire  by  Major  Ander- 
son. The  plans  of  the  Secessionists  had  been  upset  by  this  action. 
Sumter,  standing  on  a  reef  in  the  bay,  could  not  be  seized.  The  tele- 
graph flashed  the  news  to  Washington.  Secretary  Floyd  hastened  to 
the  White  House,  demanding  that  Anderson  be  ordered  back  to  Moul- 
trie ;  but  the  President  did  not  comply  with  the  demand. 


212  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

The  coupons  on  the  bonds  stolen  by  Floyd's  nephew  were  due,  but 
when  presented  there  was  no  money  to  pay  them.  Floyd  had  done 
what  he  could  to  destroy  the  Union,  and  rear  a  Confederacy  on  its 
ruins.  He  could  remain  in  office  no  longer.  The  court  indicted  him, 
and  he  fled  to  escape  arrest.  President  Buchanan  appointed  Joseph 
Holt,  of  Kentucky,  to  succeed  Floyd ;  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  of  Pittsburg, 
of  whom  we  have  previously  spoken  (p.  162),  to  succeed  Mr.  Black  as 
Attorney-general,  and  John  A.  Dix,  of  New  York,  to  succeed  Howell 
Cobb  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  They  were  able  men,  and  true  to 
the  Union.  They  were  in  position  to  render  great  service  to  the 
country. 

Governor  Pickens,  of  South  Carolina,  ordered  the  Darlington  Guards 

and  Columbia  Artillery  to  take  possession  of  Morris  Island.     Slaves 

were  sent  by  the  planters,  and  were  set  to  work  building  bat- 

^ffli1'  teries  and  mounting  cannon  for  the  bombardment  of  Sumter. 

lool. 

Major  Anderson  had  only  a  small  amount  of  food.  It  was  de- 
cided at. a  meeting  of  the  Cabinet  in  the  White  House  to  send  him 
reinforcements  and  supplies.  President  Buchanan,  perhaps,  did  not 
know  that  one  of  the  members  of  his  Cabinet,  Jacob  Thompson,  of 
Mississippi,  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  was  a  traitor.  The  members 
were  in  honor  bound  not  to  make  known  what  was  going  on,  but 
Thompson  sent  a  telegram  to  Charleston  informing  the  Governor  of 
the  decision. 

The  steamer  Star  of  the  West,  with  troops  and  provisions,  reached 
Charleston  harbor,  but,  being  fired  upon,  turned  back.  Very  boastful 
the  language  of  the  Charleston  "Mercury"  the  next  morning:  ""We 
would  not  exchange  or  recall  that  blow  for  millions.  It  has  wiped  out 
half  a  century  of  scorn  and  outrage.  The  decree  has  gone  forth.  Upon 
each  acre  of  the  peaceful  soil  of  the  South  armed  men  will  spring  up  as 
the  sound  breaks  upon  their  ears."  Secession  newspapers  were  saying 
that  the  South  never  would  submit  to  Republican  rule — Lincoln  would 
not  be  allowed  to  take  his  seat. 

In  one  of  the  committee-rooms  of  the  Capitol  at  Washington  there 
was  a  secret  midnight  meeting  of  the  Senators  from  Florida,  Georgia, 

Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  and  Texas,  at  which  it  was  re- 
Ji86i5'  s°lved  to  seize  all  the  forts  along  the  southern  coast,  with  all 

the  arsenals,  and  to  urge  the  Southern  States  to  follow  South 
Carolina  and  secede  from  the  Union.  Governor  Brown,  of  Georgia, 
thereupon  ordered  a  military  company  to  take  possession  of  Fort  Pu- 
laski.  A  company  went  up  the  Mississippi  from  New  Orleans,  and 


_Ji      I  ^ 


THE  ELECTION.  215 

took  possession  of  the  arsenal  at  Baton  Rouge.  In  all  the  seaports  the 
Secessionists  seized  the  re  venue -cutters.  The  new  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  John  Adams  Dix,  sent  Mr.  Jones  to  New  Orleans  with  an 
order  to  Captain  Breshwood,  commanding  the  revenue-cutter  there,  to 
sail  to  New  York.  Breshwood  was  a  Secessionist,  and  prepared  to  haul 
down  the  Stars  and  Stripes  and  turn  the  vessel  over  to  the  Governor  of 
the  State.  This  the  despatch  sent  by  Mr.  Dix  : 

"If  any  man  attempts  to  haul  down  tlie  American  flag,  shoot  him  on  the  spot." 

The  people  of  the  Northern  States  had  been  stupefied  by  the  suc- 
cession of  events.  They  had  seen  the  Union  crumbling  to  pieces — the 
Secessionists  having  everything  their  own  way,  without  a  word  of  pro- 
test from  President  Buchanan  or  anybody  else  connected  with  the  Ad- 
ministration. The  despatch  awakened  intense  enthusiasm  for  main- 
taining the  honor  of  the  country's  flag. 

Florida  was  the  first  of  the  States  (January  12,  1861)  to  follow 
South  Carolina  out  of  the  Union,  and  then  Alabama,  Georgia,  Louisi- 
ana, and  Texas  in  turn  seceded. 

In  the  hall  of  Willard's  Hotel  in  Washington  delegates  from  all 
the  States  except  those  which  had  seceded  assembled  in  what 
1*861 '  was  called  a  Peace  Convention  —  an  effort  to  bring  about  har- 
mony. The  seceding  States  on  the  same  day  assembled  in  con- 
vention at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  to  organize  a  Confederate  Govern- 
ment. 

Had  we  been  in  Springfield  during  those  days  and  inquired  for 
Abraham  Lincoln,  his  secretary  would  have  informed  us  that  he  could 
not  be  seen.  He  was  not  in  the  State  -  house  —  neither  in  his  own 
house,  but  in  an  out-of-the-way  chamber  over  a  store,  the  key  turned 
in  the  lock.  Upon  the  table  before  him  were  books  containing  a 
speech  of  Henry  Clay,  made  in  1850,  upon  the  compromise  measures 
then  before  the  country ;  President  Andrew  Jackson's  proclamation, 
made  when  South  Carolina,  thirty  years  before,  attempted  to  nullify 
the  laws  of  the  United  States;  and  Daniel  Webster's  speech  in  the 
Senate  in  reply  to  Hayne  in  1830,  together  with  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States.  He  was  preparing  the  address  to  be  delivered  at 
his  inauguration.  He  submitted  it  to  no  one,  asked  no  advice  as  to 
what  he  should  say. 

The  time  had  come  when  he  must  bid  good-bye  to  his  friends.  He 
visited  Farmington,  Coles  County,  where  was  still  standing  the  log-cabin 


216 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


which  he  assisted  in  building.  He  gave  directions  for  the  erection  of  a 
suitable  monument  to  his  father,  and  then  rode  to  Charleston,  where 
his  step-mother  was  living.  A  great  crowd  had  gathered  to  welcome 
him.  Many  remembered  him  as  he  appeared  on  that  day  when  he  put 
Dan  JSTeedham  on  his  back  in  the  wrestling-match  (see  page  60). 

"  I  am  afraid  your 
enemies  will  kill  you, 
Abraham,"  said  Mrs. 
Lincoln. 

His  voice  was  trem- 
ulous, and  the  tears 
coursed  down  his 
cheeks  as  he  gave  the 
good-bye  kiss.  There 
had  ever  been  the  ut- 
most confidence  be- 
tween them:  she  was 
loving  and  helpful  — 
he  obedient,  kind,  and 
tender. 

Returning  to  Spring- 
field, he  found  his  old 
friends  of  ]STew  Salem 
there  to  shake  hands 
with  him  once  more ; 
among  them  Hannah 
Armstrong,  whose  son  he  defended  when  accused  of  murder. 

"  I  am  afraid  that  those  bad  people  will  kill  you,"  said  Hannah. 
"Well,  they  can't  do  it  but  once,"  the  reply. (4) 
It  was  late  in  the  afternoon,  and  the  sun  was  setting  when  Isaac 
Colgate  called.     They  talked  of  old  times,  of  those  whom  he  used  to 
know  in  New  Salem.     Mr.  Lincoln  spoke  tenderly  of  Ann  Rutledge. 
u  I  have  ever  loved  the  name  of  Rutledge.    I  loved  Ann  honestly,  truly, 
dearly.    She  was  beautiful,  intellectual,  good.     I  think  of  her  often."(5) 
So  he   unbosomed   himself  to  his  dear  old  friend  in  the  twilight  of 
that  winter  evening. 

His  business  in  Springfield  was  closed,  his  trunks  packed.     He  en- 
Feb.  10.  tered  the  office  of  Lincoln  &  Herndon  to  bid  his  partner  fare- 
1861.    wen.     He  was  weary,  and  threw  himself  upon  the  lounge.     He 
was  once  more  looking  far  away.     He  broke  the  silence  at  last. 


THE  CHAPMAN  HOUSE,  CHARLESTON,  ILL. 

[Where  Abraham  Lincoln  bade  farewell  to  his  step-mother.     From  a  photo- 
graph taken  by  the  author  in  October.  1890.] 


THE   ELECTION.  217 

"  Billy,  how  long  have  we  been  together  ?" 

"  Over  sixteen  years." 

"  "We  haven't  had  a  cross  word  during  all  that  time,  have  we  ?" 

"  Not  one." 

The  old  smile  was  upon  his  face  as  he  went  over  the  past. 

"  Don't  take  down  the  sign,  Billy ;  let  it  swing  that  our  clients  may 
understand  that  the  election  of  a  President  makes  no  change  in  the  firm 
of  Lincoln  &  Ilerndon."  He  took  a  farewell  glance  at  the  room — the 
books,  the  table,  the  chairs.  Together  the  partners  descended  the  stairs. 

"  Oh,  Billy,  I  am  sick  of  office-holding,  and  I  shudder  when  I  think 
of  what  is  before  me.  The  chances  are  that  I  never  shall  return." 

The  old  sadness  was  upon  him. 

"  Oh,  that  is  an  illusory  notion.  It  is  not  in  harmony  or  keeping 
with  the  popular  ideal  of  a  President,"  the  remark  of  Herndon,  who 
did  not  know  what  else  to  say. 

"But  it  is  in  keeping  with  my  philosophy.     Good-bye." (6) 

The  Provisional  Government  of  the  Confederate  States  had  been 
organized — Jefferson  Davis,  President,  and  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  Vice- 
president  of  the  Confederacy.  Mr.  Davis  was  on  his  way  from 
^g'gj1'  Mississippi  to  Montgomery,  addressing  the  people  in  all  the  prin- 
cipal towns.  He  stood  upon  the  balcony  of  the  Exchange  Hotel 
in  that  city  the  evening  before  his  inauguration,  with  a  negro  by  his 
side  holding  a  tallow  candle,  which  threw  its  flickering  light  upon  the 
crowd  in  the  street. 

"  England,"  he  said,  "  will  not  allow  our  great  staple,  cotton,  to  be 
dammed  up  within  our  present  limits.  If  war  must  come,  it  must  be  on 
Northern,  not  on  Southern  soil.  A  glorious  future  is  before  us.  The 
grass  will  grow  in  Northern  cities  where  the  pavements  have  been 
worn  off  by  the  tread  of  commerce.  We  will  carry  war  where  it  is 
easy  to  advance,  where  food  for  the  sword  and  torch  await  our  armies 
in  the  densely  populated  cities." 

Mr.  Davis  had  some  reason  for  using  such  language,  for  a  great 
many  people  in  the  Northern  States  had  assured  the  Secessionists  that 
they  sympathized  with  them. 

"  If  there  is  to  be  any  fighting,  it  will  be  within  our  own  borders, 
and  in  our  own  streets,"  wrote  ex-President  Franklin  Pierce,  of  New 
Hampshire.  Fernando  Wood,  Mayor  of  New  York,  proposed  that  New 
York  City  secede  from  the  State  of  New  York. 

"  If  force  is  to  be  used,  it  Avill  be  inaugurated  at  home,"  said  the 
Democratic  politicians  of  Albany. 


218 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


JEFFEKSON  DAVIS. 


"  If  the  cotton  States  can  do  better  out  of  the  Union  than  in  it,  Ave 
insist  on  letting  them  go  in  peace,"  wrote  Horace  Greeley,  editor  of  the 
New  York"  Tribune,"  who  had  done  what  he  could  to  elect  Mr.  Lincoln. 
The  snow  was  falling  in  Springfield,  but  people  were  hastening  to 
the  railroad  station  to  see  once  more  the  man  whom  they  honored  and 
loved.     The  conductor  of  the  train  which  was  to  bear  the  Presi- 
jgg^'dential  party  to  Washington  was  about  to  give  the  signal  for 
starting,  but  waited,  for  Mr.  Lincoln  was  standing  upon  the  plat- 
form of  the  car  with  his  hand  uplifted.     These  his  parting  words : 

"My  friends  •  No  one  not  in  my  situation  can  appreciate  my  feeling  of  sadness  at 
this  parting.  To  this  place  and  the  kindness  of  these  people  I  owe  everything.  Here  I 
have  lived  a  quarter  of  a  century,  and  have  passed  from  a  young  to  an  old  man.  Here 
my  children  have  been  born,  and  one  of  them  is  buried.  I  now  leave,  not  knowing  when 
or  whether  ever  I  may  return,  with  a  task  before  me  greater  than  that  which  rested  upon 


THE   ELECTION. 


219 


Washington.  Without  the  assistance  of  that  divine  Being  who  ever  attended  him,  I  can- 
not succeed.  With  that  assistance,  I  cannot  fail.  Trusting  in  Him,  who  can  go  with  me, 
and  remain  with  you,  and  be  everywhere  for  good,  let  us  confidently  hope  that  all  will  yet 
be  well.  To  His  care  commending  you,  as  I  hope  in  your  prayers  you  will  commend  me, 
I  bid  you  an  affectionate  farewell. " 

Mr.  Lincoln  had  invited  several  gentlemen  to  accompany  him  to 
Washington  ;  among  others,  Norman  B.  Judd,  David  Davis,  Edwin  Y. 
Sumner,  John  Pope,  David  Hunter,  and  Ward  Laman. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  very  much  affected  as  he  entered  the  car,  after  say- 
ing good-bye  to  his  friends.  He  was  on  his  way  to  become  the  chief 
executive  of  a  great  nation.  But  instead  of  elation  at  the  prospect  be- 
fore him  of  exercising  influence  and  power,  there  was  depression  of 
spirit. 

In  Montgomery,  Jefferson  Davis  was  talking  of  carrying  the  sword 
and  torch  into  Northern  cities,  of  conquest,  war,  and  devastation.  In 
Springfield,  the  words  of  Abraham  Lincoln  were  in  the  spirit  of  those 
spoken  by.  Jesus  Christ  in  the  "  Sermon  on  the  Mount."  His  voice 
trembled  and  its  tender  pathos  brought  tears  to  the  eyes  of  those  who 
heard  him. 

It  was  natural  that  the  people  should  desire  to  see  the  man  who  had 
been  elected  President,  and  the  route  to  Washington  was  arranged  to 
take  in  a  number  of  the  large  cities — Indianapolis,  Cincinnati,  Colum- 
bus, Pittsburg,  Cleveland,  and  Buffalo.  In  each  of  these  he  spent  a 
night  and  addressed  great  crowds  of  people.  When  the  train  left  Cleve- 
land, Mr.  Patterson,  of  Westfield,  was  invited  into  Mr.  Lincoln's  car. 


RAILROAD   STATION,  SPRINGFIELD. 


220  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  Did  I  understand  that  your  home  is  in  Westfield  ?"  Mr.  Lincoln 
asked. 

"  Yes,  sir ;  that  is  my  home." 

"  Oh,  by-the-way,  do  you  know  any  one  living  there  by  the  name  of 
Bedell?" 

"  Yes,  sir,  I  know  the  family  very  well." 

"  I  have  a  correspondent  in  that  family.  Mr.  Bedell's  little  girl, 
Grace,  wrote  me  a  very  interesting  letter  advising  me  to  wear  whis- 
kers, as  she  thought  it  would  improve  my  looks.  You  see  that  I  have 
followed  her  suggestion.  Her  letter  was  so  unlike  many  that  I  re- 
ceived— some  that  threatened  assassination  in  case  I  was  elected — that 
it  was  really  a  relief  to  receive  it  and  a  pleasure  to  answer  it." 

The  train  reached  Westfield,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  stood  upon  the  plat- 
form of  the  car  to  say  a  few  words  to  the  people. 

"  I  have  a  little  correspondent  here,  Grace  Bedell,  and  if  the  little 
miss  is  present,  I  would  like  to  see  her." 

Grace  was  far  down  the  platform,  and  the  crowd  prevented  her 
seeing  or  hearing  him. 

"  Grace,  Grace,  the  President  is  calling  for  you  !"  they  shouted. 

A  friend  made  his  way  with  her  through  the  crowd. 

"  Here  she  is." 

Mr.  Lincoln  stepped  down  from  the  car,  took  her  by  the  hand,  and 
gave  her  a  kiss. 

"  You  see,  Grace,  I  have  let  my  whiskers  grow  for  you."(7) 

The  kindly  smile  was  upon  his  face.  The  train  whirled  on.  His 
heart  was  lighter.  For  one  brief  moment  he  had  forgotten  the  burdens 
that  were  pressing  him  with  their  weight. 

At  Buffalo,  Albany,  and  New  York  great  crowds  welcomed  him. 
No  boastful  words  fell  from  his  lips.  He  gave  no  hint  as  to  his  course 
of  action  other  than  to  preserve  the  Union  and  faithfully  execute  the 
trust  committed  to  him  by  the  people. 

His  speeches  were  disappointing.  People  expected  he  would  give 
an  outline  of  what  he  intended  to  do.  It  seems  probable  that  he  him- 
self did  not  know.  He  had  faith  in  God,  in  the  people,  and  in  himself. 
He  would  endeavor  to  execute  the  laws  in  accordance  with  the  Consti- 
tution, and  do  the  right  thing  at  the  right  time. 

Would  he  ever  become  President?  There  were  rumors  that  the 
electoral  vote  never  would  be  declared — that  something  would  happen 
to  prevent  its  being  counted. 

February  13th  was  the  day  fixed  by  law.     Strange  faces  appeared 


THE  ELECTION. 


221 


JOHN  POPE. 

in  Washington.  The  boarding-houses  were  filling  with  dark-visaged 
men  who  lounged  in  the  saloons  and  swaggered  along  the  streets,  who 
jostled  Northern  men  into  the  gutter. 

"  That  Black  Republican  Abolitionist  never  will  be  President,"  the 
common  remark  uttered  with  oaths. 

Few  Northern  men  at  the  capital  doubted  that  there  was  a  plan 

to  seize  the  Government.     It  was  known  that  General  Scott 

^86 18'  was  l°yal-     What  would  he  do  to  put  down  a  conspiracy  ?     Mr. 

L.  E.  Chittenden,   a  member  of  the   Peace    Congress,   called 

upon  him  at  his  headquarters  in  "Winder's  Building.     He  was  lying 

on  a  sofa. 

"  A  Chittenden  of  Vermont !     Why,  that  was  a  good  name  when 
Ethan  Allen  took  Ticonderoga !     Well,  Vermont  must  be  as  true  to-day 


222  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

as  she  always  has  been.  What  can  the  commander  of  the  army  do  for 
Vermont  ?" 

"  Yery  little  at  present.  I  called  to  pay  my  personal  respects.  In 
common  with  many  other  loyal  men,  I  am  anxious  about  the  count  of 
the  electoral  vote  on  next  "Wednesday.  Many  fear  that  the  vote  will 
not  be  counted  or  the  result  declared." 

"Pray,  tell  me  why  it  will  not  be  counted?  There  have  been 
threats,  but  I  have  heard  nothing  of  them  recently.  I  supposed  I 
had  suppressed  that  infamy.  Has  it  been  resuscitated?  I  have  said 
that  any  man  who  attempted  by  force  or  parliamentary  disorder  to 
obstruct  or  interfere  with  the  lawful  count  of  the  electoral  vote  for 
President  and  Vice-president  of  the  United  States  should  be  lashed  to 
the  muzzle  of  a  12-pounder  and  fired  out  of  a  window  of  the  Capitol. 
I  would  manure  the  hills  of  Arlington  with  fragments  of  his  body 
were  he  a  Senator  or  chief  magistrate  of  my  native  State !  It  is  my 
duty  to  suppress  insurrection — my  duty  !" (*} 

The  ruffianly-looking  men  who  had  frequented  the  bar-rooms  when 
they  reached  the  Capitol  on  the  morning  of  February  13th  found  they 
could  not  gain  admittance  to  the  building  without  a  ticket.  Sol- 
Fi86i3'  diers  of  the  United  States  in  their  blue  uniforms  guarded  every 
entrance.  The  tickets  were  signed  either  by  the  Vice-presi- 
dent, John  C.  Breckinridge,  or  by  the  Speaker  of  the  House,  and  they 
had  been  issued  so  sparingly  that  the  galleries  of  the  representatives' 
chamber  and  the  corridors  were  not  crowded.  The  members  of  the 
Peace  Conference  in  session  at  Willard's  Hall  were  admitted  by  a  vote 
of  both  Houses  of  Congress,  but  Senators  and  representatives  could 
not  admit  their  friends  except  by  authority  of  the  presiding  officers. 
Euffians  might  shake  their  fists  at  the  soldiers  and  use  vile  language, 
,but  neither  by  bribe  or  threat  could  they  enter  the  Capitol.  No 
soldiers  were  to  be  seen  except  those  that  were  guarding  the  doors. 
Within  the  Capitol  were  several  hundred  men,  who  entered  as  citizens, 
but  who,  upon  a  preconcerted  signal,  would  be  transformed  into  sol- 
diers armed  with  rifles. 

The  hour  for  the  Senate  and  House  to  meet  in  convention  arrives, 
and  the  Senators  enter  the  hall.  Mr.  Breckinridge  occupies  the  chair 
as  presiding  officer.  For  four  years  he  has  been  Vice-president  of  the 
United  States,  sworn  to  obey  the  laws.  He  has  been  loyal  to  the  Con- 
stitution. He  has  too  high  a  sense  of  obligation  to  countenance  any 
plan  for  a  seizure  of  the  Government,  or  to  obstruct  the  inauguration 
of  Abraham  Lincoln.  His  voice  is  clear  and  distinct :  "  It  is  my  duty 


THE   ELECTION. 


223 


to  open  the  certificates  of  election  in  the  presence  of  the  two  Houses, 
and  I  now  proceed  to  the  performance  of  that  duty." 

Another  voice  breaks  in :  "I  rise  to  a  point  of  order.  Is  the  count 
to  proceed  under  menace?  Shall  the  count  be  made  under  menace? 
Shall  members  be  required  to  perform  constitutional  duty  before  the 
janizaries  of  Scott  are  withdrawn  from  the  hall  ?" 

"  The  point  of  order  is  not  sustained,"  the  calm  reply  of  Breckin- 
ridge  as  he  hands  the  certificate  of  Maine  to  Senator  Trumbull,  who 
reads  it.  There  is  no  other  interruption.  The  last  certificate  is  read,, 


DAVID  HTJNTEK. 


224:  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

and  Abraham  Lincoln  and  Hannibal  Hamlin  are  declared  to  be  elected 
President  and  Yice-president  of  the  United  States.  The  Senate  retires. 

The  pent-up  anger  of  the  Secession  members  from  the  Slave  States 
that  had  not  seceded  burst  forth.  "  Hurrah  for  Jeff  Davis  !"  "  Scott 
is  a  traitor  to  his  native  State!"  "He  is  a  coward!"  "An  old  dotard!" 
"  What  right  had  he  to  put  his  blue-coated  janizaries  in  the  Capitol  ?" 
Oaths  and  curses  rent  the  air.  Impotent  the  rage.  Abraham  Lincoln 
and  Hannibal  Hamlin  had  been  legally  declared  elected,  but  would  they 
be  allowed  to  take  their  seats  ? 

The  plan  to  prevent  the  declaration  of  their  election  was  aban- 
doned several  days  before  that  event,  and  another  far  darker  conspiracy 
was  entered  upon.  Miss  Dorothy  Dix,  of  New  York,  who  had  been  in 
the  South,  informed  Samuel  M.  Felton,  president  of  the  railroad  leading 
from  Baltimore  to  Philadelphia,  that  the  Southern  conspirators  had  de- 
termined Mr.  Lincoln  should  never  reach  Washington.  He  read  in 
Southern  newspapers  the  threatening  words  that  he  would  not  be  al- 
lowed to  take  his  seat.  Mr.  Felton  knew  there  were  many  brutal  men 
in  Baltimore — ruffians  who  had  no  regard  for  anything  except  brute 
force.  They  went  by  the  name  of  "  Plug  Uglies."  They  were  Seces- 
sionists, and  were  determined  to  carry  the  State  out  of  the  Union.  He 
knew  they  were  ready  to  do  any  violent  act  to  insure  their  success.  He 
discovered,  that  organizations  were  forming  in  the  villages  along  the 
line  of  the  railroad,  and  decided  to  investigate  what  was  going  on. 
"  Will  you  come  to  Philadelphia  ?"  the  message  to  Mr.  Pinkerton,  a 
detective,  who  hastened  to  that  city. 

A  few  days  later  the  men  drilling  at  Perry ville,  Magnolia,  and 
Havre  de  Grace  received  new  recruits — rough-looking  men — who  an- 
nounced themselves  as  Secessionists.  (') 

Among  the  guests  at  Barnum's  Hotel  in  Baltimore  was  one  who 
signed  his  name  "  Joseph  Howard,  Montgomery,  Alabama."  Timothy 
Webster,  from.  Richmond,  arrived  at  another  hotel,  not  quite  so  aristo- 
cratic as  Barnum's.  Mr.  Howard  was  very  much  of  a  gentleman — so 
polite,  well-educated,  and  handsome  that  the  ladies  in  the  parlor  were 
charmed  with  him.  In  the  smoking-room  he  was  very  courteous,  and 
the  cigars  which  he  presented  to  the  young  gentlemen  who  spent  their 
evenings  at  Barnum's  were  delicately  flavored.  Mr.  Howard  listened 
to  what  they  had  to  say  about  secession,  and  the  intimations  that  Lin- 
coln might  not  get  to  Washington.  He  made  the  acquaintance  of  Mr. 
Kane,  marshal  of  the  Baltimore  police,  member  of  a  secret  society. 
They  gained  entrance  to  a  chamber  by  signs  and  passwords.  Captain 


THE   ELECTION.  225 

Ferrandini,  president  of  the  society,  declared  that  the  election  of  Lin- 
coln was  an  insult  to  the  gentlemen  of  the  South. 

"  This  hireling,  Lincoln,"  he  shouted,  "  shall  never  be  President. 
My  life  is  of  no  consequence.  I  am  ready  to  die  for  the  rights  of  the 
South,  and  to  crush  out  the  Abolitionists." 

He  flourished  a  dirk  to  let  the  members  of  the  society  understand 
that  he  was  ready  to  use  it. 

Mr.  Howard  from  Montgomery,  with  a  friend  from  Georgia,  met 
Captain  Ferrandini  in  Mr.  Guy's  restaurant.  The  captain  was  pleased 
to  meet  the  gentleman  from  Georgia,  who,  as  Mr.  Howard  assured  him, 
was  "  all  right." 

"  Are  there  no  other  means  ?"  somebody  asked. 

"  No  ;  as  well  might  you  attempt  to  move  that  monument  yonder 
with  your  breath  as  to  change  our  purpose.  He  must  die ;  and  die  he 
shall,"  said  Captain  Ferrandini. 

"  There  seems  to  be  no  other  way,"  Mr.  Howard  remarked. 

"  The  cause  is  noble ;  and  on  that  day  every  one  of  us  will  prove 
himself  a  hero.  With  the  first  shot  he  will  die,  and  Maryland  will  be 
with  the  South,"  the  captain  added. 

"  But  have  all  the  plans  been  matured,  and  are  there  no  fears  of 
failure?  A  misstep  would  be  fatal  to  the  South,  and  everything  ought 
to  be  well  considered,"  said  the  gentleman  from  Georgia. 

"  Our  plans  are  fully  matured,  and  they  cannot  fail.  If  I  alone 
must  strike  the  blow,  I  shall  not  hesitate  or  shrink  from  the  task. 
Lincoln  will  not  leave  this  city  alive.  Neither  he  nor  any  other  Aboli- 
tionist shall  ever  set  foot  on  Southern  soil,  except  to  find  a  grave," 
said  Captain  Trichat. 

"  But  about  the  authorities ;  is  there  no  danger  to  be  apprehended 
from  them  ?"  asked  the  gentleman  from  Georgia. 

"  Oh  no.  They  are  all  with  us.  I  have  seen  the  chief  of  police, 
and  he  is  all  right.  In  a  week  from  to-day  the  North  will  want  another 
President,  for  Lincoln  will  be  a  corpse,"  the  reply. 

Mr.  Howard  became-  quite  intimate  with  Lieutenant  Hill.  They 
walked  the  streets  arm  in  arm,  drank  each  the  other's  health,  talked 
over  the  plans  in  their  own  rooms. 

"  I  shall  immortalize  myself  by  plunging  a  knife  into  Lincoln's 
heart,"  said  the  Lieutenant.  (10) 

Timothy  Webster,  of  Kichmond,  Va.,  joined  the  military  company  at 
Perry  ville.  The  chamber  in  which  the  members  met  was  hung  with  quilts, 
that  no  listening  ears  in  adjoining  rooms  might  hear  what  was  said. 

15 


226  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

The  bridges  on  the  railroad  were  to  be  set  on  fire,  the  tracks  torn 
up  so  that  no  troops  could  reach  Baltimore  from  the  North.  Little  did 
the  men  mistrust  that  Timothy  Webster,  from  Kichmond,  was  in  con- 
stant communication  with  the  gentleman  from  Georgia,  in  Baltimore  ; 
that  Mr.  Howard  was  also  informing  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  of 
all  that  was  going  on,  and  that  he  was  giving  full  information  of  the 
conspiracy  to  Norman  B.  Judd,  at  Buffalo. 

Mr.  Lincoln  had  planned  to  go  from  Philadelphia  to  Harrisburg,  and 
from  that  city  to  Baltimore.  There  would  be  a  great  crowd  at  the 
Northern  Central  station,  where  he  would  enter  a  narrow  passage  to 
reach  a  carriage.  It  would  be  an  easy  matter  to  get  up  a  row  in  such 
a  crowd.  When  the  police  left  the  passage  to  quell  the  disturbance, 
the  fatal  bullet  would  be  fired,  or  the  knife  plunged  into  his  breast. 
A  steamboat  would  take  the  assassin  to  South  Carolina — secure  from 
capture. 

Senator  Grimes,  of  Iowa,  and  Elihu  B.  Washburne,  member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  from  Galena,  111.,  were  in  consultation  with 
General  Scott,  commanding  the  army.  He  was  receiving  letters  from 
honest  and  true-hearted  men  in  the  South,  informing  him  of  a  deep- 
laid  plot  to  murder  Mr.  Lincoln.  Senator  Grimes  and  Mr.  Washburne 
were  made  a  "  Committee  of  Public  Safety "  by  the  loyal  Senators 
and  members  of  Congress.  They  knew  that  Chief  of  Police  Kennedy, 
in  New  York,  was  loyal  and  true,  and  that  he  had  trustworthy  men  in 
his  employ,  and  so  put  themselves  in  communication  with  him. 

Men  who  wore  slouched  hats  and  seedy  coats,  who  smoked  cheap 
cigars  and  drank  whiskey,  were  sent  to  Richmond,  Alexandria,  and 
Baltimore.  They  also  learned  the  details  of  the  plot  to  murder  Lin- 
coln. (") 

Mr.  Lincoln  is  at  Trenton,  N.  J.  Things  have  arrived  at  a  serious 
pass.  Mr.  Seward  and  Mr.  Washburne,  in  Washington,  have  unmis- 
takable evidence,  apart  from  what  has  come  to  Mr.  Judd,  that 
*  jg'6j°'  Mr.  Lincoln  is  to  be  assassinated  in  Baltimore.  They  cannot 
with  safety  telegraph  any  information.  A  messenger  must  be 
sent,  and  Mr.  Frederick  W.  Seward,  son  of  the  Senator,  with  letters 
from  his  father  and  from  General  Scott,  makes  his  way  to  Philadel- 
phia. The  train  from  Trenton  is  just  arriving  with  Mr.  Lincoln.  A 
young  man  slips  a  piece  of  paper  into  the  hand  of  Mr.  Judd,  who 
reads  only  this : 

"  Call  for  J.  H.  Hutchinson  at  the  St.  Louis  Hotel." 


THE  ELECTION.  227 

It  is  not  Mr.  Hutchinson  whom  Mr.  Judd  finds,  but  Mr.  Pinkerton, 
the  "  gentleman  from  Georgia."  He  lays  before  Mr.  J  udd  all  the  de- 
tails of  the  plan.  Mr.  Seward  confirms  them ;  also  Mr.  Sanford,  sent 
by  General  Scott.  Mr.  Felton,  who  has  had  several  gangs  of  men 
whitewashing  the  bridges  across  the  rivers  between  Philadelphia  and 
Baltimore,  but  who  were  instructed  to  keep  their  eyes  on  the  structures 
day  and  night  for  fear  they  might  be  set  on  fire,  adds  information  con- 
firming the  testimony  gathered  by  the  detectives. 

What  shall  be  done?  The  time  has  come  when  Mr.  Lincoln  must 
know  what  is  going  on.  His  secretary,  Mr.  Nicolay,  calls  him  from  the 
parlor  of  the  Continental  Hotel.  Mr.  Judd  and  Mr.  Sanford  propose 
that  he  shall  go  at  once  to  Washington.  That  he  will  not  consent  to 
do.  He  has  promised  to  raise  a  flag  over  the  hall  in  which  the  Decla- 
ration of  Independence  was  signed,  and  will  keep  his  word.  He  has 
promised  to  go  to  Harrisburg,  and  will  go ;  but  it  is  arranged  that  in- 
stead of  remaining  at  Harrisburg  over  night,  and  going  to  Baltimore  on 
the  Northern  Central  road,  he  shall  return  to  Philadelphia,  and  go  by 
the  regular  night  train  through  Baltimore  to  Washington. 

It  is  the  anniversary  of  George  Washington's  birth.     For  the  first 

time  in  his  life  Mr.  Lincoln  enters  the  hall  where  the  Declara- 

*i86i22'   ^on  °^  tne  Independence  of  tfre  United  States  was  signed.     The 

street  and  square,  the  houses,  windows,  and  roofs  are  occupied 

by  a  vast  crowd  of  people.     These  words  fall  from  the  lips  of  Mr. 

Lincoln  : 

"  I  am  filled  with  deep  emotion  at  finding  myself  standing  in  this  place,  where  were 
collected  together  the  wisdom,  the  patriotism,  the  devotion  to  principle  from  which 
sprang  the  institutions  under  which  we  live.  You  have  kindly  suggested  to  me  that  in 
my  hands  is  the  task  of  restoring  peace  to  our  distracted  country.  I  can  say  in  return 
that  all  the  political  sentiments  I  entertain  have  been  drawn,  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to 
draw  them,  from  the  sentiments  which  originated  in,  and  were  given  to  the  world  from, 
this  hall.  ...  It  was  not  the  mere  matter  of  separation  of  the  colonies  from  the  mother- 
land, but  that  sentiment  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  which  gave  liberty,  not  alone 
to  the  people  of  this  country,  but  hope  to  all  the  world  for  all  future  time." 

The  flag  rises  to  the  top- mast,  and  the  vast  multitude  rends  the  air 
with  cheers  as  they  behold  the  bright  new  banner  floating  in  the 
breeze. 

From  Philadelphia,  Mr.  Lincoln  proceeds  to  Harrisburg,  and  meets 
the  Legislature  and  Governor  Curtin.  The  ceremonies  of  the  day  are 
ended.  Judge  Davis,  Colonel  E.  V.  Sumner,  Major  John  Pope,  Major 
David  Hunter,  and  Mr.  Lamon,  who  are  travelling  with  Mr.  Lincoln, 


228 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


RAISING   THE   FLAG   OVER   INDEPENDENCE   HALL. 

have  received  hints  that  the  programme  for  the  journey  to  Washing- 
ton has  been  changed.  Mr.  Lincoln  cannot  slip  away  without  taking 
them  into  his  confidence.  He  has  not  been  quite  sure  that  it  will  be 
manly  to  go  through  Baltimore  in  the  night.  No  hospitalities  have 
been  extended  to  him  by  the  Governor  of  Maryland  or  the  authorities 
of  Baltimore,  but  will  people  not  look  upon  him  as  a  coward?  He 
lays  the  matter  before  his  friends. 

"  Well,  Mr.  Lincoln,  what  is  your  judgment  ?"  Mr.  Davis  asks. 

"  I  have  thought  this  matter  over  considerably  since  I  went  over  the 
ground  with  Mr.  Pinkerton.  The  appearance  of  Mr.  Frederick  Seward 


THE  ELECTION.  229 

with  information  from  another  source  confirms  my  belief  in  Mr.  Pinker- 
ton's  statements.  Therefore,  unless  there  are  some  other  reasons  than 
the  fear  of  ridicule,  I  am  disposed  to  carry  out  Mr.  Judd's  plan." 

"  That  settles  it,"  said  Mr.  Davis. 

"  So  be  it,"  says  Colonel  Sumner,  brave  and  true  soldier.  "  It  is 
against  my  judgment,  but  I  have  undertaken  to  go  to  Washington  with 
Mr.  Lincoln,  and  I  shall  do  it."  He  does  not  comprehend  the  malig- 
nity of  the  desperadoes  who  are  looking  forward  to  the  coming  noon  as 
the  hour  when  they  will  rid  the  world  of  the  man  whom  they  hate. 

The  hands  of  the  clock  in  the  hotel  office  steal  on  to  5.45.  The 
gentlemen  at  dinner  are  munching  the  nuts  and  raisins,  and  sipping 
their  coffee.  Mr.  Mcolay  enters,  and  whispers  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  who 
leaves  the  room,  followed  by  the  Governor,  Mr.  Judd,  and  others.  He 
retires  to  his  chamber,  changes  his  clothing,  and  descends  the  stairs. 

"He  is  going  to  the  Governor's,"  the  whisper  that  runs  through  the 
crowd  as  they  see  Governor  Curtin  and  Mr.  Lincoln  arm  in  arm. 

A  carriage  is  waiting  at  the  door.  Mr.  Lincoln,  Governor  Curtin, 
and  Lamon  enter.  Colonel  Sumner  is  just  stepping  in  when  Mr.  Judd 
touches  his  shoulder.  He  turns  to  see  what  is  wanted ;  the  driver 
starts  his  horses,  and  the  vehicle  whirls  down  the  street — not  to  the 
Governor's  house,  but  to  the  railroad  station,  where  an  engineer  and 
fireman  are  waiting  in  the  cab  of  an  engine.  It  is  a  light  train:  a 
baggage  car  and  one  passenger  car — a  special  to  take  the  superintend- 
ent of  the  railroad  and  a  few  friends  to  Philadelphia.  The  track  has 
been  cleared,  and  the  engineer  can  make  quick  time. 

It  is  a  midwinter  night,  and  the  twilight  is  fading  from  the  sky,  but 
the  darkness  does  not  prevent  a  lineman  of  the  telegraph  from  climbing 
a  pole  just  outside  of  Harrisburg,  and  attaching  a  fine  copper  wire  to 
the  line,  and  carrying  it  to  the  ground.  Possibly  the  man  might  wonder 
what  sort  of  an  experiment  Mr.  "VVestervelt,  who  had  come  up  from 
Philadelphia,  was  carrying  on ;  but  when  it  was  done,  the  operatives  in 
Harrisburg  and  Baltimore  might  finger  their  telegraph  keys  by  the 
hour,  but  would  not  be  able  to  send  a  message  between  the  two  cities. 

In  Philadelphia,  Mrs.  Warne,  employed  by  Mr.  Pinkerton,  has 
engaged  two  berths  in  the  sleeping-car  ostensibly  for  herself  and  in- 
valid brother,  and  the  porter  has  hung  a  curtain  so  they  can  be  sepa- 
rated from  the  other  passengers  on  their  trip  to  Washington. 

"You  will  hold  your  train  till  I  give  you  a  package  which  Mr. 
Felton  wishes  you  to  take,"  the  instructions  of  Mr.  Kinney,  super- 
intendent of  the  railroad  between  Philadelphia  and  Washington,  to  the 


230 


LIFE    OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 


ANDREW  G.   CURTIN. 


conductor  of  the  midnight  train.  A  carriage  rolls  up  to  the  station  in 
Philadelphia.  A  tall  man  steps  out — the  invalid  brother  for  whom  the 
lady  has  engaged  the  birth.  She  is  delighted  to  see  him.  He  enters 
the  sleeping-car,  followed  by  three  other  gentlemen — Judd,  Lamon, 
and  Pinkerton.  The  superintendent  hands  a  package  to  the  con- 
ductor, who  lifts  his  hand — the  signal  for  starting.  The  engineer  pulls 
the  throttle,  and  the  train  speeds  away. 


THE   ELECTION. 


231 


Neither  conductor,  porter,  nor  any  one  else  has  any  inkling  that 
Abraham  Lincoln  and  the  invalid  brother  of  the  lady  are  one  and  the 
same.  Possibly  the  engineer  wonders  why  men  are  standing  by  the 
bridges  with  lanterns  as  the  train  thunders  across  them,  but  Mr. 
Pinkerton  knows  that  everything  is  as  it  should  be. 

The  train  from  Philadelphia  at  an  early  hour  rolls  into  the  Washing- 
ton station.  A  gentleman  standing  behind  one  of  the  pillars  of 
J^j23'the  building  is  looking  eagerly  at  the  passengers  as  they  step 
from  the  cars,  and  is  about  to  turn  away,  disappointed,  when  he 
sees  a  tall  man  wearing  a  soft  felt  hat,  with  a  muffler  round  his  neck, 
step  from  the  sleeping  car,  accompanied  by  two  gentlemen. 

"  The  tall  man  looks  like  an  Illinois  farmer — as  if  he  had  come  to 
Washington  to  get  a  patent  for  his  farm,"  the  thought  of  the  man  by 
the  pillar. 

"  How  are  you,  Lincoln  ?"  the  greeting. 
Lamon  and  Judd  are  startled. 


EDWIN  V.   STJMNEK. 


232  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  Oh,  this  is  only  Washburne,"  says  Lincoln,  introducing  Mr.  Wasli- 
burne  to  his  two  companions. 

A  carriage  whirls  them  to  Willard's  Hotel.  Mr.  Seward  comes,  and 
the  two  men  who  had  been  rivals  for  the  nomination  at  Chicago  grasp 
each  other's  hands. 

"  Faith,  it  is  you,  then,  who  have  brought  us  the  new  Prisident," 
the  greeting  of  the  smiling  porter  to  Mr.  Washburne.  (1S) 

While  Mr.  Lincoln  is  eating  his  breakfast  in  Washington,  the  con- 
spirators in  Baltimore,  who  had  so  carefully  planned  his  assassination, 
are  comprehending  that  he  has  escaped  them. 

Long  ago,  a  poet  far  away  in  Oriental  lands,  wrote  these  comforting 
and  assuring  words  concerning  God's  guardianship  of  his  children : 

"For  He  shall  give  His  angels  charge  over  thee  to  keep  thee  iu  all  thy  ways." 


NOTES  TO  CHAPTEK   XII. 

( l )  J.  G.  Holland,  "  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  236. 

(8)  "  Presbyterian  Review,"  vol.  xiii.,  No.  4. 

(  s)  Correspondence  in  possession  of  the  Author. 

(4)  William  H.  Hevndou,  "Lincoln,"  p.  481  (edition  1889). 

(6)  Ibid.,  p.  482. 
(")  Ibid.,  p.  483. 

(7 )  Document  in  possession  of  the  Author. 

(8)  L.  E.  Chittenden,  "Recollections  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  37. 

(9)  S.  M.  Felton  to  William  Schoules  iu  "  Massachusetts  iu  the  War.' 

(10)  Allen  Piukerton,  "Story  of  a  Detective." 

(  n)  E.  B.  Washburne,  "Reminiscences  of  Lincoln,"  p.  34. 
(J2)  Ibid.,  p.  39. 


OUTBREAK  OF  THE  REBELLION.  233 


CHAPTEE  XIII. 

OUTBREAK  OF  THE  REBELLION. 

"T)EACE!  Peace  at  any  price!"  said  those  who  did  not  compre- 
J-  hend  the  eternal  antagonism  between  Freedom  and  Slavery. 
People  who  stood  aghast  at  the  prospect  of  civil  war  with  its  attendant 
horrors  were  willing  to  surrender  their  convictions  of  what  was  right, 
if  by  so  doing  they  could  prevent  hostilities  between  the  North  and 
the  South.  The  Virginia  Legislature  proposed  a  National  Peace  Con- 
vention, to  be  held  in  "Washington.  All  the  States,  except  those  which 
had  seceded,  appointed  delegates.  "While  Mr.  Lincoln  was  making  his 
way  from  Springfield  to  Washington,  the  convention,  with  ex-President 
Tyler  presiding,  was  holding  daily  sessions  in  the  great  hall  connected 
with  Willard's  Hotel.  It  was  an  effort  to  conciliate  the  Secessionists, 
who  had  no  desire  to  be  conciliated.  They  were  dreaming  of  future 
empire,  greatness,  glory,  and  power  for  the  South ;  and  no  measure 
short  of  complete  surrender  to  their  demands  would  be  accepted. 

The  members  from  Virginia  were  surprised  when  informed  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  in  the  hotel.  It  seems  probable  that  one  delegate  knew 
of  the  plot  to  assassinate  him. 

"  How  did  he  get  through  Baltimore ?"  his  exclamation.  (') 

"Mr.  Chairman,"  said  John  A.  Logan,  of  Illinois,  "I  move  that  the 
president  of  the  conference  wait  on  the  President-elect,  and  inform 
him  that  the  conference  would  be  pleased  to  wait  upon  him  in  a  body 
at  such  time  as  will  suit  his  convenience." 

"  No !"  "  No !"  "  Lay  it  on  the  table !"  "  Vote  it  down !"  "  Rail- 
splitter  !"  "  Ignorance !"  "  Clown  !"  shouted  the  Southern  delegates. 

"  I  trust  that  no  Southern  member  will  decline  to  treat  the  incoming 
President  with  the  same  respect  that  has  already  been  given  to  the  pres- 
ent incumbent  of  that  office,"  said  Mr.  Tyler.  The  resolution  was  adopted. 

"What  sort  of  a  man  was  this  rail-splitter  ?  "What  did  he  look  like  ? 
There  must  be  something  unusual  about  one  who  could  rise  from  such 
a  low  estate  to  be  elected  President.  Curiosity  was  awakened. 


234  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Evening  came.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  in  the  parlor  of  the  hotel.  The 
members  of  the  Peace  Conference  entered.  They  beheld  a  tall  man 
wearing  ill-fitting  clothes.  What  was  it  that  instantly  arrested  their 
attention?  Was  it  the  kindly  face?  Was  it  the  perfect  ease  with 
which  he  greeted  each  one  when  introduced  by  Mr.  Chittenden? 

"  You  are  a  smaller  man,  Mr.  Kives,  than  I  supposed — I  mean  in 
person;  every  one  is  acquainted  with  the  greatness  of  your  intellect. 
It  is  indeed  pleasant  to  meet  one  who  has  so  honorably  represented 
his  country  in  Congress  and  abroad."  ( 2 )  Mr.  Rives  comprehended 
that  a  man  so  familiar  with  his  personal  history  was  not  an  ignorant 
boor.(3) 

"  The  clouds,"  said  Mr.  Rives,  "  that  hang  over  us  are  very  dark. 
I  can  do  little,  you  can  do  much.  Everything  now  depends  on  you." 

"  I  cannot  wholly  agree  to  that.  My  course  is  as  plain  as  a  turn- 
pike road.  It  is  marked  out  by  the  Constitution.  I  am  in  no  doubt 
which  way  to  go.  Suppose  we  all  stop  discussing  and  try  the  experi- 
ment of  obedience  to  the  laws  and  the  Constitution.  Don't  you  think 
it  will  work  2" 

"  May  I  answer  that  question  ?"  Mr.  Summers,  of  West  Virginia, 
made  the  request.  Mr.  Lincoln  waited  for  him  to  go  on.  "  Yes,  it  will 
work.  If  the  Constitution  is  your  light  I  will  follow  it  with  you,  and 
the  people  of  the  South  will  go  with  us." 

"  Your  name,  Mr.  Clay  (James  B.  Clay,  of  Kentucky),  is  all  the  in- 
dorsement you  require.  From  my  boyhood  the  name  of  Henry  Clay 
has  been  an  inspiration  to  me." 

"  Does  liberty  still  thrive  in  Eastern  Tennessee  ?"  the  question  to 
Mr.  Zollicoffer,  who  had  been  member  of  Congress  from  that  State. 
Little  did  Mr.  Zollicoffer  think  that  before  a  twelvemonth  passed  he 
would  meet  death  on  the  battle-field  of  Mill  Springs. 

The  deep,  sepulchral  voice  of  John  A.  Seddon,  of  Virginia,  who  was 
doing  what  he  could  to  bring  about  the  secession  of  that  State,  broke 
in :  "  It  is  your  failure  to  enforce  the  laws  of  which  we  complain — to 
suppress  your  John  Browns  and  Garrisons,  who  preach  insurrection 
and  make  war  upon  our  property." 

There  was  humor  and  firmness  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  reply :  "  If  my 
memory  serves  me,  John  Brown  was  hung  and  Mr.  Garrison  imprisoned. 
You  cannot  justly  charge  the  North  with  disobedience  to  statutes,  or 
with  failure  to  enforce  them.  You  have  made  some  which  are  very 
offensive,  but  they  have  been  enforced,  notwithstanding." 

"  You  do  not  enforce  the  laws.    You  refuse  to  execute  the  statute 


OUTBREAK   OF  THE   REBELLION.  235 

for  the  return  of  fugitive  slaves.  Your  leading  men  openly  declare 
that  they  will  not  assist  the  marshal  to  capture  or  return  them,"  said 
Seddon. 

"  You  are  wrong  in  your  facts  again,  Mr.  Seddon.  Your  slaves 
have  been  returned  from  the  shadow  of  Faneuil  Hall,  in  the  heart  of 
Boston.  Our  people  do  not  like  the  work.  They  will  do  what  the  law 
commands,  but  they  will  not  volunteer  to  act  as  tipstaves  and  bum- 
bailiffs.  The  instinct  is  natural  to  the  race.  Is  it  not  true  of  the 
South  ?  Would  you  join  in  the  pursuit  of  a  fugitive  slave  if  you  could 
avoid  it  2  Is  it  the  proper  work  for  gentlemen  ?" 

"  Your  Press,"  said  Seddon,  "  is  incendiary.  It  advocates  servile  in- 
surrections, and  advises  our  slaves  to  cut  the  throats  of  their  masters. 
You  do  not  suppress  your  newspapers.  You  encourage  their  violence." 

"  I  beg  your  pardon,  Mr.  Seddon  ;  I  intend  no  offence,  but  I  will  not 
suffer  such  a  statement  to  pass  unchallenged,  because  it  is  not  true. 
No  Northern  newspaper,  not  even  the  most  ultra,  has  advocated  a  slave 
insurrection,  or  advised  slaves  to  cut  their  masters'  throats.  A  gentle- 
man of  your  intelligence  should  not  make  such  assertions.  We  do 
maintain  the  freedom  of  the  Press.  We  deem  it  necessary  in  a  free 
government.  Are  we  peculiar  in  that  respect  ?  Is  not  the  same  doc- 
trine held  in  the  South  ?" 

The  haughty  Virginian  could  make  no  reply.  (* ) 

"  Is  the  nation,  Mr.  Lincoln,  to  be  plunged  into  bankruptcy  ?  Is  the 
grass  to  grow  in  our  streets?"  asked  William  E.  Dodge,  merchant,  of 
New  York. 

"If  it  depends  upon  me,  the  grass  shall  not  grow  anywhere  except 
in  the  fields,  where  it  ought  to  grow,"  the  reply. 

"  Then  you  will  permit  the  South  to  control  our  institutions  8" 

"  I  do  not  know  that  I  quite  understand  you.  I  do  not  know  what 
my  acts  or  opinions  may  be  in  the  future.  If  I  ever  come  to  the  great 
office  of  President  of  the  United  States  I  shall  take  an  oath  to  the  best 
of  my  ability  to  preserve,  protect,  and  defend  the  Constitution.  This 
is  a  great  and  solemn  duty.  With  the  support  of  the  people  and  the 
assistance  of  the  Almighty  I  shall  undertake  to  perform  it.  I  have  full 
faith  that  I  shall  perform  it.  It  is  not  the  Constitution  as  I  would  like 
to  have  it,  but  as  it  is,  that  is  to  be  defended.  The  Constitution  will 
not  be  preserved  and  defended  until  it  is  enforced  and  obeyed  in  every 
part  of  every  one  of  the  United  States.  It  must  be  so  respected  and  de- 
fended, let  the  grass  grow  where  it  may" 

His  words  were  deep  and  solemn,  as  if  spoken  at  the  funeral  of  a 


236  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

departed  friend.  Those  around  him  could  all  but  hear  the  beating  of 
their  hearts  in  the  hush  and  stillness. 

"Should  the  North  make  further  concessions  to  avoid  civil  war? 
Shall  we  consent  that  the  people  of  a  Territory  shall  determine  the 
question  of  having  slaves  ?"  the  questions  by  a  delegate. 

"It  will  be  time  to  consider  such  a  question  when  it  arises.  Just 
now  we  have  other  questions  to  decide.  The  voice  of  the  civilized 
world  is  against  slavery.  Freedom  is  the  natural  condition  of  the  hu- 
man race  in  which  the  Almighty  intends  men  to  live.  Those  who  fight 
the  purposes  of  the  Almighty  will  not  succeed.  They  always  have 
been,  they  always  will  be,  beaten,"  the  reply.  (B) 

"  Mr.  Lincoln,"  remarked  Mr.  Kives,  of  Yirginia,  to  Mr.  Chittenden, 
"  has  been  misjudged  and  misunderstood  by  the  Southern  people.  They 
have  looked  upon  him  as  an  ignorant,  self-willed  man,  incapable  of  in- 
dependent judgment,  ful]  of  prejudices,  willing  to  be  used  as  a  tool  by 
more  able  men.  This  is  all  wrong.  He  will  be  the  head  of  the  nation 
and  do  his  own  thinking.  He  seems  to  have  studied  the  Constitution, 
and  to  have  adopted  it  as  his  guide.  I  do  not  see  how  any  fault  can  be 
found  with  the  views  he  has  expressed  this  evening.  He  is  probably 
not  so  great  a  statesman  as  Mr.  Madison,  he  may  not  have  the  will- 
power of  General  Jackson  ;  he  may  combine  the  qualities  of  both.  His 
will  not  be  a  weak  administration." (a) 

The  day  for  inauguration  came.  Never  before  had  there  been  so 
many  people  in  "Washington.  Soldiers  were  stationed  in  groups  along 
Monda '  Pennsjlvania  Avenue  and  on  the  roofs  of  buildings.  Cavalry - 
March  4',  men  rode  beside  the  carriage  that  bore  President  Buchanan 

1  ftfi  1 

and  Mr.  Lincoln  from  Willard's  Hotel  to  the  Capitol.  Not  far 
away  artillerymen  were  sitting  on  their  caissons  or  on  their  horses, 
ready  to  move  in  an  instant  should  General  Scott  give  a  signal.  But 
the  conspirators  who  had  plotted  the  death  of  Mr.  Lincoln  did  not  dare 
attempt  his  assassination. 

From  the  Senate -chamber  came  Mr.  Lincoln,  President  Buchanan, 
Mrs.  Lincoln  and  her  sons,  Chief -justice  Taney,  in  his  black  robe  of 
office,  and  the  clerk  of  the  Supreme  Court  bearing  a  Bible.  They  passed 
to  the  eastern  portico.  Thousands  had  gathered  to  witness  the  inaugura- 
tion. The  Capitol  was  unfinished.  Above  the  throng  rose  the  huge 
derricks  by  which  the  marble  and  iron  for  the  construction  of  the  dome 
were  lifted. 

Many  of  those  standing  beneath  the  portico  were  inseparably  con- 
nected with  the  history  of  the  country.  James  Buchanan,  old,  feeble. 


I! 


OUTBREAK   OF  THE   REBELLION.  239 

retiring  from  the  Presidency,  was  representative  of  a  political  era 
which  on  that  day  was  to  have  an  ending.  Abraham  Lincoln,  by  his 
side,  was  the  incarnation  of  the  idea  which  impelled  the  men  of  the 
Mayflower  to  cross  the  Atlantic  and  establish  a  government  of  the  peo- 
ple. Roger  B.  Taney  had  trailed  the  ermine  of  the  highest  tribunal 
of  justice  in  the  mire  at  the  behest  of  the  slave  power.  Stephen  A. 
Douglas  had  been  a  willing  agent  of  the  slave-holders  for  the  extension 
of  slavery ;  he  had  lost  the  Presidency  through  his  want  of  fidelity  to 
liberty.  The  life-work  of  Buchanan  and  Taney  was  ended;  that  of 
Doug-las  was  soon  to  close.  Mr.  Lincoln  had  once  alluded  to  them 

O 

as  house-builders  (see  p.  167).  The  fourth  carpenter,  "  Franklin,"  was 
not  present.  Once  only  after  his  retirement  from  the  Presidential 
chair  had  the  world  heard  from  Franklin  Pierce.  A  letter  which 
he  had  written  to  Jefferson  Davis  indicated  to  his  fellow-citizens  that 
his  sympathies  were  with  the  Secessionists.  The  four  "  house-build- 
ers" were  passing  into  oblivion,  and  the  uncultured  backwoodsman, 
under  divine  Providence,  was  to  be  architect  of  the  new  Temple  of 
Liberty. 

Clear  and  distinct  the  words  of  Mr.  Lincoln : 

"In  view  of  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,  the  Union  is  unbroken;  and  to  the  extent 
of  my  ability  I  shall  take  care,  as  the  Constitution  expressly  enjoins  upon  me,  that  the 
laws  shall  be  faithfully  executed  in  all  the  States.  ...  In  doing  this  there  needs  to  be  no 
bloodshed  or  violence  ;  and  there  shall  be  none,  unless  it  be  forced  upon  the  national  au- 
thority. The  power  confided  to  me  will  be  used  to  hold,  occupy,  and  possess  the  property 
and  places  belonging  to  the  Government,  and  to  collect  the  duties  and  imports  ;  but  be- 
yond what  may  be  necessary  for  these  objects,  there  will  be  no  invasion,  no  using  of  force 
against  or  among  the  people  anywhere.  .  .  . 

"In  your  hands,  my  dissatisfied  fellow-countrymen,  and  not  in  mine,  is  the  momen- 
tous issue  of  civil  war.  The  Government  will  not  assail  you.  You  can  have  no  conflict 
without  being  yourselves  the  aggressors.  You  have  no  oath  registered  in  heaven  to  de- 
stroy the  Government,  while  I  shall  have  the  most  solemn  one  to  '  preserve,  protect,  and 
defend  '  it. 

"I  am  loath  to  close.  We  are  not  enemies,  but  friends.  We  must  not  be  enemies. 
Though  passion  may  have  strained,  it  must  not  break  our  bonds  of  affection. 

"  The  mystic  cords  of  memory,  stretching  from  every  battle-field  and  patriot  grave  to 
every  living  heart  and  hearth-stone  all  over  this  broad  land,  will  yet  swell  the  chorus  of  the 
Union,  when  again  touched,  as  surely  they  will  be,  by  the  better  angels  of  our  nature." 

Mr.  Lincoln  lays  his  right  hand  upon  the  open  Bible.  A  hush  falls 
upon  the  vast  multitude  as  he  repeats  after  Chief -justice  Taney  the 
words : 

"  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  do  solemnly  swear  that  I  will  faithfully  exe- 
cute the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  and  will,  to  the  best 


240  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

of  my  ability,  preserve,  protect,  and   defend   the   Constitution   of   the 
United  States." 

It  is  done.  The  cannon  thunder  a  salute  —  cheers  rend  the  air. 
James  Buchanan,  citizen,  and  Abraham  Lincoln,  President,  ride  to 
the  executive  mansion,  one  never  again  to  enter  it ;  the  other  to 
take  up  the  work  assigned  him  in  the  councils  of  divine  Provi- 
dence. 

In  November,  on  the  evening  of  the  election,  when  sitting  in  the 
telegraph  office  in  Springfield,  Mr.  Lincoln  had  selected  the  men  whom 
he  would  invite  to  become  members  of  his  Cabinet :  Mr.  Seward,  of  New 
York,  Secretary  of  State ;  Mr.  Chase,  of  Ohio,  Treasury  ;  Mr.  Cameron, 
of  Pennsylvania,  "War ;  Mr.  Welles,  of  Connecticut,  Navy  ;  Mr.  Smith, 
of  Indiana,  Interior ;  Mr.  Blair,  of  Maryland,  Postmaster-general ;  Mr. 
Bates,  of  Missouri,  Attorney -general. 

No  President  of  the  United  States,  upon  his  inauguration,  ever  had 
so  difficult  a  task  to  accomplish  as  that  which  confronted  Abraham  Lin- 
coln. Seven  States  had  seceded  from  the  Union,  established  a  govern- 
ment, elected  a  President  and  Vice-president.  Other  slave-holding  States 
were  preparing  to  secede.  Forts,  arsenals,  vessels,  post-offices  had  been 
seized.  Officers  of  the  army  and  navy  were  resigning  their  commis- 
sions. All  but  two  of  the  justices  of  the  Supreme  Court  by  their 
decisions  had  shown  their  sympathy  with  the  slave  oligarchy.  The 
officials  in  the  various  departments  knew  they  would  be  compelled  to 
seek  other  employment.  Those  belonging  to  the  Democratic  Party 
from  the  Northern  States  were  angry  and  morose  under  the  prospect 
of  losing  their  comfortable  positions.  Treason  was  everywhere.  Nei- 
ther the  President  nor  any  of  the  Secretaries  knew  upon  whom  they 
could  rely.  The  people  of  Washington  were  far  more  in  sympathy  with 
the  South  than  with  the  North.  A  very  large  proportion  of  them 
looked  with  disdain  upon  a  man  who  had  pulled  an  oar  and  swung  an 
axe  to  earn  his  daily  bread.  They  called  him  "  Abe  the  Rail-splitter." 
The  newspapers  of  the  Southern  States  published  false  and  malicious 
stories  about  his  parentage  and  birth.  They  said  he  had  negro  blood  in 
his  veins.  The  "  Black "  Republican  Party  had  elected  him.  It  was 
natural  for  ignorant  people  in  the  South  to  believe  that  the  mother 
of  Abraham  Lincoln  might  have  been  a  negress.  He  was  called  an 
"  ape,"  a  "  baboon."  A  few  weeks  after  the  inauguration  a  "  Dramatic 
Poem,"  entitled  "  The  Royal  Ape,"  was  published  in  Richmond.  Wom- 
en who  gloried  in  their  ancestry  could  not  bear  to  think  of  one  so 
low-born  occupying  the  White  House.  One  lady,  who  took  pride  in 


OUTBREAK   OF  THE  REBELLION. 


241 


SALMON   P.   CHASE. 

her  ancestors,  saw  Mr.  Lincoln  in  the  parlor  of  Willard's  Hotel  before 
his  inauguration. 

"  Is  that  Abe  Lincoln  ?"  she  asked,  greatly  astonished  to  see  he  was 
a  courteous  gentleman. 

"That  is  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  I  will  introduce  you  to  him,"  said 
Mr.  Seward.  "Shall  I  have  the  pleasure  of  introducing  Mrs.  How- 
ard?" 

Yery  stately  the  bowing  of  the  lady.  "  I  am  from  South  Carolina," 
she  said. 

"  I  am  pleased  to  make  your  acquaintance,  Mrs.  Howard." 

Ko  gentleman  in  Charleston  could  have  been  more  courteous.  She 
16 


242  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

looked  into  his  face  and  beheld  nothing  but  kindness.  She  listened  in 
amazement  to  his  conversation. 

"  Why,  Mr.  Lincoln,  you  look,  act,  and  speak  like  a  kind,  good- 
hearted,  generous  man !"  she  exclaims. 

"  Did  you  expect  to  meet  a  savage  '?" 

"Certainly  I  did,  or  something  worse.  But  I  am  glad  that  I  have 
met  you.  The  best  way  to  procure  peace  is  for  you  to  go  to  Charleston 
and  show  the  people  what  you  are,  and  tell  them  you  have  no  intention 
of  injuring  them." 

She  left  the  parlor  and  met  her  friends. 

"  I  have  seen  him." 

"Who?" 

"  That  terrible  monster,  Lincoln ;  and  instead  of  being  a  monster 
he  is  a  gentleman,  and  I  mean  to  attend  his  first  reception." (7) 

While  Mr.  Lincoln  was  taking  his  oath  to  support  the  Constitution, 
Mr.  Holt,  Buchanan's  Secretary  of  War,  was  reading  a  letter  received 
from  Major  Anderson,  commanding  Fort  Sumter,  informing  him  that  the 
bread  he  had  on  hand  would  be  gone  in  twenty-eight  days.  His  pork 
would  last  a  little  longer,  but  in  forty  days  the  last  particle  of  food 
would  be  consumed.  He  could  not  buy  anything  in  the  Charleston 
markets.  Slaves  were  building  batteries  on  Morris  Island  and  mounting 
cannon.  A  floating  battery  protected  by  railroad-iron  would  soon  be 
completed. 

Several  days  passed  before  all  the  members  of  the  new  Cabinet 
arrived  in  Washington.  They  listened  in  amazement  to  the  communi- 
cation from  Major  Anderson.  General  Scott  had  informed  President 
Lincoln  that  it  would  require  20,000  men  to  force  their  way  into  Sumter. 
No  such  number  could  be  had.  Captain  Gustavus  Y.  Fox  believed  that 
vessels  of  light  draft  could  cross  Charleston  bar  in  the  night  and  supply 
the  fort  with  provisions.  Each  member  of  the  Cabinet  was  asked  to 
give  his  opinion  as  to  what  should  be  done.  Nearly  all  said  it  would 
not  be  wise  to  attempt  to  relieve  the  garrison. 

Three  gentlemen,  sent  by  Jefferson  Davis,  arrived  in  Washington  : 
Martin  J.  Crawford,  John  Forsyth,  and  A.  S.  Eomans.  They  requested 
President  Lincoln  to  give  up  Sumter,  and  also  Fort  Pickens,  at  Pensa- 
cola.  They  held  consultations  with  Mason  and  Hunter,  of  Virginia, 
and  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky.  They  found  J.  A.  Campbell,  one  of 
the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  an  able  ally.  He  was  from  Alabama, 
but  professed  loyalty  to  the  Union.  He  had  the  confidence  of  Mr. 
Seward,  who  did  not  mistrust  that  Campbell  was  in  constant  communi- 


OUTBREAK  OF  THE  REBELLION. 


243 


cation  with  Jefferson  Davis's  commissioners.  Mr.  Se \vard  was  pleased 
to  see  the  gentlemen,  but  could  not  hold  any  official  relations  with  them. 
He  thought  there  would  not  be  war.  Fort  Sumter  probably  would  be 
evacuated.  Nothing  would  be  done  without  notice,  he  thought.  Mr. 
Seward  gave  Judge  Campbell  no  assurance  as  an  officer  of  the  Cabinet, 
but  only  as  a  private  citizen.  He  had  no  authority  to  speak  officially. 
I  was  in  Washington  during  those  March  days.  The  hotels  and 


MONTGOMERY    BLAIK. 


244  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

boarding-houses  were  filled  with  men  from  nearly  every  Northern  State, 
and  many  from  Maryland  and  Virginia,  seeking  office.  They  swarmed 
into  the  White  House,  filled  the  corridors  and  stairways  leading  to  the 
executive  chamber,  waiting  for  the  moment  when  they  could  see  the 
President.  Each  had  letters  of  recommendation  for  some  office — consul, 
marshal,  or  postmaster.  Senators  and  members  of  the  Cabinet,  entitled 
to  precedence,  who  made  their  way  through  the  crowd,  were  looked 
upon  as  intruders.  Some  of  the  most  importunate  office-seekers  were 
from  Virginia.  They  had  not  voted  for  Mr.  Lincoln,  did  not  belong  to 
the  Republican  Party  ;  they  were  Whigs,  and  had  voted  for  Mr.  Bell,  of 
Tennessee.  As  there  were  no  Eepublicans  in  Virginia,  they  would  stand 
some  chance  of  obtaining  an  office.  Many  of  the  loud-talking  men  from 
the  seceded  States  were  loath  to  give  up  the  salaries  they  were  receiving 
from  the  Government.  They  were  predicting  war.  They  said  the 
Northern  men  were  craven  creatures,  who  never  would  fight  the  gentle- 
men of  the  South.  They  did  not  regard  Northern  men  as  gentlemen. 
It  was  the  expression  of  a  sentiment  engendered  by  slavery.  Men  who 
worked  for  a  livelihood,  who  did  not  have  bond-servants  to  do  their 
bidding,  could  not  be  "  gentlemen." 

Mr.  Seward  publicly  expressed  his  opinion  that  all  trouble  between 
the  North  and  South  would  be  speedily  settled.  Not  so  promising  was 
the  outlook  to  me.  On  a  calm  evening,  soon  after  the  inauguration  of 
Mr.  Lincoln,  I  visited  the  White  House  in  company  with  Senator 
Wilson.  (8)  The  President  was  engaged  and  we  did  not  tarry.  We 
walked  towards  Mr.  Wilson's  apartments  in  the  direction  of  the  Cap- 
itol. The  moon  was  full,  revealing  the  beautiful  proportions  of  the 
uncompleted  edifice. 

"  What  is  that  unfinished  Capitol  so  beautiful  in  design  worth  ?"  I 
asked. 

"  Nothing.  We  are  going  to  have  civil  war,  and  God  only  knows 
what  the  end  will  be,"  the  reply. 

Others  saw  the  coming  storm.  A  gentleman  who  had  applied  for 
the  consulate  at  Callao,  South  America,  withdrew  his  application.  He 
said :  "  We  are  going  to  have  one  of  the  greatest  struggles  the  world 
has  ever  seen.  These  fellows  are  determined  to  fight.  I  am  going 
home  to  get  ready  to  meet  them."  (a) 

From  the  hour  of  his  inauguration  President  Lincoln  was  badgered' 
and  hounded  by  office-seekers.  We  little  know  the  severity  of  the 
mental  strain  during  those  days  to  him.  Seven  States  had  left  the 
Union.  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  and  Tennessee  were  getting  ready  to 


OUTBREAK  OF  THE   REBELLION. 


245 


HENRY    WILSON. 


go.  Forts  and  arsenals  had  been  seized,  Major  Anderson  was  cooped 
up  in  Surater.  Batteries  were  being  erected  on  Morris  Island.  The 
vessels  of  the  navy  were  on  distant  seas,  the  soldiers  of  the  army  thou- 
sands of  miles  away  among  the  Indians  of  the  West.  Traitors  were  in 
the  departments.  The  members  of  the  Cabinet  were  strangers  to  each 
other.  Affairs  at  home  and  abroad 
were  drifting  to  chaos.  Civil  war  was 
imminent.  The  credit  of  the  Govern- 
ment was  gone.  Many  people  in  the 
Northern  States  were  doubtful  if  an 
uneducated  man,  without  experience 
in  affairs  of  State,  would  be  able  to 
administer  the  Government  at  such  a 
critical  period.  Alone  at  night  in  his 
chamber  Mr.  Lincoln  bore  the  nation 
on  his  heart. 

A  train  going  south  from  Wash- 
ington carried  two  passengers,  Mr. 
S.  A.  Hurlburt  and  Mr.  Lam  on.  The 
first  was  born  in  Charleston,  and 

had  a  sister  residing  there.  He  had  studied  law  with  James  L. 
M'Ygg122'  Petigru,  who  was  loyal  to  the  Union.  Mr.  Lamon,  whom  we 
have  seen  travelling  from  Springfield  to  Washington  with 
President  Lincoln,  was  agent  of  the  Post-office  Department.  He  was 
allowed  by  Governor  Pickens  to  visit  Fort  Sumter.  Mr.  Hurlburt,  in 
the  home  of  Mr.  Petigru,  learned  much  about  public  sentiment  in  South 
Carolina.  The  merchants  believed  the  world  could  not  get  along  with- 
out cotton.  Charleston  was  to  become  a  great  commercial  emporium. 
They  hated  the  Union,  and  spat  on  the  Stars  and  Stripes.  The  two 
gentlemen  returned  to  Washington,  and  informed  Mr.  Lincoln  of  the 
determination  of  the  seceded  States  to  establish  a  separate  nationality. 

During  the  last  week  in  March  the  President  invited  the  members 
of  the  Cabinet  to  his  first  State  dinner.  When  the  repast  was  over 
they  assembled  in  the  executive  chamber  to  listen  to  a  letter  written 
by  General  Scott,  who  advised  the  giving  up  of  forts  Sumter  and 
Pickens.  He  thought  such  a  course  would  keep  the  other  Slave  States 
in  the  Union.  The  members  of  the  Cabinet  were  astonished.  Some- 
thing must  be  done  at  once.  Provisions  must  be  sent  'to  Sumter,  or  the 
fort  given  up.  Which  ? 

Through  the  night  the  President  walked  the  floor  of  his  chamber. 


246  LIFE  OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

He  did  not  seek  to  be  President.  Divine  Providence  has  called  him ; 
the  people  elected  him.  A  trust  of  unparalleled  greatness  has  been 
committed  to  him — the  trust  bequeathed  by  "Washington,  Franklin, 
Adams,  Jefferson,  the  patriots  of  the  Kevolution.  The  Constitution  is 
assailed,  the  laws  defied.  The  life  of  the  nation  is  threatened.  The 
people  are  divided  in  opinion.  Traitors  are  around  him  ;  he  knows  not 
whom  to  trust.  A  great  crowd  of  men  seeking  office  swarm  into  the 
White  House  and  through  the  departments,  blind  to  the  peril  of  the 
nation,  seeking  only  individual  advancement. 

The  Cabinet  is  sitting  around  the  table  in  the  executive  chamber, 
considering  the  vital  question  of  the  hour.  One  member,  the 
'Attorney  -  general,  in  order  to  condense  his  ideas  into  a  few 
words,  writes  his  conclusion.  The  President  reads  it. 

"  Gentlemen,  will  you  all  write  your  opinions  as  to  what  shall  be 
done  ?"  the  request  of  the  President.  In  brief,  these  are  the  responses  : 

Mr.  Bates — "  It  is  my  decided  opinion  that  Forts  Pickens  and  Key 
West  ought  to  be  reinforced  and  supplied,  so  as  to  look  down  opposi- 
tion at  all  hazards.  As  to  Fort  Sumter,  the  time  has  come  either  to 
reinforce  or  evacuate." 

Blair — "  It  is  acknowledged  to  be  possible  to  relieve  Fort  Sumter. 
South  Carolina  is  the  head  and  front  of  this  rebellion,  and  when  that 
State  is  safely  delivered  from  the  authority  of  the  United  States  it  will 
strike  a  blow  against  our  authority,  from  which  it  will  take  years  of 
bloody  strife  to  recover.  For  my  part,  I  am  unwilling  to  share  the  re- 
sponsibility of  attempting  to  relieve  Sumter." 

Smith — "  Believing  that  Fort  Sumter  cannot  be  defended,  I  regard 
its  evacuation  as  a  necessity,  and  I  advise  that  Major  Anderson's  com- 
mand shall  be  unconditionally  withdrawn." 

Welles — "  I  concur  in  the  proposition  to  send  an  armed  force  off 
Charleston,  with  supplies  of  provisions  and  reinforcements  for  the  garri- 
son of  Fort  Sumter.  .  .  .  Armed  resistance  to  a  peaceable  attempt  to 
send  provisions  to  one  of  our  own  forts  will  justify  the  Government  in 
using  all  its  powers." 

Chase — "  I  am  in  favor  of  maintaining  Fort  Pickens  and  provision- 
ing Sumter.  .  .  .  If.  war  is  to  result,  I  see  no  reason  why  it  may  not 
begin  in  consequence  of  military  resistance  to  the  efforts  of  the  Admin- 
istration to  sustain  troops  of  the  Union  in  a  fort  of  the  Union." 

Seward — "  I  advise  against  the  expedition  in  every  view.  ...  I 
would  instruct  Major  Anderson  to  retire  forthwith."  (10) 

President  Lincoln  paces  the  floor.     The  Cabinet  is  divided  in  opin- 


OUTBREAK  OF  THE  REBELLION. 


247 


ion.  He  must  decide.  He  has  sworn  to  maintain  the  Constitution.  He 
cannot  abandon  a  fort.  If  war  comes,  those  who  bring  it  about  must 
bear  the  responsibility.  He  directs  that  an  order  shall  be  issued  for  the 
relief  of  Sumter  and  Pickens. 

Mr.  Seward's  ideas  and  opinions  on  many  points  are  not  in  accord 

with  those  of  the  President  nor  with  a  majority  of  the  members 

^A1! !)  of  the  Cabinet.     He  has  been  outvoted.     While  the  order  for  fit- 

lool. 

ting  out  a  ship  is  on  its  way  to  Brooklyn  he  is  writing  a  commu- 
nication to  the  President. 

This  the  opening  sentence :  "  We  are  at  the  end  of  a  month's  ad- 
ministration, and  yet  without  a  policy,  either  domestic  or  foreign." 
These  the  closing  words  :  "  But  what- 
ever policy  we  adopt,  there  must  be 
an  energetic  prosecution  of  it.  For 
this  purpose  it  must  be  somebody's 
business  to  pursue  and  direct  it  in- 
cessantly. Either  the  President  must 
do  it  himself  and  be  all  the  while  act- 
ive in  it,  or  devolve  it  on  some  mem- 
ber of  his  Cabinet.  Once  adopted, 
debates  on  it  must  end,  and  all  agree 
and  abide." 

It  is  as  if  Mr.  Seward  had  said :  I 
will  take  the  reins,  if  you  please,  Mr. 
President. 

A  little  later  the  Secretary  of  State 
reads  a  letter  written  by  Mr.  Lincoln : 

"Upon  your  closing  proposition — that  'whatever  policy  we  adopt,  there  must  be  an 
energetic  prosecution  of  it ;  for  this  purpose  it  must  be  somebody's  business  to  pursue 
and  direct  it  incessantly ,  either  the  President  must  do  it  himself  and  be  all  the  while 
active  in  it/  or  'devolve  it  on  some  member  of  his  Cabinet;  once  adopted,  debates  on 
it  must  end  aud  all  agree  and  abide ' — I  remark  that  if  this  must  be  done,  I  must  do  it. 
When  a  general  line  of  policy  is  adopted,  I  apprehend  there  is  no  danger  of  its  being 
changed  without  good  reason  or  continuing  to  be  a  subject  of  unnecessary  debate;  still, 
upon  points  arising  in  its  progress  I  wish,  and  suppose  I  am  entitled  to  have,  the  advice 
of  all  the  Cabinet.  Your  ob't  serv't,  A.  LINCOLN.  "(u) 

Mr.  Seward  awakens  from  his  dream  of  being  the  one  to  direct  the 
affairs  of  the  nation.  Abraham  Lincoln  is  still  President — himself 
Secretary  of  State— nothing  more.  The  President  is  calm  and  unruf- 
fled, and  his  greeting  is  as  kind  and  hearty  as  ever  when  next  they 
meet.  The  man  whose  school-days  were  comprised  in  a  twelvemonth, 


GIDEON    WELLES. 


248  LIFE  OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

who  has  had  little  acquaintance  with  public  affairs,  has  become  master 
and  teacher,  and  the  cultured  and  honored  Secretary  is  sitting  at  his 
feet  and  learning  a  lesson. 

Two  steamers  with  provisions  sailed  from  New  York  to  Sumter.  A 
messenger  was  sent  by  President  Lincoln  to  inform  Governor  Pickens 
that  no  arms  or  ammunition,  but  only  provisions,  would  be  landed. 

Jefferson  Davis  and  his  Cabinet  were  in  consultation  at  Mont- 
gomery. What  should  be  done?*  Virginia  had  not  seceded.  The  con- 
vention in  session  at  Richmond  Avas  composed  largely  of  men  who 
hesitated  about  leaving  the  Union. 

"  I  will  tell  you  what  will  put  Virginia  in  the  Southern  Confeder- 
acy in  less  than  an  hour :  sprinkle  blood  in  their  faces !"  said  Roger  A. 
Pry  or,  in  a  speech  to  the  people  of  Charleston. 

Jefferson  Davis  and  Robert  Toombs,  and  the  men  composing  the 
Confederate  Cabinet,  knew  the  seven  States  then  forming  the  Confed- 
eracy must  be  joined  by  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  and  the 
other  Slave  States  to  succeed  in  what  they  had  undertaken :  the  for- 
mation of  a  nation  with  slavery  for  its  corner-stone.  The  time  had 
come  when  they  must  strike  a  blow.  All  the  world  would  laugh  at 
them  if,  after  they  had  planted  cannon  on  Morris  Island,  built  a 
'  fl°atmg  battery,  they  allowed  provisions  to  be  landed.  To  open 
fire  on  the  fort  would  be  war,  but  war  it  must  be.  The  tele- 
graph flashed  an  order  from  Montgomery  to  General  Beauregard : 

"  Demand  the  immediate  surrender  of  Fort  Sumter." 

The  reply  of  Major  Anderson  to  the  summons : 

"I  cannot  surrender  the  fort.  I  shall  await  the  first  shot,  and  if  you  do  not  batter 
me  to  pieces,  I  shall  be  starved  out  in  three  days." 

The  vessels  with  provisions  had  not  arrived.  "Why  did  not  Jef- 
ferson Davis  wait  till  they  came,  and  open  fire  upon  them  rather  than 
upon  the  fort  ?  Because  he  and  his  fellow-conspirators  did  not  wish  to 
wait.  So  long  as  the  Stars  and  Stripes  floated  above  Sumter  the  Con- 
federacy amounted  to  nothing.  Starving  out  the  garrison  would  not  be 
victory.  The  booming  cannon  must  announce  to  the  world  that  the 
Confederacy  was  a  power  by  itself,  entitled  to  a  place  among  the  na- 
tions. The  United  States  must  be  the  first  to  feel  and  acknowledge 
its  power. 

"With  the  first  glimmer  of  day  (April  12,  1861)  the  bombardment 
began.  (See  "  Drumbeat  of  the  Nation.")  The  fleet  made  its  appear- 


OUTBREAK   OP   THE   REBELLION. 


249 


ROBEKT   E.   LEE. 

ance,  but  did  not  attempt  to  relieve  the  fort.  Major  Anderson's  pro- 
visions were  gone.  He  could  no  longer  continue  the  contest,  and  sur- 
rendered, the  garrison  being  allowed  to  depart  for  New  York,  Sunday 
April  14, 1861. 

Let  us  recall  the  words  uttered  by  Abraham  Lincoln,  March  4,  when 
he  took  the  oath  to  support  the  Constitution :  "  In  your  hands,  my  dis- 
satisfied fellow-countrymen,  and  not  in  mine,  are  the  momentous  issues 
of  civil  war.  The  Government  will  not  assail  you.  You  can  have  no 
conflict  without  being  yourselves  the  aggressors." 


250  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

He  has  kept  his  word.  War  has  begun,  but  not  by  him.  He  has 
done  what  he  could,  consistent  with  his  oath  to  support  the  Constitu- 
tion, to  avert  it.  Never  before  such  a  Sunday  in  the  United  States. 
The  telegraph  has  flashed  the  news  to  every  city.  Bulletins  read : 
Fort  Sumter  surrendered  !  The  flag  humiliated  !  Two  governments : 
one  in  Washington  —  the  other  in  Montgomery.  The  great  republic 
crumbling  to  pieces!  Government  by  the  people  a  failure!  In  Mont- 
gomery, predictions  that  before  April  is  ended  the  flag  of  the  Confed- 
eracy will  be  waving  in  triumph  over  the  Capitol  at  Washington,  and 
Jefferson  Davis  installed  in  the  White  House  !(13) 

In  Charleston  the  people  were  wild  with  excitement.  Governor 
Pickens,  from  the  balcony  of  the  Charleston  Hotel,  addressed  a  surging 
crowd : 

"Thank  God,  the  day  has  come  !  The  war  is  open,  and  we  will  conquer  or  perish. 
We  have  defeated  their  twenty  millions,  and  we  have  humbled  their  proud  flag  of  the 
Stars  and  Stripes  that  never  before  was  lowered  to  any  nation.  We  have  lowered  it  in 
humility  before  tlie  Palmetto  and  Confederate  flags,  and  have  compelled  them  to  ask  sur- 
render. I  pronounce  before  the  civilized  world  that  your  independence  has  been  bap- 
tized in  blood,  and  you  are  now  free  in  defiance  of  the  world  in  arms." 

Throughout  the  North  the  people  are  gazing  into  each  others'  faces 
in  wonder  and  amazement.  Never  before  such  sinking  of  hearts. 
Tears  glisten  in  the  eyes  of  men  unaccustomed  to  weep.  The  Constitu- 
tion defied !  The  Government  a  wreck !  What  will  Abraham  Lincoln, 
untried  in  statesmanship,  do  in  this  woful  extremity  ? 

In  Washington  the  church -bells  are  tolling  the  hour  for  worship. 
Mournful  their  pealing  in  the  ears  of  loyal  men.  The  President  needs 
no  one  to  tell  him  what  he  ought  to  do.  That  question  is  settled.  It 
is  a  government  of  the  people,  and  the  people  alone  must  decide 
whether  or  not  their  authority  shall  be  defied.  He  will  call  for  75,000 
men  from  the  several  States  to  suppress  this  combination  against  the 
laws.  The  laws  shall  be  enforced. 

The  members  of  the  Cabinet  discuss  the  question.  Seventy-five 
thousand  !  Will  that  number  of  men  respond  to  the  call  ?  It  is  a  great 
army.  Do  we  need  so  many?  How  can  they  be  armed?  How  fed? 
What  can  be  done  with  them  ?  Will  the  "gentlemen  "  of  the  South,  as 
they  call  themselves,  fight  ?  Will  they  not  soon  weary  of  military  re- 
straint ?  President  Lincoln  hears  the  opinions. 

"  We  must  not  forget,"  he  remarks,  "  that  the  people  of  the  seceded 
States,  like  those  of  the  loyal  ones,  are  American  citizens,  with  essen- 
tially the  same  characteristics  and  powers.  Exceptional  advantages  on 


OUTBREAK   OF  THE   REBELLION.  251 

one  side  are  counterbalanced  by  exceptional  advantages  on  the  other. 
We  must  make  up  our  minds  that  man  for  man  the  soldier  from  the 
South  will  be  a  match  for  the  soldier  from  the  North  and  vice  versa."  (13) 
They  are  the  words  of  one  calmly  looking  into  the  future. 

Through  the  day  men  have  been  coming  and  going.  As  the  shad- 
ows of  evening  fall,  Stephen  A.  Douglas  enters  the  White  House.  He 
ascends  the  stairs  and  meets  the  President.  Their  hands  clasp  in 
cordial  greeting.  The  door  closes  upon  them.  They  are  alone.  No 
ears  other  than  their  own  hear  the  words  spoken  during  the  two  hours' 
interview.  A  quarter  of  a  century  has  passed  since  they  first  met  in 
the  corridor  of  the  State-house  in  Yandalia  (see  p.  82).  During  this 
period  they  have  been  opposed  politically,  but  on  this  night  Douglas  is 
ready  to  stand  by  Mr.  Lincoln  to  secure  the  enforcement  of  the  laws. 

Millions  of  people  are  reading  the  proc- 
lamation of  the  President — in  the  Southern 
States  with  shouts  of  laughter,  in  the  North- 
ern with  an  outburst  of   gratitude. 

Monday,  ° 

April  16,  Never  has  the  world  beheld  such  a 

16  L  spectacle.  Political  parties  disappear 
in  a  twinkling.  For  the  moment  there  is 
no  Eepublican,  no  Democratic  Party;  only 
one :  that  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union, 
and  the  avenging  of  the  insult  to  the  flag. 
One  State  is  ready  to  respond  instantly  to 
the  call  for  troops — Massachusetts.  In  1860 
Nathaniel  P.  Banks,  Governor,  saw  the  com-  JOHN  A.  ANDREW. 

ing  of  the  crisis.  In  September  he  mar- 
shalled the  troops  of  the  State,  13,000  men,  upon  the  field  where  the 
first  battle  of  the  Revolution  began.  His  successor,  Governor  John  A. 
Andrew,  has  in  like  manner  looked  into  the  future,  and  seen  the  neces- 
sity of  being  ready  to  respond  to  any  call  which  the  President  might 
make  upon  the  State. 

One  of  the  delegates  from  Massachusetts  to  the  Democratic  Con- 
vention which  assembled  at  Charleston  was  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  who 
voted  for  Breckinridge  during  all  the  ballotings.  In  December,  after 
the  election  of  President  Lincoln,  Butler  visited  Washington  and  talked 
with  the  Secessionists. 

"  Your  men  of  the  North  will  not  fight,"  said  a  gentleman  from 
Mississippi. 

"Yes,  they  will." 


252  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  Who  in  the  North  will  fight  if  we  secede  from  the  Union  2" 

"  I  will." 

"  Oh,  there  will  be  plenty  of  men  in  the  South  to  take  care  of  you." 

"  When  we  march  to  the  defence  of  the  Union  we  will  hang  on  the 
trees  every  man  who  undertakes  to  destroy  it,"  said  Butler. 

He  informed  Governor  Andrew  in  regard  to  the  plans  of  the  Seces- 
sionists. Measures  were  at  once  taken  for  the  complete  equipment  of 
the  militia. 

"  If  you  have  troops  ready,  send  them." 

So  read  the  telegram  from  Senator  Wilson  to  the  Governor  of 
Massachusetts.  Though  not  an  order  from  the  War  Department, 
Governor  Andrew,  comprehending  its  significance,  issued  orders  for  the 
immediate  departure  of  the  Sixth  and  Eighth  Regiments.  (See  "  Drum- 
beat of  the  Nation.") 

On  the  anniversary  of  the  battle  of  Lexington  the  Sixth  Regiment 
was  in  Baltimore,  fighting  its  way  through  the  streets  of  that 

April  19 

city,  manifesting  its  forbearance,  discipline,  steadiness,  and  pow- 
er. This  regiment  reached  Washington  to  aid  in  holding  the  Capitol. 
Never  in  the  history  of  any  nation  has  there  been  such  a  succession 
of  great  events  as  during  these  April  days.  Never  has  there  been 
another  such  uprising  of  the  people.  The  Union  is  dissolved,  but  there 
shall  be  one  country,  one  destiny,  for  all  the  people.  Cost  what  it  may 
of  blood,  treasure,  sacrifice,  suffering,  the  Government  of  the  people  shall 
not  perish.  In  every  city  and  town  the  drum -beat  breaks  the  still- 
ness. Bankers  hear  it,  and  hasten  to  tender  their  money  to  the  Gov- 
ernors of  the  several  States.  Ministers  of  the  gospel  hear  it,  and 
from  this  hour  through  the  coming  four  years  they  will  preach  the 
gospel  of  patriotism.  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  Lowell,  Mass.,  hears  it. 
He  is  a  general,  commanding  a  brigade  of  Massachusetts  militia.  For 
four  years  the  spiders  will  spin  their  webs  undisturbed  on  his  law- 
books.  Ulysses  S.  Grant,  educated  at  West  Point,  citizen  of  Galena, 
111. — so  obscure  that  few  of  his  fellow -citizens  are  aware  that  such  a 
person  walks  their  streets — hears  it,  and  consents  to  preside  at  a  public 
meeting,  little  comprehending  the  work  which  Providence  has  planned 
for  him.  Stephen  A.  Douglas  hears  it,  and  makes  his  way  from  Wash- 
ington westward  to  arouse  his  fellow-citizens.  "  It  is  not  a  question  of 
union  or  disunion.  It  is  one  of  order ;  of  the  stability  of  Government ; 
of  the  peace  of  communities.  The  whole  social  system  is  threatened 
with  destruction  and  with  disruption,"  the  words  of  Mr.  Douglas. 


OUTBREAK  OF  THE  REBELLION. 


253 


Eobert  E.  Lee,  held  in  high  esteem  by  General  Scott,  was  in  Wash- 
ington. Two  members  of  the  Cabinet  conferred  with  him,  un- 
1 ''officially  tendering  him  from  President  Lincoln  command  of 
the  army. 

"  I  look,"  said  he,  "  upon  secession  as  anarchy.  If  I  owned  four 
million  slaves  I  would  sacrifice  them  all  for  the  Union,  but  how  can  I 
draw  my  sword  upon  Virginia,  my  native  State  ?" 

His  beautiful  home  at  Arlington  overlooked  a  lovely  landscape :  the 
gleaming  Potomac,  green  fields,  the  City  of  Washington,  the  stately 
Capitol.  He  was  patrician  by  birth  and  education,  and  cast  his  lot 
with  the  slave  power. 

The  Secessionists  burned  the  bridges  on  the  railroads  leading  north 
from  Baltimore,  that  no  more  troops  might  reach  Washington.  They 
were  doing  their  utmost  to  bring  about  the  secession  of  Maryland. 
Clerks  in  the  departments  at  Washington  appointed  from  the  Southern 
States  were  hastening  from  the  city.  Citizens,  under  the  command  of 
Major  David  Hunter,  were  guarding  the  White  House  and  Treasury. 
In  the  executive  mansion,  through  the  weary  hours,  President  Lincoln 
calmly  performed  his  arduous  duties. 


ADMINISTERING    THE    OATH    TO    CITIZEN    SOLDIERS. 


254  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

It  was  a  joyful  hour  in  Washington  when  the  Massachusetts  Eighth 

Regiment  and  the  New  York  Seventh  reached  that  city.    Their  presence 

guaranteed  the  safety  of  the  Capitol.     In  Illinois,  troops  from 

Chicago  took  possession  of  Cairo.     The  occupation  of  that  point 

greatly  offended  John  M.  Johnson,  of   Paducah,  Ky.      He  had  been 

elected  to  the  Senate  of  that  State,  and  deemed  it  his  duty  to  send  a 

solemn  protest  to  the  President. 

"  If  I  had  suspected,"  wrote  Mr.  Lincoln  in  reply,  "  that  Cairo,  in 
Illinois,  was  in  Dr.  Johnson's  Kentucky  Senatorial  district,  I  would  have 
thought  twice  before  sending  troops  to  Cairo."  (I4) 

By  the  prompt  arrival  of  troops  in  "Washington,  and  the  occupation 
of  Cairo,  the  plans  of  the  Secessionists  were  overthrown. 


NOTES  TO   CHAPTER  XIII. 

(')  L.  E.  Chitteudeu,  "Recollections  of  President  Lincoln,"  p.  66. 

(2)  Ibid.,  p.  72. 

(3)  William  Cabell  Rives  was  born  in  Nelson  County,  Va.,  1793.     He  was  educated 
at  Hampden,  Sidney,  and  William   and  Mary  Colleges.     Studied  law  under  Jefferson. 
He  was  member  of  Congress,   1823-29.     Minister  to   France,   1829-32.     United   States 
Senator,  1832-45.     Again  lie  was  Minister  to  France  from  1849-53.     After  the  secession 
of  Virginia  he  became  a  member  of  the  Confederate  Congress. — Author. 

(*)  James  A.  Seddou  was  born  at  Falinouth,  Va.,  1815.  He  studied  law  at  the 
University  of  Virginia.  He  began  practice  in  Richmond.  He  was  member  of  Congress 
from  1845  to  1849 ;  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  member  during  his  second  term.  The  Governor 
of  Virginia  appointed  him  member  of  the  Peace  Conference.  Upon  the  secession  of  the 
State  he  was  appointed  by  Jefferson  Davis  Secretary  of  War  for  the  Confederate  States, 
succeeding  Mr.  Walker. — Author. 

(s)  L.  E.  Chittendeii,  "Recollections  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  76. 

(6)  Ibid. 

(7)  Isaac  N.  Arnold,  "Life  of  Lincoln,"  p.  199. 

(8)  Henry  Wilson  was  born  at  Farmington,  N.  H.,  February  16,  1812.     His  parents 
were  poor.     His  first  years  were   spent  on  a  farm,  and  in  making  shoes.     He  earned 
enough  money  to  attend  an  academy  at  Concord,  N.  H.,  in  1837.     He  was  studious,  and 
became  interested  in  politics.     He  began  public  speaking  in  1840,  advocating  the  elec- 
tion of  Harrison.     He  was  elected  to  the  House  of  Representatives  and  Senate  of  Massa- 
chusetts.     He  was  an  uncompromising  opponent   of  slavery.      He  was  elected  to  the 
Senate,  1855.     Was  Vice-president  of  the  United  States  during  the  Presidency  of  General 
Grant.      He   wrote  a  "  History  of  the  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Slave  Power."      He   died 
November  10,  1875. — Author. 

(9)  Josepli  C.  Abbott.     He  was  proprietor  of  tlie  Manchester,  N.  H.,  "Mirror,"  and 
had  been  an  earnest  opponent  of  slavery.     He  had  held  the  office  of  Adjutant-general 
of  New  Hampshire.     He  was  appointed  Lieutenant-colonel  of  the  Seventh  New  Hamp- 
shire Regiment ;  took  conspicuous  part  in  the  assault  upon  Fort  Wagner,  Morris  Island. 


OUTBREAK   OF  THE  REBELLION.  255 

After  the  \var  be  settled  in  North  Carolina,  and  was  elected  Senator  from  that  State. — 
Author. 

(10)  "Century  Magazine,"  February,  1888. 

(")  Ibid. 

(12)  "Century  Magazine,"  March,  1888. 

(J3)  J.  G.  N.  (.1.  G.  Nicolay.)     "Century  Magazine,"  March,  1888. 

(H)  "Every-day  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  455. 


256  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


CHAPTER   XIV. 

FIRST   MONTHS   OF   THE  WAR. 

PRESIDENT   LINCOLN,  looking  from  the  southern  windows  of 
the  White  House,  could  see  the  flag  of  the  Confederacy  floating 
above  the  houses  of  Alexandria.      Confederate   troops  were  pouring 
into  Richmond,  with  the  avowed  intention  of  marching  upon  Wash- 
ington.    Yery  confident  were  the  predictions  of  Southern  newspapers 
that  the  Confederate  flag  would  erelong  be  flying  above  the  unfinished 
dome  of  the  Capitol,  and  Jefferson  Davis  occupying  the  White  House. 
This  the  telegram  (April  22, 1861)  from  Davis  to  Governor  Letch er  : 

"In  addition  to  the  forces  heretofore  ordered, requisitions  have  been  made  for  thirteen 
regiments,  eight  to  rendezvous  at  Lynchburg,  four  at  Richmond,  one  at  Harper's  Ferry. 
Sustain  Baltimore,  if  possible.  .  We  reinforce  you." 

James  M.  Mason,  of  Virginia,  a  week  before,  had  been  in  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States.  He  had  gone  to  Baltimore,  and  was  supplying 
the  Secessionists  with  fire-arms.  (') 

Reverdy  Johnson,  (!)  the  great  lawyer  in  the  patent  law  case,  whom 
the  President  had  met  in  Cincinnati  (see  page  162),  hastened  to  Wash- 
ington to  obtain  assurance  that  the  South  was  not  to  be  subjugated. 
A  committee  from  the  churches,  with  a  clergyman  as  chairman,  also 
came.  "We  ask  that  you  recognize  the  independence  of  the  Southern 
States,"  the  request.  This  the  reply  of  the  President :  "  You,  gentle- 
men, come  here  to  me  and  ask  for  peace  on  any  terms,  and  yet  have 
no  word  of  condemnation  for  those  who  are  making  war  upon  us. 
You  express  great  horror  of  bloodshed,  and  yet  would  not  lay  a 
straw  in  the  way  of  those  who  are  organizing  in  Virginia  and  else- 
where to  capture  this  city.  The  rebels  attack  Fort  Sumter,  and  your 
citizens  attack  troops  sent  to  the  defence  of  the  Government  and  the 
lives  and  property  in  Washington,  and  yet  would  have  me  break  my 
oath  and  surrender  the  Government  without  a  blow.  There  is  no 
Washington  in  that — no  Jackson  in  that — there  is  no  manhood  or 


FIRST  MONTHS   OF  THE   WAR. 


257 


REVEHDY  JOHNSON. 


honor  in  that.  I  have  no  desire  to  invade  the  South,  but  I  must  have 
troops  to  defend  this  Capitol.  Geographically  it  lies  surrounded  by  the 
soil  of  Maryland,  and  mathematically  the  necessity  exists  that  they 
should  come  over  her  territory.  Our  men  are  not  moles,  and  can't  dig 
under  the  earth ;  they  are  not  birds,  and  can't  fly  through  the  air. 
17 


258  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

There  is  no  way  but  to  march  across,  and  that  they  must  do.  But  in 
doing  this  there  is  no  need  of  collision.  Take  care  of  your  rowdies  in 
Baltimore,  and  there  will  be  no  bloodshed.  Go  home  and  tell  your 
people  that  if  they  will  not  attack  us  we  will  not  attack  them ;  but  if 
they  do  attack  us,  we  will  return  it,  and  that  severely." 

Governor  Hicks,  (3)  of  Maryland,  was  loyal  to  the  Union,  but  was 

surrounded  by  Secessionists.     He  was  timid  about  taking  responsibility. 

Those  whom  he  highly  esteemed  were  using  their  influence  to  bring 

about  the  secession  of  the  State.     The  Legislature  assembled  at 

'  Frederick.     The  Governor,  in  his  message,  said  the  only  safety 

for  the  State  was  to  remain  neutral.     He  admitted  the  right  of  the 

United  States  to  take  troops  through  Baltimore. 

Once  more  regiments  were  passing  through  that  city  and  moving  on 

to  Washington — troops  of  the  United  States  Army  from  the  Far 

West :  Sherman's  battery,  which  had  won  fame  on  the  field  of 

Buena  Vista;  three  months'  men,  responding  to  the  call  of  the  President. 

The  sky  was  lurid  with  lightning  and  rain  falling  on  the  evening 
of  May  13th ;  but  the  driving  storm,  the  flashing  lightning,  did  not 
bring  to  a  halt  the  1000  men  commanded  by  General  Butler.  They 
entered  Baltimore  and  took  permanent  possession  of  the  city.  The 
crisis  had  passed ;  the  Confederate  flag  never  would  wave  above  the 
dome  of  the  Capitol ;  Jefferson  Davis  never  enter  the  White  House ; 
Maryland  never  secede. 

It  was  seen  that  cannon  planted  near  the  home  of  Robert  E.  Lee, 
on  Arlington  Heights,  might  send  their  missiles  crashing  into  the 
White  House.  Nearly  20,000  troops  had  arrived  in  Washington. 
'  The  time  had  come  to  take  possession  of  the  hills  commanding 
the  Potomac  and  the  Capitol.  The  night  was  calm  and  still,  the  full 
moon  shining,  when  the  Union  soldiers  rolled  up  their  blankets,  fell  into 
line,  and  marched  across  the  Long  Bridge.  Three  regiments  crossed 
at  Georgetown.  The  "  Fire  Zouaves,"  commanded  by  Colonel  Ells- 
worth, went  down  the  Potomac  on  a  steamer  and  landed  at  Alexandria. 
Colonel  Ellsworth  had  studied  law  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  office,  and  was  one 
of  the  party  that  accompanied  him  to  Washington.  He  saw  a  Con- 
federate flag  waving  above  the  Marshall  House,  kept  by  Mr.  Jackson. 
He  went  to  the  roof  and  tore  it  from  the  staff;  but  while  descending 
was  shot  by  Mr.  Jackson,  who  in  turn  was  killed  by  a  Zouave.  Great 
the  grief  of  the  President.  It  was  the  beginning  of  his  many  sorrows. 
The  first  hostile  shot  had  struck  into  his  own  household,  as  it  were,  and 
taken  one  whom  he  tenderly  loved. 


FIRST  MONTHS  OF   THE   WAR. 


259 


We  must  remember  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  not,  like  William  Lloyd 
Garrison,  an  Abolitionist.  Mr.  Garrison  advocated  a  dissolution  of  the 
Union  because  slavery  was  wrong ;  Mr.  Lincoln  believed  the  Union  was 
the  greatest  boon  in  civil  government  which  had  ever  come  to  the  hu- 
man race.  He  was  confronted  by  a  vital  question :  how  to  keep  Ken- 
tucky from  leaving  the  Union.  It  was  his  native  State.  Some  of  his 
dearest  friends  resided  there.  Governor  Magoffin  was  doing  what  he 
could  to  bring  about  the  secession  of  the  State.  The  people  were  divided 
in  sentiment.  The  Legislature  adopted  a  resolution  affirming  "  armed 
neutrality  "  as  the  position  which  the  State  would  maintain.  Citizens  of 
Louisville  passed  resolutions  denouncing  the  President  for  attempting  to 
bring  the  seceding  States  back  into  the  Union.  At  the  same  time  they 


THOMAS    H.   HICKS. 


260  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

declared  the  Union  ought  to  be  preserved,  but  maintained  it  was  the  duty 
of  Kentucky  to  oppose  the  attempt  to  make  war  upon  a  seceding  State ! 

"  Kentucky  will  furnish  no  troops  for  the  wicked  purpose  of  subdu- 
ing her  sister  Southern  States,"  said  Governor  Magoffin,  in  his  reply  to 
the  call  of  the  President  for  troops. 

The  Secessionists  were  organizing.  "  The  Knights  of  the  Golden 
Circle,"  as  they  called  themselves,  were  drilling  in  the  streets  of  Louis- 
ville. The  members  of  the  "  Working-men's  Association  "  in  that  city 
knew  that  slavery  was  antagonistic  to  free  labor.  They  succeeded  in 
electing  J.  M.  Dolph  as  mayor,  who  was  loyal  to  the  Union.  The 
Secessionists  became  very  bold  and  arrogant.  The  Union  men  were 
threatened  with  assassination.  Not  intimidated  but  emboldened,  they 
formed  a  "  Union  Club."  The  members  swore  unconditional  loyalty  to 
the  Union.  Their  ritual  was  compiled  from  the  sayings  of  Washington, 
Daniel  Webster,  and  Henry  Clay.  The  great  statesman  of  Kentucky, 
Mr.  Clay,  loved  and  reverenced  by  President  Lincoln,  once  said :  "  If 
Kentucky  to  -  morrow  unfurls  the  banner  of  resistance,  I  never  will 
fight  under  that  banner.  I  owe  a  paramount  allegiance  to  the  whole 
Union ;  a  subordinate  one  to  my  own  State." 

The  Legislature  had  declared  for  strict  neutrality.  President  Lin- 
coln comprehended  that  in  a  conflict  between  two  diverse  civilizations 
there  could  be  no  neutrality  on  the  part  of  a  State.  He  had  said  that 
"a  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand,  that  the  entire  country 
must  be  one  thing  or  another."  What  measures  could  he  take  to 
prevent  it  from  becoming  the  other  thing  ?  How  foster  the  Union  sen- 
timent in  the  State  ?  How  develop  an  abiding  and  aggressive  loyalty 
which  would  finally  marshal  it  on  the  side  of  the  Union  ?  Major  An- 
derson, native  of  Kentucky,  had  shown  his  unswerving  loyalty  to  the 
Union  at  Sumter.  William  Nelson, (4)  lieutenant  in  the  navy,  had  de- 
clared in  forcible  language  his  fealty.  The  President  sent  them  to 
their  native  State  to  ascertain  the  exact  condition  of  affairs.  They 
found  that  the  volunteer  militia,  known  as  the  "  State  Guard,"  was 
under  the  control  of  the  Secessionists.  General  Simon  B.  Buckner  was 
in  command.  The  law  under  which  it  was  organized  was  drafted  by 
him.  He  intended  to  use  the  troops  in  behalf  of  the  Confederacy. 
Governor  Magoifin  sent  Dr.  Luke  Blackburn  to  Montgomery  for  arms. 
He  purchased  a  few  worthless  muskets.  Kentucky  had  not  seceded, 
and  the  Confederate  Government  had  no  arms  for  that  State.  He 
made  a  speech  in  New  Orleans,  in  which  he  stated  that  the  people  of 
Kentucky  would  soon  be  marshalled  on  the  side  of  the  Confederacy. 


261 


MARSHAL!,  HOUSE. 

Another  military  body  came  into  existence — the  "Home  Guard." 
It  was  organized  in  Louisville  under  an  ordinance  passed  by  the  City 
Council.  It  was  founded  upon  a  vague  clause  in  the  city  char- 
J'  ter.  Mayor  Dolph  approved  the  act,  and  two  regiments  were 
organized  for  the  defence  of  the  city.  The  mayor  was  commander- 
in- chief,  with  authority  to  appoint  a  brigadier  general.  He  selected 
Lowell  H.  Eosecrans,  who  soon  became  an  officer  in  the  United  States 
Army.  James  Speed  was  appointed  as  his  successor.  It  was  the  be- 
ginning of  organized  loyalty  in  Kentucky.  The  Union  sentiment  was 
developing.  George  D.  Prentice,  whose  writings  had  pleased  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  for  many  years,  was  still  wielding  his  pen  in  behalf  of  the 
Union. 

Lieutenant  Nelson  hastened  to  Washington.     "  If  you  will  furnish 


262  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

arms  to  the  Union  men  of  the  State,"  he  said  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  "they 
will  fight  for  the  restoration  of  the  State  to  the  Union." 

"  It  shall  be  done,"  the  President  replied,  and  directed  that  10,000 
muskets  be  placed  at  his  disposal.  Mr.  Kelson  hastened  to  Kentucky,  and 
arranged  with  James  Speed  for  a  secret  meeting  of  the  leading  Union- 
ists. There  were  only  twelve  at  the  meeting — John  J.  Crittenden, 
Garret  Davis,  James  Harlan,  Joshua  F.  Speed,  (")  James  Speed,  Charles 
A.  Wickliffe,  Thornton  F.  Marshall,  Lieutenant  Kelson,  and  four  oth- 
ers. They  selected  suitable  persons  to  distribute  the  arms.  Joshua 
F.  Speed  was  appointed  general  agent  by  the  President.  Companies 
of  Home  Guards  were  forming  throughout  the  northern  and  central 
sections  of  the  State.  The  magazine  containing  the  ammunition  of  the 
State  was  under  the  control  of  Buckner ;  but  Mayor  Dolph  demanded 
the  keys.  Buckner  knew  that  if  he  did  not  give  them  up  the  mayor 
would  take  forcible  possession  of  the  property,  and  he  therefore  sur- 
rendered them.  The  mayor  demanded  the  arms  of  the  members  of  the 
"  State  Guard  "  in  Louisville,  and  they  were  given  up.  By  the  wisdom 
and  prudence  of  the  President,  acting  in  concert  with  Joshua  F.  Speed 
and  his  few  Union  friends.  Kentucky  was  saved  to  the  Union. 

The  President  ardently  labored  to  foster  the  Union  sentiment  in  Mis- 
souri. With  that  end  in.  view  he  had  selected  Mr.  Bates  to  be  Attorney- 
general.  (6)  During  the  years  immediately  preceding  the  outbreak  of 
the  war  the  Germans  in  St.  Louis  had  manifested  their  opposition  to  the 
extension  of  slavery.  They  voted  for  Abraham  Lincoln.  The  Governor 
of  the  State,  Claiborne  F.  Jackson,  favored  secession.  He  called  a  State 
convention,  but  the  delegates  elected  were  opposed  to  seceding.  It  was 
a  great  disappointment  to  Governor  Jackson  and  Jefferson  Davis.  Fran- 
cis P.  Blair,  (7)  one  of  the  energetic  Republicans  of  St.  Louis,  brother  of 
Montgomery  Blair,  whom  Mr.  Lincoln  had  appointed  Postmaster-gen- 
eral, discovered  that  Jackson  was  intending  to  seize  the  arsenal,  which 
contained  60,000  arms. 

"We  must  prevent  it,"  said  Mr.  Blair,  privately,  to  a  few  of  his 
friends,  who  agreed  with  him,  and  formed  themselves  into  a  military 
company.  It  was  organized  before  the  inauguration  of  President  Lin- 
coln. The  commander  of  the  arsenal  was  from  North  Carolina.  He 
had  a  secret  understanding1  with  Governor  Jackson  to  hand  it  over  to 

o 

the  State.  Before  their  plans  were  ripe  Captain  Nathaniel  Lyon,  of 
the  army,  appeared,  appointed  by  General  Scott.  He  was  energetic, 
bold,  fearless,  and  soon  had  barricades  erected  for  the  protection  of 
the  arsenal. 


FIRST  MONTHS  OF  THE  WAR.  263 

A  steamer  from  Memphis  came  up  the  Mississippi.     At  night  boxes 

labelled  "Marble"  were  unloaded  at  the  levee,  which  were  quickly 

carted  away.     A  man  who  was  lounging  about  the  landing  fol- 

'  8'  lowed  the  teams  to  a  military  camp  which  Governor  Jackson  had 
established,  and  where  General  Frost  was  in  command.  It  was  no 
secret  that  his  soldiers  were  in  sympathy  with  Jefferson  Davis.  The 
next  morning  a  gentleman  and  lady  drove  to  the  camp.  The  lady 
smiled  graciously  upon  the  soldiers,  and  was  pleased  to  see  them 
3'  performing  their  evolutions.  She  noticed  that  the  boxes  marked 
"  Marble  "  were  being  opened.  They  contained  cannon,  shot,  and  shell. 
The  carriage  returned  to  the  city,  the  lady  to  her  lodgings.  She  re- 
moved bonnet,  gown,  and  veil,  and  put  on  her  uniform.  She  was  no 
longer  a  woman,  but  Captain  Lyon,  who  thus  in  disguise  had  seen  for 
himself  the  cannon  sent  by  the  Confederate  Secretary  of  War  to  Gov- 
ernor Jackson.  Suddenly,  as  if  moved  by  a  common  impulse,  six  regi- 
ments of  Union  troops  with  six  cannon  approached  Camp  Jackson. 
The  cannon  unlimbered,  and  wheeled  into  position.  General  Frost 
was  amazed. 

"  Your  command,"  said  Captain  Lyon,  "  is  regarded  as  hostile  to  the 
United  States.  I  demand  your  surrender  with  no  other  conditions  than 
that  all  persons  shall  be  humanely  and  kindly  treated."  There  was  no 
alternative  for  the  Secessionists.  Thus  the  arsenal  was  saved  and  trea- 
son stamped  out  in  the  chief  commercial  city  of  the  Mississippi  valley. 
Unfortunately,  the  troops  came  in  collision  with  a  mob,  and  several 
soldiers  and  citizens  were  killed  in  the  melee,  which  greatly  intensified 
the  antagonism  between  the  Unionists  and  the  Secessionists. 

O 

The  complications  growing  out  of  the  movements  in  the  border 
States  required  the  exercise  of  great  wisdom  and  judicious  action  on  the 
part  of  the  President.  From  morning  till  late  at  night  he  must  receive 
delegations,  listen  to  long  documents,  charge  his  memory  with  facts, 
make  many  decisions  affecting  the  welfare  of  the  nation.  While  bear- 
ing present  burdens  he  was  looking  into  the  future. 

Major  Anderson,  on  his  return  from  Sumter,  called  upon  the  Presi- 
dent and  rehearsed  the  story  of  the  bombardment.  "  The  Confederates 
had  a  floating  battery  protected  by  railroad  iron;  cannon-shot  had 
no  effect  upon  it,"  he  said.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  much  interested  by  the 
remark. 

Among  the  vessels  partly  burned  and  then  scuttled  at  the  Norfolk 
Navy -yard  was  the  frigate  Merrimac.  Mr.  Welles,  Secretary  of  the 
Navy,  learned  that  the  Confederates  were  intending  to  raise  the  hull. 


264  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

They  would  cover  it  with  iron,  and  transform  the  frigate  into  a  vessel 
more  powerful  than  any  craft  afloat. 

Mr.  Gustavus  V.  Fox,  who  had  accepted  the  position  of  Assistant 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  called  upon  the  President.  "We  must  not 
let  the  rebels  get  ahead  of  us  in  such  an  important  matter  as  plating 
vessels  with  iron,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln.  (8) 

"  Naval  officers  doubt  the  stability  of  armored  ships.  They  think 
that  the  amount  of  iron  needed  to  make  them  effective  would  send 
them  to  the  bottom,"  said  Mr.  Fox. 

"  Is  not  that  a  sum  in  arithmetic  ?  On  our  Western  rivers  we  can 
figure  how  many  tons  will  sink  a  flat-boat.  Can't  your  clerks  do  the 
same  for  an  armored  vessel  ?'•' 

"  I  suppose  they  can ;  but  there  are  other  difficulties.  With  such  a 
weight  a  single  shot  piercing  the  armor  would  sink  the  vessel  so  quickly 
that  no  one  could  escape,"  said  Mr.  Fox. 

"  Now,  as  the  very  object  of  the  armor  is  to  get  something  that  the 
best  projectile  cannot  pierce,  that  objection  does  not  appear  to  be 
sound,"  Mr.  Lincoln  replied. 

Mr.  Fox  was  greatly  impressed,  and  an  investigation  for  building 
iron-clad  vessels  was  begun  at  once.  A  few  weeks  later  Captain  Erics- 
son exhibited  some  plans  of  a  craft,  the  like  of  which  had  never  been 
seen — a  hull  wholly  below  water,  carrying  a  revolving  iron-clad  turret. 
President  Lincoln,  after  hearing  the  explanation  of  Ericsson  and  look- 
ing over  the  plans,  remarked,  "  As  the  darkey  said  in  putting  on  his 
boot  and  finding  a  thistle  in  it, '  I  reckon  dars  someting  in  dar.' "  (9) 

The  plans  were  accepted.  The  result  was  seen  at  Hampton  Roads 
eight  months  later.  The  memorable  battle  between  the  Merrimac 
and  the  Monitor  revolutionized  naval  architecture. 

The  great  crowd  of  place-hunters  increased.  Every  morning  they 
flocked  to  the  White  House  to  gain  an  audience  with  the  President — 
each  applicant  with  his  package  of  recommendations — to  be  postmaster 
in  some  country  town,  or  a  consul  to  a  foreign  port,  or  some  position 
as  agent  for  the  purchase  of  supplies.  The  President,  with  all  the 
great  questions  of  the  hour  pressing  upon  him,  did  not  lose  his  patience 
with  this  swarm  of  gadflies.  With  unfailing  humor  he  brushed  them 
away. 

"  I  am  like  a  man  who  is  busy  letting  rooms  at  one  end  of  his  house, 
which  is  on  fire  at  the  other  end,"  he  said.  (I0) 

Not  feeling  well,  he  sent  for  a  physician.  "  You  are  having  a  mild 
attack  of  the  small-pox,"  said  the  doctor. 


FIRST  MONTHS  OF  THE  WAR.  265 

"  Tell  all  the  office-seekers  to  come  at  once,  for  now  I  have  some- 
thing that  I  can  give  them,"  the  President  gleefully  replied.  (") 

Two  applicants  for  a  post-office  came  with  their  packages  of  rec- 
ommendations signed  by  ministers,  doctors,  selectmen,  and  citizens 
generally. 

"  Put  them  on  the  scales  and  see  which  is  the  heaviest.  The  one 
which  weighs  the  most  gets  it,"  said  the  President.  He  did  not  doubt 
that  both  were  qualified  for  the  position. 

Many  of  the  officers  in  the  army,  especially  those  educated  at  West 
Point,  were  very  conservative  in  their  views  of  slavery.  They  were 
ready  to  fight  to  maintain  the  Union,  but  did  not  desire  there  should 
be  any  interference  with  slavery.  General  George  B.  McClellan,  ap- 
pointed by  the  Governor  of  Ohio  to  command  the  troops  from  that 
State  sent  to  West  Virginia,  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  people  of  that 
section. 

"  Understand  one  thing  clearly,"  he  said.  "  Not  only  will  we  ab- 
stain from  all  interference  with  your  slaves,  but  we  will,  on  the  con- 
trary, crush  with  an  iron  hand  any  attempt  at  insurrection  on  their 
part." 

No  occasion  had  arisen  for  his  giving  expression  to  such  a  sentiment. 
There  was  no  sign  of  an  uprising  of  the  slaves  against  their  masters.  It 
indicated  his  desire  to  protect  slavery.  The  Vice-president  of  the  Con- 
federacy, Alexander  H.  Stephens,  had  said  that  African  slavery  was 
"  the  corner-stone  of  the  Confederacy."  The  great  majority  of  those 
who  supported  Mr.  Lincoln  knew  the  slave-holders  brought  about  the 
war ;  they  did  not  relish  the  uncalled-for  expression  by  McClellan. 

General  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  in  command  at  Fortress  Monroe,  took 
a  far  different  view  of  the  question.  A  slave  named  Luke,  who  had 
been  working  upon  Confederate  fortifications,  escaped  to  the  Union 
lines.  His  master,  Colonel  Mallory,  came  to  reclaim  him. 

"  There  is  no  authority  for  sending  Luke  back  to  his  master,"  said 
Captain  Tyler,  a  subordinate  officer. 

"  How  so  ?"  Butler  asked. 

"  The  case  is  this,"  Tyler  replied.  "  Luke's  master  sent  him  to  be 
employed  in  constructing  the  Confederate  fortifications.  That  made 
Luke  contraband  of  war,  and  liable  to  b*e  confiscated  to  the  United 
States  in  case  he  should  ever  be  found  in  our  lines.  His  master  cannot 
claim  him,  because  he  is  only  property.  The  United  States  cannot  hold 
him,  because,  as  a  government,  we  do  not  recognize  slavery  as  a  na- 
tional institution.  Luke  is  free,  and  never  can  again  be  legally  a  slave." 


266 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 


General  Butler  was  a  lawyer.  He  was  quick  to  comprehend  the 
statement.  The  time  had  come  when  he  could  strike  a  blow  at  the 
corner-stone  of  the  Confederacy. 

"  I  am  greatly  embarrassed,"  he  wrote  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  "  by 
the  number  of  slaves  that  are  coming  in  from  the  surrounding  country 
and  seeking  protection  within  the  lines  of  my  camp.  I  have  determined 
to  regard  them  as  contraband  of  war,  and  to  employ  their  labor  at  a  fair 
compensation,  against  which  should  be  charged  their  support." 

"  The  Government  approves  of  your  course,"  replied  the  Secretary. 
"  You  are  not  to  interfere  between  master  and  slave  on  the  one 
hand,  nor  surrender  slaves  who  may  come  within  your  lines." 
Under  the  decision  of  General  Butler  the  "  corner-stone "  began  to 
crumble.     We  have  seen  that  the  President  did  not  believe  in  the  sud- 
den   and    immediate    abolition    of 
slavery.     He  thought  it  would  not 
be  well  for  the  country.    We  shall 
see  further  on  how  time  and  the 
sequence  of  events  enabled  him  at 
the  right  time  to  abolish  slavery." 

Sad   news   came  to  the   Presi- 
dent from  Chicago:  the  death  of 
Senator  Douglas,  his  old  political 
opponent,  yet  his  hearty  supporter 
in  the  crucial  hour   at   the 
beginning  of  the  war.     By 
his  patriotic  action   Douglas   Lad 
turned  the  great  multitude  of  his 
followers  to  the  support  of  Mr.  Lin- 
coln. 

Once  more  Congress  was  in  ses- 
sion, called  by  the  President.    Dur- 
ing all  the  turmoil,  commotion,  and 
the  consideration  of  great  questions, 
he    found   time   to   write   a 
message  detailing  the  events 
from  the  time  of  his  inauguration. 
He  asked  for  an  army  of  400,000 
men  and  for  $400,000,000.     They 
were   granted.     The  pulse  of  the 
DOUGLAS  MONUMENT.  country  was  beating  high.     More 


June  3. 


July  4. 


FIRST  MONTHS   OF  THE  WAR.  267 

than  30,000  troops  had  gathered  at  Washington  —  men  who  were  to 
serve  three  months.  Another  large  army  had  gathered  at  Harper's 
Ferry.  "  On  to  Eichmond  !"  the  cry. 

A  like  activity  in  the  South  had  organized  two  large  Confederate 
armies :  one  at  the  Manassas  Junction,  under  Beauregard ;  one  in  the 
Shenandoah  Valley,  under  General  Johnston.  The  Confederates  had 
been  swept  out  of  West  Virginia  and  Missouri.  Eastern  Tennessee  had 
declared  for  the  Union.  President  Lincoln  earnestly  desired  to  send  a 
bodv  of  troops  to  aid  in  holding  that  section  of  the  State.  Judge  Rob- 
ertson and  another  gentleman  hastened  to  Washington  to  protest  against 
the  marching  of  Union  troops  across  Kentucky.  The  President  heard 
what  they  had  to  say :  That  Kentucky  must  be  neutral.  If  Union 
troops  were  to  enter  the  State,  Confederates  would  do  the  same.  Both 
parties  must  be  kept  out. 

"  Gentlemen,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  my  position  in  regard  to  your 
State  is  like  that  of  the  man  who  one  night  found  that  a  rattlesnake 
had  crawled  into  bed  where  his  children  were  sleeping.  What  should 
he  do  ?  Leave  the  snake  to  bite  the  children  the  moment  they  stirred  ? 
If  he  struck  a  blow  it  might  kill  them.  He  could  not  leave  them  to 
certain  death.  He  must  strike,  even  if  in  so  doing  he  were  to  kill  them. 
So  it  is  with  me.  I  know  Kentucky  and  Tennessee  are  infested  with 
the  enemies  of  the  Union,  but  I  know  that  there  are  thousands  of 
patriots  in  both,  who  will  be  persecuted  even  unto  death  unless  the 
strong  hand  of  the  Government  is  interposed  for  their  protection  and 
rescue.  We  must  go  in.  The  old  flag  must  be  carried  into  Tennessee 
at  whatever  hazard." 

At  heart  the  gentlemen  were  Secessionists,  and  went  home  greatly 
chagrined  over  the  result  of  their  mission.  (I2) 

The  term  of  service  of  many  regiments  would  expire  before  the 
end  of  July.  The  time  had  come  for  a  movement  of  the  troops.  The 
Northern  people  expected  to  see  the  army  under  Beauregard  swept 
aside,  the  Union  soldiers  marching  into  Richmond,  and  Jefferson  Davis 
fleeing  southward.  President  Lincoln  did  not  share  in  the  general  en- 
thusiasm. Through  life  he  had  accustomed  himself  to  look  at  both 
sides  of  a  case.  In  his  law  practice  he  had  endeavored  to  see  what 
his  opponent  could  do,  and  to  shape  his  own  course  accordingly.  He 
knew  there  was  little  difference  between  the  men  of  the  North  and  the 
South  ;  that  both  were  brave,  both  would  fight,  both  endure. 

The  advance,  the  battle,  the  stealing  away  of  Johnston  from  the 
Shenandoah,  the  failure  of  Patterson  to  prevent  the  junction  of  Johnston 


268  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

with  Beauregard,  the  arrival  of  Johnston's  last  brigade  when  the  battle 
v  was  going  against  Beauregard,  the  panic  of  the  Union  troops,  their 

drifting  back  to  Washington,  is  given  in  the  history  of  the  war. 

(See  "  Drum-beat  of  the  Nation.")  No  one  in  Washington— offi- 
cial or  private  citizen — could  feel  more  keenly  than  the  President  the 
mortification  of  the  disaster. 

Mr.  Lincoln  saw  that  General  Scott  was  too  old  and  feeble  to  organ- 
ize a  great  army.  Whom  should  he  appoint  ?  General  McDowell  had 
been  defeated.  General  Patterson  had  failed  to  accomplish  what  was 
expected  of  him.  The  only  officer  who  had  won  distinction  was  General 
McClellan,  in  command  of  the  Ohio  troops  in  West  Virginia.  General 
Rosecrans,  in  command  of  a  brigade,  planned  and  executed  a  move- 
ment at  Laurel  Mountain,  resulting  in  victory  which  had  been  much 
glorified  by  McClellan's  despatch : 

"Garnett  and  forces  routed.  His  army  demolished.  Garnett  killed.  We  have  an- 
nihilated the  enemy  in  Western  Virginia.  Have  lost  thirteen  killed  and  not  more  than 
forty  wounded.  We  have  killed  in  all  at  least  two  hundred  of  the  enemy,  and  the  pris- 
oners will  amount  to  at  least  one  thousand.  Have  taken  seven  guns  in  all.  The  troops 
defeated  are  the  crack  troops  of  Eastern  Virginia,  aided  by  Georgians,  Tennesseeans, 
and  Carolinians.  Our  success  is  complete,  and  secession  is  killed  in  this  country."  (13) 

It  was  such  a  bulletin  as  Napoleon  was  accustomed  to  issue  to 
awaken  enthusiasm.  The  despatch  brought  McClellan  prominently 
into  notice.  He  was  looked  upon  as  a  great  commander.  By  the 
advice  of  General  Scott,  the  President  called  him  to  Washington  to 
organize  the  troops  arriving  in  that  city  and  make  preparations  for  a 
vigorous  campaign. 

He  established  his  headquarters  in  an  elegant  mansion  and  appoint- 
ed a  large  staff.  His  coming,  however,  did  not  diminish  the  troubles 
experienced  by  the  President,  but  increased  them. 

McClellan  informed  General  Scott  there  were  100,000  Confederate 
troops  at  Manassas,  and  urged  that  all  available  regiments  be  hurried  to 
Washington  regardless  of  other  localities.  He  wanted  a  very  large  sec- 
tion of  the  Northern  States  merged  into  one  department  and  placed 
under  his  own  control.  (14)  He  intimated  to  the  President  that  General 
Scott  was  remiss  in  his  duties  and  incompetent  to  command.  (16)  The 
venerable  lieutenant-general  could  not  condescend  to  reply  to  a  letter 
which  he  regarded  as  very  offensive  and  insulting.  He  asked  the  Presi- 
dent to  retire  him  from  further  service. 

Mr.  Lincoln  endeavored  to  restore  amicable  relations  between  the 


FIRST  MONTHS  OF  THE  WAR. 


GEORGE  B.  MoCLELiLAN. 

two  commanders— one  old  and  honored,  the  other  young  and  inexperi- 
enced. The  President  called  in  person  upon  the  venerable  commander. 
He  addressed  a  kind  and  conciliatory  letter  to  McClellan,  who  replied, 
desiring  to  withdraw  the  letter  he  had  written  reflecting  upon  Scott. 
General  Scott  received  a  second  letter  from  McClellan,  which  he  re- 
garded as  offensive. 

General  McClellan  was  subordinate  to  General  Scott,  but  he  made 
no  report  of  his  proceedings.  He  consulted  with  members  of  the  Cab- 
inet, and  not  with  his  superior  commander.  "  He  is,"  wrote  Scott  to 
the  Secretary  of  War,  "  in  frequent  conversation  with  portions  of  the 
Cabinet  on  matters  pertaining  to  me.  That  freedom  of  access  and  con- 
sultation have,  very  naturally,  deluded  the  junior  into  a  feeling  of  indif- 
ference towards  his  senior.  With  such  supports  on  his  part,  it  would 


270  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

be  as  idle  for  me  as  it  would  be  against  the  dignity  of  my  years  to  be 
filing  daily  complaints  against  an  ambitious  junior." 

The  request  of  General  Scott  to  be  placed  upon  the  retired  list  was 
granted.  The  President  and  Cabinet  waited  upon  him  in  a  body  at  his 
residence  to  pay  their  respects  to  one  who  had  rendered  great  service 
•  to  his  country.  "With  his  retirement  General  McClellan  became  com- 
mander of  the  great  army  assembling  at  Washington. 

A  fleet  under  Commodore  Stringham  sailed  from  Fortress  Monroe 
southward  to  Hatteras  Inlet  and  rained  shells  upon  the  Confederate 
fortifications  at  that  point,  compelling  their  surrender.  General 
'  Butler,  with  a  body  of  troops,  took  possession,  thus  closing  the 
passage  to  vessels  from  England,  which  had  been  furnishing  the  Con- 
federates with  supplies,  and  it  enabled  the  Union  fleets  to  gain  access  to 
Pamlico  and  Albermarle  sounds. 

General  Butler  received  a  letter  from  the  President,  who  desired  to 
see  him. 

"  You  are  out  of  a  job,  general,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln.  "  Now,  if  we 
only  had  the  troops,  I  would  like  to  send  an  expedition  either  against 
Mobile,  New  Orleans,  or  Galveston.  But  the  regiments  are  filling  up 

slowly." 

"  Mr.  President,  you  have  given  me  leave  to  tell  you  wherein  I  dif- 
fer from  the  Administration,"  said  Butler.  "  In  one  thing  you  are  mak- 
ing this  too  much  a  party  war.  That,  perhaps,  is  not  the  fault  of  the 
Administration,  but  the  result  of  political  conditions.  All  Northern 
Governors  are  Republicans,  and  they,  of  course,  appoint  only  their  He- 
publican  friends  as  officers  of  regiments,  who,  of  course,  only  recruit 
Republicans.  Now  this  war  cannot  go  on  as  a  party  war ;  you  must 
get  Democrats  into  it,  and  there  are  thousands  of  patriotic  Democrats 
who  would  go  into  it  if  they  could  see  any  opportunity  to  do  so  on 
equal  terms  with  the  Republicans.  Besides,  it  is  not  good  politics.  An 
election  is  coming  on  for  Congressmen  next  year,  and  if  you  get  all  the 
Republicans  sent  out  as  soldiers,  and  the  Democrats  not  interested,  I  do 
not  see  but  you  will  be  beaten." 

"  There  is  meat  in  that,  general.     What  is  your  suggestion  ?" 

"  Empower  me  to  raise  volunteers  and  select  the  officers,  and  I  will 
go  to  New  England  and  raise  a  division  of  six  thousand  men  in  sixty 
days.  If  you  will  give  me  the  power  to  select  the  officers,  I  shall 
choose  all  Democrats." 

"  Draw  such  an  order  as  you  want,  but  don't  get  me  into  a  scrape  with 
the  Governors  about  the  appointment  of  the  officers  if  you  can  help  it.(J6) 


FIRST  MONTHS   OF  THE  WAR. 


271 


LAST  MEETING  BETWEEN  GENERAL  SCOTT,  THE  CABINET,  AND  PRESIDENT. 

The  order  was  drawn  and  signed.  One  month  later  an  expedition 
under  General  Butler  was  on  its  way  to  New  Orleans  to  take  posses- 
sion of  that  city. 

The  Union  men  of  Maryland  iniormed  the  Government  that  the 
secession  members  of  the  Legislature  intended  to  vote  the  State  out 
of  the  Union  at  an  adjourned  session.  Attorney  -  general  Bates  had 
given  an  elaborate  opinion  as  to  the  power  of  the  President  to  make 
arbitrary  arrests  of  persons  contemplating  treason,  and  also  to  suspend 
the  writ  of  habeas  carpus.  It  was  the  duty  of  the  President  to  prevent 


272  LIFE    OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

the  contemplated  action.     General  McClellan  was  directed  to  arrest  the 
members. 

"  When  they  meet,"  read  McClellan's  order  to  General  Banks,  "  you 
will  please  have  everything  prepared  to  arrest  the  whole  party,  and  be 
sure  that  none  escape." 

The  order  was  enforced,  the  members  arrested,  their  plans  over- 
turned. "  I  believe,"  said  Governor  Hicks,  "  that  it  saved  the  State 
from  destruction." 


NOTES   TO   CHAPTER  XIV. 

(!)  James  Murray  Masou  was  born  in  Fairfax  County,  Va.,  1798.  He  was  educated 
at  the  University  of  Pennsylvania.  Studied  law  ;  was  member  of  Congress,  1837-39 ; 
elected  United  States  Senator,  1847.  He  remained  in  the  Senate  till  1861.  When  Vir- 
ginia seceded  he  did  not  resign,  but  used  his  position  to  aid  the  Confederates,  for  which 
he  was  expelled  the  following  July.  He  was  appointed  diplomatic  agent  of  the  Con- 
federacy to  England.  Sailed  with  Mr.  Slidell  from  Charleston  to  Nassau  ;  took  passage 
on  the  steamer  Trent,  from  which  he  was  taken  by  Commodore  Wilkes,  commanding 
the  San  Jacinto,  and  confined  in  Fort  Warren,  in  Boston  Harbor.  He  was  released  by 
President  Lincoln,  and  delivered  to  an  English  vessel.  He  presented  his  credentials 
to  Lord  John  Russell,  Secretary  of  English  Foreign  Affairs,  but  could  only  be  recog- 
nized as  a  private  gentleman.  After  the  war  he  returned  to  the  United  States,  and 
died  at  Alexandria,  Va.,  1874.— Author. 

(2)  Reverdy  Johnson  was  born  at  Annapolis,  Md.,  1796.      He  studied  law,  and  was 
admitted  to  the  bar  of  Maryland  at  the  age  of  19.     He  served  in  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States  1845-49.    He  was  a  Whig  in  politics,  and  upon  the  accession  of  Zachary  Taylor  to 
the  Presidency  was  appointed  Attorney-general.      Mr.  Johnson  was  regarded  as  one  of 
the  foremost  lawyers  of  the  country.     He  was  Senator  during  President  Lincoln's  term 
in  Congress.     They  were  opposing  counsel  in  the  celebrated  McCormick  reaper  case,  in 
which  Mr.  Lincoln  expected  to  take  conspicuous  part,  but  from  which  he  was  excluded 
by  Edwin  M.  Stanton.     Mr.  Johnson  was  delegate  to  the  Peace  Conference.      He  was 
again  in  the  Senate  from  1863  to  1868. — Author. 

(3)  Thomas  Holliday   Hicks,  born  1798,  in   Dorchester   County,  Md.,  was  a   farmer. 
He  served  many  terms  in  the  Legislature,  and  was  Governor  of  the  State  from  1858  to 
1862,  and  served  in  the  United  States  Senate  from  1862  to  1867.     He  was  loyal  to  the 
Union,  but  had  a  difficult  part  to   perform.      By   his  prudence  the   Secessionists  were 
thwarted,  and  the  State  saved  to  the  Union. — Author. 

(4)  Lieutenant  William  T.  Nelson  was  born  in  Maysville,  Ky.,  1825.     Entered  the 
uavy  1840,  was  at  the  siege  of  Vera  Cruz  during  the  war  with  Mexico.     His  outspoken 
loyalty  led  the  President  to  appoint  him  a   brigadier-general  in  the  army.      He  com- 
manded  a  division  under  General  Bnell.      He  reached  the   battle-field  of  Shiloh  at  a 
critical  hour  and  rendered  efficient  service.     In  an  unfortunate  quarrel  witli  General  Jef- 
ferson C.  Davis  he  received  a  wound  from  which  he  died,  September  29,  1862. — Author. 

(5)  Joshua  F.  Speed  was  born    near  Louisville.     He  emigrated  to  Springfield,  111., 
and  opened  a  store.     He  early  became  a  friend  to  Abraham  Lincoln.     He  was  successful 
in  business,   and  returned  to  Louisville  and  became  a  prominent   citizen.     His  great 
friendship  for  Mr.  Lincoln  and  his  intense  patriotism  made  him  a  central  figure  among 
the  Union  men  of  Kentucky.     Several  years  after  the  death  of  the  President  he  gave  a 


FIRST  MONTHS   OF   THE  WAR.  273 

lecture  which  is  replete  with  information  relative  to  the  early  manhood  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 
— Author. 

( " )  Edward  Bates,  Attorney-general,  was  born  in  Virginia,  1793.  He  was  of  Quaker 
descent.  He  was  educated  at  Charlotte  Hall,  Md.  In  1814  he  emigrated  to  Missouri,  and 
began  the  practice  of  law  in  St.  Louis.  He  was  elected  Attorney-general  of  the  State, 
1820.  He  became  member  of  Congress,  1826  —  serving  one  term.  President  Fillmore 
appointed  him  Attorney  -  general  of  the  United  States,  1850,  but  the  appointment  was 
respectfully  declined.  He  was  outspoken  in  his  denunciation  of  the  attempt  to  force 
slavery  upon  Kansas.  The  Republicans  of  Missouri  presented  his  name  as  a  candidate 
for  the  Presidency  at  the  Chicago  Convention. — Author. 

(7)  Francis  P.  Blair,  second  son  of  Francis  Blair,  was  one  of  the  founders  of  the 
Republican  Party  in  Missouri.    He  comprehended  the  plans  of  the  Secessionists,  and  took 
radical  and  energetic  measures  to  thwart  them.      He  was  appointed  major-general  by 
the  President,  and  was  selected  by  General  Sherman  to  command  an  army  corps  in  the 
March  to  the  Sea.     He  was  elected  to  Congress ;  although  serving  in  that  body,  he  retained 
his  commission  in  the  military  service,  which  subjected  him  to  much  criticism.     He  was 
patriotic  and  brave,  and  efficiently  aided  the  cause  of  the  Union. — Author. 

(8)  L.  E.  Chitteudeu,  "Recollections  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  213. 

(9)  Ibid.,  p.  216. 

(10)  Titian  J.  Coifey,  "  Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  337. 
(")  Ibid.,  p.  338. 

(12)  John  W.  Forney,  "Anecdotes  of  Public  Men,"  vol.  i.,  p.  265. 
(is)  "War  Records,"  vol.  xi.,  p.  3. 

(14)  Ibid. 

(15)  General  Scott's  Letters  to  Secretary  of  War,  "Records,"  vol.  xi.,  p.  3. 
(1S)  B.  F.  Butler,  "Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  140. 

18 


27-i  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


CHAPTEK    XY. 

AUTUMN  OF  1861. 

DUKING  the  summer  of  1861   Congress  was  in  session,  called  by 
President  Lincoln.     In  his  message  he  said  : 

"It  might  seem,  at  first  thought,  to  be  of  little  difference  whether  the  present  move- 
ment at  the  South  be  called  '  secession  '  or  '  rebellion.'  The  movers,  however,  will  under- 
stand the  difference.  They  knew  that  they  never  could  make  their  treason  respectable 
by  any  name  which  implies  a  violation  of  law.  They  knew  their  people  possessed  as 
much  of  moral  sense,  as  much  of  devotion  to  law  and  order,  and  as  much  pride  in  and 
reverence  for  the  history  and  government  of  their  common  country  as  any  other  civilized 
and  patriotic  people." 

President  Lincoln  used  plain  words,  which  everybody  could  under- 
stand, as  is  seen  in  the  following  sentences : 

"They  knew  they  could  make  no  advancement  directly  in  the  teeth  of  these  strong 
and  noble  sentiments.  Accordingly,  they  commenced  by  an  insidious  debauching  of  the 
public  mind.  They  invented  an  ingenious  sophism,  which,  if  conceded,  was  followed 
by  perfectly  logical  steps  through  all  the  incidents  to  the  complete  destruction  of  the 
Union.  The  sophism  is  that  any  State  may,  consistently  with  the  national  Constitution, 
therefore  lawfully  and  peacefully  withdraw  from  the  Union,  without  the  consent  of  the 
Union  or  any  other  State.  The  little  disguise  that  the  supposed  right  is  to  be  exercised 
only  for  just  cause,  themselves  to  be  the  sole  judges  of  its  justice,  is  too  thin  to  merit  any 
notice.  With  rebellion  thus  sugar-coated,  they  have  been  drugging  the  public  mind  of  their 
section  for  more  than  thirty  years." 

In  these  brief  sentences  we  have  the  history  of  Secession. 

"  Would  it  not  be  better,  Mr.  President,"  said  Mr.  Defrees,  the  pub- 
lic printer, ;'  to  use  some  other  word  a  little  more  dignified  than  '  sugar- 
coated'  in  an  important  State  paper  which  is  to  go  down  to  all  time?" 

"  Well,  Defrees,  if  you  think  the  time  will  ever  come  when  the  peo- 
ple will  not  understand  what  'sugar-coated'  means,  I'll  alter  it;  other- 
wise I  think  I'll  let  it  go,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  with  good-humor  in  every 
wrinkle  of  his  face.  ( ' ) 

Ulysses  S.  Grant  presided  at  a  public  meeting  in  Galena,  111.     A 


ULYSSES   S.  GRANT. 


AUTUMN   OF  1861.  277 

few  days  later  he  accompanied  the  troops  from  that  town  to  the  capi- 
tal of  the  State.  He  had  seen  service  in  Mexico  as  lieutenant,  and 
was  acquainted  with  military  affairs.  At  Springfield  he  met  Major 
John  Pope. 

"  You  ought  to  go  into  the  United  States  service  again,"  said  Pope ; 
and  added,  "  I  am  acquainted  with  the  public  men  of  the  State,  and  will 
get  them  to  recommend  you." 

"  I  do  not  think  I  will  get  any  indorsement  for  permission  to  fight 
for  my  country,"  replied  Grant.  He  addressed  a  letter  to  the  adjutant- 
general  of  the  army,  offering  his  services,  but  received  no  answer. 
From  Springfield  he  journeyed  to  Covington,  Ky.,  and  visited  his  par- 
ents. The  headquarters  of  Major-general  McClellan  being  in  Cincin- 
nati, he  crossed  the  river  to  that  city,  thinking  he  would  apply  for  a 
position  as  staff -officer.  Twice  he  entered  the  apartments  of  McClellan 
for  that  purpose,  but  did  not  meet  him.  Upon  returning  to  Springfield, 
he  found  Governor  Yates  had  appointed  him  colonel  of  the  Twenty-first 
(Illinois)  Regiment.  He  was  sent  to  Missouri,  and  then  to  Cairo.  With- 
out solicitation  on  his  part  he  was  appointed  brigadier-general. 

A  Confederate  force  under  General  Leonidas  Polk  ascended  the 
Mississippi  from  Memphis  and  took  possession  of  the  high  bluffs  at  Co- 
lumbus, Ky.  The  neutrality  of  the  State  ended  with  that  act.  It  had 
been  violated  by  the  Confederates  just  as  President  Lincoln  expected  it 
would  be. 

"  The  Confederates  are  getting  ready  to  seize  Paducah,"  said  a 
Union  man  from  Columbus. 

If  the  Confederates  were  in  Kentucky,  why  should  not  Union  troops 

be  there?     Paducah  was  an  important  position.     Confederate  cannon 

planted   there   would  prevent   steamboats   passing  that   point. 

>-  It  was  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tennessee.     The  party  which  first 

gained  possession  of  that  town  would  have  great  advantage.     General 

Grant  informed  Fremont  what  he  intended  to  do,  and  then  proceeded 

to  do  it  without  waiting  for  orders. (2) 

The  people  of  Paducah  the  next  morning  were  greatly  astonished 
to  see  a  fleet  of  steamboats  crowded  with  Union  soldiers  moored  at  the 
landing.  Most  of  the  citizens  were  Secessionists,  and  were  ex- 
'  pecting  to  welcome  a  Confederate  force  under  General  Thomp- 
son. The  prompt  action  of  General  Grant  was  of  incalculable  benefit 
to  the  Union  cause  in  Kentucky,  and  gave  great  satisfaction  to  Pres- 
ident Lincolp.  Grant  issued  a  brief  address  to  the  people  of  Paducah. 
He  said : 


278  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"I  have  come  among  you  not  as  an  enemy,  but  as  your  friend  and  fellow-citizen  ;  not 
to  injure  or  annoy  you,  but  to  respect  the  rights  and  enforce  the  rights  of  all  loyal  citizens. 
An  enemy  in  rebellion  against  one  common  Government  has  taken  possession  of  and  plant- 
ed its  guns  on  the  soil  of  Kentucky  and  fired  upon  our  flag.  Hickman  and  Columbus  are 
in  his  hands.  He  is  moving  upon  your  city.  I  am  here  to  defend  you  against  this  enemy, 
and  to  assist  and  maintain  the  authority  and  sovereignty  of  your  Government  and  mine. 
I  have  nothing  to  do  with  opinion.  I  shall  deal  only  with  armed  rebellion  and  its  aiders 
and  abettors." 

"  I  like  that  address,"  said  President  Lincoln,  when  he  read  it.  "  Its 
modesty  and  brevity  show  that  the  officer  issuing  it  understands  the 
situation,  and  is  a  proper  man  to  command  there  at  this  time."(3) 

With  the  coming  of  autumn  a  series  of  antislavery  lectures  was 
given  in  the  Smithsonian  Institute,  Washington.  They  were  attended 
by  the  President,  who  was  much  pleased  with  one  given  by  Horace 
Greeley,  editor  of  the  New  York  "  Tribune." 

"  That  lecture,"  he  said  to  Mr.  Greeley,  "  is  full  of  good  thoughts, 
and  I  would  like  to  take  it  home  with  me  and  read  it  over  next  Sun- 
day.T) 

Mr.  Lincoln,  as  he  walked  out  in  the  afternoons  for  exercise,  often 
met  a  gentleman  whose  courteous  bearing  and  kindly  face  arrested  his 
attention. 

"May  I  be  so  rude  as  to  ask  your  name?"  said  the  President,  ex- 
tending his  hand. 

"  Joseph  Henry,"  the  reply. 

"  I  am  delighted  to  make  your  acquaintance,  Mr.  Henry.  I  long 
have  heard  of  you.  Come  to  the  White  House.  I  want  to  know  about 
the  Smithsonian  Institute,  with  which  you  are  connected,  and  what  is 
going  on  in  the  world  of  science."  (&) 

The  acquaintance  ripened  into  one  of  affectionate  intimacy.  Pro- 
fessor Henry  spent  many  evenings  in  the  family  apartments  at  the 
White  House.  It  was  a  great  relief  to  the  President,  after  the  per- 
plexities of  the  day,  to  converse  with  one  of  the  foremost  scientists 
of  the  age. 

Whispers  were  in  the  air  of  a  military  movement  at  Edwards  Ferry  5 

near  Leesburg.      I  hastened  to  General  McClellan's  headquarters,  but 

aids  and  clerks  had  no  information  for  a  correspondent.     There 

'  was  an  air  of  mystery  and  reticence  which  usually  acts  as  a 

stimulant  to  a  journalist.     While  waiting  to  obtain  an  interview  with 

General  McClellan,  President  Lincoln  entered  the  room.     He  gave  me 

a  cordial  greeting,  but  there  were  signs  of  intense  anxiety  on  his 

countenance. 


AUTUMN  OF   1861.  279 

"  Is  General  McClellan  in  ?"  he  asked. 

"  He  is,  Mr.  President,"  the  reply  of  a  lieutenant.  Several  minutes 
passed,  during  which  the  only  sound  breaking  the  painful  silence  was 
the  clicking  of  the  telegraph. 

"  Will  you  please  walk  this  way,  Mr.  President  ?"  said  the  lieutenant, 
returning  from  McClellan's  apartment. 

A  few  minutes  later,  Mr.  Lincoln,  with  his  head  bowed  upon  his 
breast,  his  hands  clasped  to  his  heart,  shuffling,  tottering,  reeling  as  if 
beneath  a  staggering  blow,  moved  once  more  through  the  room.  Never 
before  had  I  seen  such  anguish  on  a  human  countenance  as  upon  his 
face.  He  stumbled,  but  did  not  fall.  He  walked  towards  the  White 
House,  carrying  not  only  the  burden  of  the  nation,  but  unspeakable 
private  grief — the  intelligence  of  the  disaster  at  Ball's  Bluff,  and  the 
death  of  his  old-time  friend,  Colonel  Edward  Dickinson  Baker.  (See 
u  Drum-beat  of  the  Nation,"  p.  117.)  Yery  dear  had  been  their  friend- 
ship. They  had  practised  law  together  in  Springfield,  "  ridden  the  cir- 
cuit" side  by  side  till  the  outbreak  of  the  war  with  Mexico,  in  which 
Baker  served  as  colonel.  He  had  been  elected  Senator  from  Oregon. 
When  the  Rebellion  began  he  raised  a  regiment  at  his  own  expense 
in  New  York  and  Pennsylvania.  President  Lincoln  offered  to  make 
him  a  brigadier-general,  but  the  offer  was  declined.  I  recalled  a  scene 
in  the  Senate  a  few  weeks  before  his  death.  Senator  Breckinridge, 
Yice-president  under  Buchanan,  was  bitterly  opposing  the  prosecution 
of  the  war. 

"  War  is  separation ;  it  is  disunion — eternal  disunion,"  he  said.  At 
this  moment  Colonel  Baker,  wearing  his  uniform,  entered  the  chamber. 
He  had  not  resigned  his  senatorship.  He  did  not  intend  to  remain,  or 
notice  what  was  going  on,  but  stood  for  a  moment  as  if  riveted  to  the 
spot,  then  deliberately  seated  himself  and  looked  into  the  face  of  the 
former  Vice-president. 

"We  have,"  Breckinridge  went  on,  " separation  now;  it  will  be 
worse  as  the  war  goes  on.  In  addition  to  the  moans  and  cries  of  wid- 
ows and  orphans,  you  will  hear  the  cry  of  distress  for  the  wants  and 
comforts  of  life.  .  .  .  The  Pacific  slope  is  now  devoted,  doubtless,  to  the 
Union ;  but  if  you  increase  the  burdens  of  taxation,  will  they  remain  ? 
You  already  see  New  England  and  the  great  North-west  in  a  measure 
divided.  Fight  twelve  months  and  you  will  have  three  confederacies, 
and  a  little  longer  and  you  will  have  four." 

Colonel  Baker  arose.  "  Mr.  President,"  he  said,  "  what  words  are 
these  ?  What  their  meaning  \  Are  they  not  words  of  brilliant,  pol- 


280  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

ished  treason  ?  What  would  have  been  thought  if,  in  another  capital, 
another  republic,  in  a  yet  more  martial  age,  a  Senator  as  grave — not 
more  eloquent  or  dignified  than  the  Senator  from  Kentucky,  yet  with 
the  Eoman  purple  flowing  over  his  shoulders — had  risen  in  his  place, 
surrounded  by  all  the  illustrations  of  Koman  glory,  and  declared  that 
advancing  Hannibal  was  just,  and  that  Carthage  ought  to  be  dealt  with 
in  terms  of  peace  ?  What  would  have  been  thought  if,  after  the  battle 
of  Canna3,  a  Senator  had  then  risen  in  his  place  and  denounced  every 
levy  of  the  Koman  people,  every  expenditure  of  its  treasure,  and  every 
appeal  to  the  old  recollections  and  the  old  glories  ?" 

A  voice  was  heard — that  of  William  Pitt  Fessenden,  of  Maine : 
"  He  would  have  been  hurled  from  the  Tarpeian  Rock." 
"Does  not  the  Senator  from  Kentucky  know,"  continued  Baker, 
"that  every  word  he  has  uttered  will  be  an  inspiration  to  every  Con- 
federate ear?     For  myself,  I  have  no  such  words  to  utter.     For  me, 
amid  temporary  defeat,  disaster,  disgrace,  it  seems  that  my  duty  calls 
me  to  utter  another  word — a  word  for  bold,  sudden,  forward,  determined 
war,  according  to  the  laws  of  war,  advancing  with  all  the  past  glories 
of  the  republic  urging  us  on." 

"  I  warn  Southern  gentlemen,"  said  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, "  that  if  this  war  continues  there  will  be  a  time  when  it  will  be 
declared  a  free  nation,  that  every  bondman  of  the  South  belonging  to 
rebels — I  confine  it  to  them — shall  be  called  upon  to  aid  us  in  a  war 
against  their  masters  and  to  restore  the  Union." 

Colonel  Baker  had  obeyed  the  orders  of  his  superior  officer  in  an 
ill-planned  movement  resulting  in  disaster.  A  few  hours  after  witness- 
ing the  agony  of  President  Lincoln,  I  stood  beside  the  body  of  the  fallen 
commander,  and  beheld  his  face  peaceful  in  death,  and  recalled  the  lines 
he  had  composed  "  To  a  Wave :" 

"Dost  thou  seek  a  star  with  tby  swelling  crest 

0  Wave,  that  leavest  thy  mother's  breast  ? 
Dost  thou  leap  from  the  prisoned  depths  below 
In  scorn  of  their  calm  and  constant  flow  ? 

Or  art  thou  seeking  some  distant  land, 
To  die  in  murmurs  upon  the  strand  ? 

"I  too  am  a  wave  on  the  stormy  sea  ; 

1  too  am  a  wanderer,  driven  like  thee  ; 
I  too  am  seeking  a  distant  land, 

To  be  lost  and  gone  ere  I  reach  the  strand  ; 

For  the  land  I  seek  is  a  waveless  shore, 

And  those  who  once  reach  it  shall  wander  no  more." 


AUTUMN   OF   1861. 


281 


In  Missouri  and  Virginia  slaves  were  flocking  to  the  Union  Army. 
No  argument  was  needed  to  convince  them  the  war  was  being  waged 
on  their  account — that  the  Stars  and  Stripes  was  the  banner  of  free- 
dom. They  were  ready  to  act  as  guides,  use  the  spade  and  shovel, 


A  CONTRABAND  COMING  INTO  CAMP. 


282  LIFE    OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

drive  teams,  cook  for  officers  and  soldiers.  We  shall  see  as  this  biog- 
raphy goes  on  the  gradual  growth  of  the  idea  that  slavery  had  caused 
the  war,  that  it  was  in  a  great  degree  the  strength  of  the  Kebellion, 
and  must  be  annihilated. 

Senator  Trumbull,  of  Illinois,  introduced  a  bill  in  Congress  which 
gave  freedom  to  all  slaves  used  by  the  rebels  in  carrying  on  the  war. 
Senator  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  and  other  members  from  the  bor- 
der Slave  States  opposed  it.  Those  who  advocated  its  passage  said 
slaves  were  constructing  fortifications,  driving  teams,  and  doing  the 
drudgery  in  the  Confederate  armies  without  pay.  It  was  the  expecta- 
tion of  their  freedom  that  led  them  to  steal  away  from  their  cabins  at 
night  and  enter  the  Union  lines.  The  bill  became  a  law. 

General  Fremont,  ( 6 )  who  had  been  Kepublican  candidate  for  Presi- 
dent in  1856,  was  military  commander  in  Missouri,  and  proclaimed  mar- 
tial law,  declaring  slaves  of  rebels  to  be  free  men.  The  proclamation 
was  hailed  with  joy  by  those  who  wanted  to  see  slavery  at  once  swept 
from  the  land,  but  it  gave  great  offence  to  those  who  were  prosecuting 
the  war  solely  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union.  General  Fremont  had 
assumed  an  authority  not  conferred  upon  him  by  Congress,  and  the  Pres- 
ident was  obliged  to  inform  him  and  the  public  that  the  proclamation 
must  be  set  aside.  This  act  of  President  Lincoln  was  severely  denounced 
by  those  who  demanded  the  immediate  abolition  of  slavery,  and  who 
saw  only  one  phase  of  the  struggle.  There  was  another  side  which 
the  President  saw,  and  he  made  it  very  plain  in  a  letter  to  one  of  his 
friends : 

"  The  proclamation  is  simply  dictatorship.  It  assumes  that  a  general  may  do  any  thing- 
he  pleases — confiscate  the  lands  and  free  the  slaves  oiloyal  people,  as  well  as  disloyal  ones. 
...  I  cannot  assume  this  reckless  position,  nor  allow  others  to  assume  it  on  my  responsi- 
bility. .  .  .  What  I  object  to  is  that  as  President  I  shall  expressly  or  impliedly  seize  and 
exercise  the  legislative  function  of  government.  .  .  .  No  doubt  the  thing  was  popular  in 
some  quarters.  The  Kentucky  Legislature  would  not  budge  till  the  proclamation  was. 
modified,  and  General  Anderson  telegraphed  me  that  on  the  news  of  General  Fremont 
having  actually  issued  deeds  of  manumission,  a  whole  company  of  our  volunteers  threw 
down  their  arms  and  disbanded.  I  was  so  amazed  to  think  that  the  very  arms  we  had 
furnished  Kentucky  would  be  turned  against  us.  I  think  that  to  lose  Kentucky  is  nearly 
to  lose  the  whole  game.  Kentucky  gone,  we  cannot  hold  Missouri,  nor,  as  I  think,  Mary- 
land. These  all  against  us,  and  the  job  on  our  hands  is  too  large  for  us.  On  the  con- 
trary, if  you  will  give  up  your  restlessness  for  new  positions  and  back  me  up  manfully 
on  the  grounds  upon  which  you  and  other  kind  friends  gave  me  the  election,  we  shall  go 
through  triumphantly." 

The  man  whom  divine  Providence  had  called  to  be  ruler  of  the 


AUTUMN  OF   1861.  283 

nation  knew  that  great  ideas  are  of  slow  growth,  and  so,  undisturbed  by 
clamor  of  friend  or  foe,  he  chose  the  course  which  seemed  to  him  best 
adapted  for  the  ultimate  welfare  of  the  nation. 

The  setting  aside  of  Fremont's  proclamation  marshalled  Kentucky 
on  the  side  of  the  Union,  for  which  her  sons  were  ready  to  lay  down 
their  lives.  They  had  not  advanced  far  enough  to  comprehend  that  sla- 
very must  be  eradicated,  root  and  branch,  before  there  could  be  a  restored 
Union.  Only  by  the  logic  of  events  would  they  be  able  to  understand 
it,  and  acquiesce  in  the  edict  which  would  give  freedom  to  the  slave. 

A  fleet  of  war-ships  sailed  from  Fortress  Monroe  under  the  com- 
mand of  Admiral  Dupont,  also  a  large  number  of  steamers  carrying 
12,000  soldiers  under  General  W.  T.  Sherman.  The  captain  of  each 
vessel  received  a  letter  which  he  was  not  to  open  till  after  passing 
Capes  Charles  and  Henry.  None  on  board  the  fleet  except  Admiral 
Dupont  and  General  Sherman  knew  their  destination,  but  the  morning 
after  the  fleet  sailed,  Mr.  Benjamin,  Confederate  Secretary  of  War,  was 
able  to  send  a  telegram  to  Governor  Pickens,  of  South  Carolina,  in- 
forming him  that  it  was  bound  for  Port  Royal.  Confederate  spies  in 
Washington  had  furnished  the  information. 

It  was  seen  that  the   navy  must  have  a  harbor  where  the  vessels, 
blockading  Charleston  and  Savannah  could  obtain  coal  and  make  re- 
pairs.    The  Confederates  had  erected  two  forts  to  defend  it — 
'  Fort  Walker,  on  Hilton  Head,  and  Fort  Beauregard,  on  the  oppo- 
site shore.     Fifty-two  heavy  cannon  had  been  mounted. 

Admiral  Dupont  had  thirteen  vessels.  The  frigate  Wabasn  led  in. 
the  attack,  followed  by  the  Susquehanna,  and  the  gunboatk  The 
forts  opened  fire,  but  with  little  effect,  the  guns  not  being  well  aimed. 
Round  and  round  in  an  ellipse  sailed  the  ships,  sending  such  a  storm  of 
shells  into  the  forts  that  the  troops  soon  fled  in  consternation.  The  fleet 
steamed  on  to  Beaufort,  from  which  the  white  inhabitants  precipitately 
fled.  When  the  gunboats  reached  the  town  the  slaves  were  having  a 
saturnalia:  drinking  costly  wines  and  helping  themselves  to  whatever 
suited  their  fancy.  They  did  not  run  from  the  Union  soldiers,  but 
welcomed  them  as  friends.  So  once  more  the  old  flag  was  waving  in 
South  Carolina,  to  the  great  joy  of  President  Lincoln  and  the  loyal 
people  of  the  country. 

The  sympathy  of  England  was  seen  at  the  beginning  of  the  war  by 
the  haste  with  which  the  British  Government  recognized  the  Con- 
federacy as  a  belligerent  power.  Jefferson  Davis  appointed  James  M. 
Mason,  of  Virginia,  Minister  to  England,  and  John  Slidell,  of  Louisiana,. 


284  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Minister  to  France.  They  sailed  from  Charleston  to  Cuba,  and  from 
thence  took  passage  on  the  English  steamer  Trent  for  England.  Commo- 
dore Wilkes  in  the  war -ship  San  Jacinto  overhauled  the  Trent,  took 
Mason  and  Slidell  on  board  his  own  vessel  to  Boston,  where  they  were 
confined  in  Fort  Warren. 

"  I  considered  them,"  said  Commodore  Wilkes,  "  as  the  embodiment 
of  despatches.  .  .  .  The  cargo  was  also  liable,  as  all  the  shippers  were 
knowing  to  the  embarkation  of  these  live  despatches  and  their  traitor- 
ous motives  and  actions  to  the  Union."  He  did  not  seize  the  vessel 
under  international  law,  because  by  so  doing  he  would  greatly  incon- 
venience the  passengers  on  board.  Great  the  rejoicing  through  the 
country.  Mason  and  Slidell  had  been  among  the  chief  conspirators  to 
bring  about  the  war.  Their  course  while  in  the  Senate  had  been  that 
of  traitors.  The  Secretary  of  the  Navy  wrote  Wilkes  a  letter  approv- 
ing his  "brave,  adroit,  and  patriotic  conduct."  In  Boston  the  citizens 
assembled  in  Faneuil  Hall,  applauded  the  action,  and  gave  Wilkes  a 
banquet.  Congress  passed  without  a  dissenting  voice  a  resolution  of 
thanks.  But  there  was  one  man  in  Washington  who  was  looking  at  the 
other  side  of  the  case — how  the  transaction  would  seem  to  him  if  he 
were  a  member  of  the  British  Ministry.  Before  calling  the  Cabinet  to- 
gether, President  Lincoln  had  a  talk  with  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy 
and  the  Attorney-general. 

"  What  shall  we  do  with  Mason  and  Slidell?"  he  asked.  "  Will  they 
not  be  white  elephants  on  our  hands?  The  people  are  so  incensed 
against  them  I  fear  it  will  be  difficult  to  prevent  an  outbreak.(7)  I  am 
not  getting  much  sleep  out  of  that  exploit  of  Wilkes's,  and  I  suppose 
we  must  look  up  the  laws  of  the  case.  I  am  not  much  of  a  prize  lawyer, 
but  it  seems  to  me  pretty  clear  that  if  Wilkes  saw  fit  to  make  the 
capture  on  the  high  seas  he  had  no  right  to  turn  his  quarter-deck  into 
a  prize  court."  (8) 

Upon  the  arrival  of  the  Trent  at  Southampton,  all  England  flushed 
with  anger  at  the  audacity  of  the  outrage,  forgetting  that  the  frigates 
of  England  before  the  War  of  1812  had  stopped  hundreds  of  American 
vessels,  and  seized  American  seamen,  compelling  them  to  serve  in  the 
English  Navy.  That  war  was  waged  chiefly  by  the  United  States  for 
the  protection  of  the  rights  of  sailors. 

In  all  the  English  dockyards  there  was  the  utmost  activity.  Eight 
thousand  soldiers  were  sent  to  Canada.  An  imperious  demand  was  made 
for  the  liberation  of  Mason  and  Slidell  and  their  secretaries. 

It  seems  probable  that  Mr.  Seward  at  the  outset  may  have  felt,  in 


AUTUMN   OF  1861.  285 

common  with  the  people  of  the  North  and  with  Congress,  a  momentary 
exultation ;  but  he  saw,  as  the  President  had  seen,  that  the  United  States 
ought  not  to  hold  Mason  and  Slidell.  Before  having  any  communica- 
tion with  Lord  Lyons,  the  President  and  the  Secretary  of  State  outlined 
the  proper  course  to  be  pursued.  No  State  paper  written  by  Mr.  Seward 
surpasses  in  ability  that  in  relation  to  the  Trent  affair.  These  the  clos- 
ing words : 

"  If  I  decide  this  case  in  favor  of  my  Government,  I  must  disavow  its  most  cherished 
principles,  and  reverse  and  forever  abandon  its  essential  policy.  The  country  cannot  afford 
the  sacrifice.  If  I  maintain  those  principles  and  adhere  to  that  policy,  I  must  surrender 
the  law  itself.  .  .  .  The  four  persons  are  now  held  in  military  custody  at  Fort  Warren,  in 
the  State  of  Massachusetts.  They  will  be  cheerfully  liberated." 

In  the  annals  of  diplomacy  there  are  few  triumphs  more  illustrious. 
England  could  have  no  pretext  for  a  quarrel  with  the  United  States. 

The  beautiful  autumnal  days  were  passing  away.  McClellan  was 
holding  frequent  reviews,  as  if  preparing  for  a  movement,  but  other 
than  this  there  were  no  indications  of  a  campaign.  The  people  were 
becoming  impatient.  "Why  did  not  the  army  move  ?  they  asked.  Why 
was  there  not  some  attempt  made  to  drive  the  Confederates  from  the 
batteries  they  had  erected  along  the  Potomac  below  Mount  Yernon? 
Why  not  do  something  to  enable  the  frigate  Minnesota,  lying  at  Wash- 
ington Navy-yard,  to  reach  Chesapeake  Bay  ?  Why  allow  a  handful  of 
Confederates,  not  more  than  4000  in  number,  to  throw  up  fortifications 
on  Munson's  Hill  within  cannon-shot  of  the  Potomac?  Members  of 
Congress  could  see  from  the  windows  of  the  Capitol  the  Confederate 
flag  waving  defiantly  above  the  intrenchments.  Instead  of  any  move- 
ment, the  nightly  telegram  was  sent  to  the  newspapers  of  the  country  : 

"All  quiet  along  the  Potomac!" 

It  was  not  what  loyal  people  wanted.  Before  September  closed 
many  expressions  of  discontent  reached  the  President.  By  their  secret 
agents  and  lines  of  communication  the  Confederates  were  cognizant  of 
everything  going  on  in  Washington.  The  newspapers  of  New  York 
were  regularly  received  in  Richmond  the  day  after  their  publication. 

The  extravagance  and  inefficiency  of  General  Fremont  in  Missouri 
was  so  manifest  that  the  President  felt  it  his  duty  to  appoint  another 
commander  in  that  department.  He  selected  General  Halleck, 
who  had  received  a  military  education.  The  removal  of  Fremont 
greatly  offended  those  who  wanted  to  see  slavery  immediately  abol- 
ished, and  they  attributed  his  removal  to  the  President's  dissatisfaction 


286  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

with  Fremont's  proclamation.  Halleck  directed  that  fugitive  slaves  at- 
tempting to  enter  the  lines  of  the  army  should  be  excluded.  He  as- 
sumed they  would  go  back  and  give  valuable  information  to  the  enemy. 
The  soldiers  knew  the  slaves  would  not  return  to  their  masters.  The 
course  pursued  by  the  new  commander  increased  the  difficulties  and 
perplexities  of  the  President. 

The  expedition  fitted  out  by  General  Butler  was  nearly  ready  to  sail 
for  the  Gulf  of  Mexico. 

"  Get  into  New  Orleans,  if  you  can,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  and  the 
backbone  of  the  Rebellion  will  be  broken.  It  is  of  more  importance 
than  anything  else  that  can  now  be  done  ;  but  don't  interfere  with 
the  slavery  question,  as  Fremont  did  in  St.  Louis." 

"  May  I  not  arm  the  negroes  ?"  Butler  asked. 

"  'Not  yet ;  not  yet." 

"  But  Jackson  armed  them,  Mr.  President,  in  1815." 

"  Not  to  fight  against  their  masters,  general,  but  with  them.?' 

"  I  will  wait,  Mr.  President,  for  the  word  or  the  necessity." 

"  That  is  right.     God  be  with  you."  (9) 

With  this  benediction  General  Butler  sailed  with  his  army  for  the 
mouth  of  the  Mississippi. 

It  is  one  of  the  anomalies  of  history  that  those  members  of  Congress 
whose  sympathies  were  with  the  Confederates  should  have  been  on  most 
friendly  terms  with  General  McClellan.  A  loyal  member,  familiar  with 
affairs,  William  D.  Kelley,  of  Pennsylvania,  has  given  this  statement 
relative  to  McClellan's  associates : 

"  The  headquarters  of  the  general-in-chief  soon  became  a  rendezvous 
for  the  master-spirits  of  the  reactionary  force.  Here  frequent  confer- 
ences were  held,  in  which  Messrs.  Vallandigham  and  George  H.  Pendle- 
ton,  of  the  House,  and  Senators  Milton  S.  Latham  and  Henry  M.  Rice 
were  conspicuous.  These  meetings  were  characterized  by  a  prominent 
Democrat,  who  revolted  from  their  objects  (Mr.  Odell,  of  New  York), 
as  a  "  continuing  caucus  "  for  the  consideration  of  plans  of  resistance  to 
all  measures  which  proposed  to  strengthen  the  army  and  navy,  to  pro- 
vide means  for  their  pay,  sustenance,  the  munitions  of  war,  and  means 
of  transportation  ;  and  to  devise  means  of  embarrassing  the  Government 
by  constitutional  quibbles  and  legal  subtleties." 

Let  us  remember  that  these  consultations  were  had,  acccording  to  this 
statement,  in  the  headquarters  of  General  McClellan.  Mr.  Kelley  goes 
on :  "  It  was  here,  so  it  was  then  said,  that  Vallandigham  was  inspired 
to  take  such  a  course  with  reference  to  the  surrender  of  Mason  and  Sli- 


AUTUMN   OF   1861.  287 

<lell  as  might  result  in  war  with  Great  Britain.  Here,  too,  a  preliminary 
draft  of  the  resolutions  of  Mr.  Pendleton,  which  declared  that  Congress 
alone  has  the  power,  under  the  Constitution,  to  suspend  the  privilege  of 
the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  was  said  to  have  been  discussed.  .  .  .  Here,  too, 
at  the  headquarters  of  the  general-in-chief,  indignities  as  gross,  if  not 
more  gross,  than  those  which  drove  General  Scott  into  retirement,  were 
flagrantly  inflicted  upon  the  President  of  the  United  States.  Among 
General  Scott's  complaints  was  that  his  subordinate  refused  to  confer 
with  him  ;  and  when  the  President,  impelled  by  anxiety  for  the  country, 
waived  questions  of  official  etiquette  and  proceeded  to  headquarters,  the 
announcement  of  his  presence  was  more  than  once  greeted  with  boister- 
ous and  derisive  laughter,  evidently  intended  for  his  ears ;  and  there  was 
one  occasion  when  it  was  more  than  whispered  by  those  immediately 
about  the  President,  that  he  was  made  to  wait  nearly  an  hour,  while 
men  who  denied  the  right  of  the  Government  to  maintain  the  Union  by 
force  of  arms  engaged  McClellan's  attention ;  and  when,  at  his  own  good 
time,  the  general  concluded  to  see  his  commander-in-chief,  his  departing 
guests  visibly  sneered  as  they  passed  the  cold  chamber  in  which  he  had 
been  so  long  imprisoned. "(10) 

To  understand  this  indignity  towards  the  President  we  must  take 
into  account  the  ideas  underlying  the  war.  It  was  a  conflict  between 
two  forms  of  society — on  the  one  side  Aristocracy,  in  which  a  cultured 
few  ruled  the  uneducated  many  and  lived  upon  their  unrequited  toil ;  on 
the  other  side  Democracy,  the  rule  of  all  the  people.  It  was  far  more 
than  the  preservation  of  the  Union.  Jefferson  Davis,  representing  aris- 
tocracy, had  been  educated  by  the  nation  at  West  Point.  The  aristo- 
cratic government  of  which  he  was  the  head  had  made  slavery  its  foun- 
dation. The  members  of  Congress  who  gathered  in  the  spacious  mansion 
selected  by  General  McClellan  for  his  military  residence  had  received 
their  education  in  college  and  university.  McClellan,  elevated  by  Presi- 
dent Lincoln  to  command  the  army,  had  also  been  educated  at  West 
Point.  He  had  been  an  honored  delegate  to  observe  military  operations 
in  the  Crimean  War.  He  was  cultured  and  refined.  He  had  suddenly 
been  called  when  a  young  man  from  the  management  of  a  railroad  to 
command  half  a  million  men  in  arms.  He  desired  the  preservation  of 
the  Union,  but  it  must  be  restored  just  as  it  was  before  the  conspirators 
began  the  conflict.  Slavery  was  not  to  be  harmed. 

Abraham  Lincoln  was  the  representative  of  democracy.  His  poverty 
had  been  so  pinching  that  he  had  received  only  a  few  weeks'  instruction 
in  the  log1  school -house  of  the  frontier.  Life  had  been  a  battle  with 


288  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

hardship  and  privation.  His  heart  went  out  to  every  needy  and  strug- 
gling being,  irrespective  of  race  or  social  condition.  He  lived  not  for 
himself,  but  for  his  fellow-men.  The  question  once  uttered  by  phari- 
saical  lips  in  the  marble  corridors  of  Herod's  temple — "  How  knoweth 
this  man  letters,  having  never  learned  ?" — after  eighteen  centuries  was 
repeated  in  the  drawing-room  of  the  general-in-chief  of  the  army  of 
the  republic.  But  in  that  mansion  it  was  accompanied  by  contumely 
and  contempt. 

Great  benefactors  have  ever  been  maligned  by  their  fellow-men. 
Moses,  Elijah,  Socrates,  William  the  Silent,  were  reviled — and  Him  of 
Nazareth,  the  greatest  of  all.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  an  exception.  He 
was  scoffed  by  his  enemies,  and  depreciated  by  hypocritical  friends. 


NOTES   TO   CHAPTER    XV. 

/ 

1 l )  J.  G.  Holland,  "  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  322. 

(2)  U.  S.  Grant,  "Personal  Memoirs,"  vol.  i.,  p.  239. 

(3)  A.  H.  Marklaud,  "  Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  322. 

(4)  Horace  Greeley  was  born  at  Amherst,  N.  H.,  February  3,  1811.      At  the  age  of 
thirteen  he  was  apprenticed  to  learn  the  art  of  printing,  at  Poultney,  Vt.     His  parents 
moved  to  Erie,  Pa.,  and  he  twice  visited  them,  walking  most  of  the  distance.     In  1831 
he  began  work  in  New  York  City  as  a  journeyman  printer.     He  thought  the  public 
would  patronize  a  cheap  paper,  and  with  Mr.  H.  D.  Shepard  established  the  "Morning 
Post,"  the  first  penny  paper  ever  published.     He  became  editor  of  the  "  New  Yorker"  in 
1834;    it  was  devoted  to  literature,  and  attained  a  circulation  of  9000  in  a  short  time. 
During  the  political  campaign  of  1840  Mr.  Greeley  edited  the  "Log  Cabin;"    it  had  a 
circulation  of  more  than  80,000.     On  April  10,  1841,  in  company  with  Mr.  McElrath,  he 
began  the  publication  of  the  "  Daily  Tribune."     He  continued  as  its  editor  till  his  death. 
He  gave  many  lectures  and  public  addresses.     He  was  an  able  journalist,  impulsive  and 
erratic.     He  thought  it  would  be  better  for  the  country  to  allow  the  seceded  States  to 
establish  a  confederacy.      He  supported  and  opposed  by  turns  the  Administration  of 
President  Lincoln,  but  ever  earnestly  labored  to  promote  what  seemed  to  him  the  best 
welfare  of  the  country.    In  1872  he  accepted  the  nomination  of  the  Democratic  Party  as 
President — the  party  which  through  life  he  had  strenuously  opposed.     He  published  a 
history  of  the  war,  entitled  "The  American  Conflict."    The  unremitting  labor  of  a  third 
of  a  century  during  a  most  exciting  period,  the  turmoil  of  a  political  campaign,  the  death 
of  a  beloved  wife,  exhausted  the  powers  of  nature.     He  died  November  29.  1872,  a  few 
weeks  after  the  close  of  the  political  campaign. — Author. 

(B)  Joseph  Henry  was  born  December  17,  1797,  at  Albany,  N.  Y.  He  began  life  as  a 
watch-maker.  He  early  gave  his  attention  to  science,  and  was  appointed  Professor  of 
Mathematics  in  Albany  Academy,  1826.  He  began  experiments  in  electricity  by  using 
an  electro-magnet.  He  rang  a  bell  by  electricity  in  1831,  demonstrating  its  use  by 
conveying  signals.  He  was  appointed  Professor  of  Natural  Philosophy  in  Princeton 
College.  He  was  appointed  Regent  of  Smithsonian  Institute,  184(x  He  was  one  of 
the  founders  of  the  American  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science.  President 
Lincoln  found  great  pleasure  in  his  society.  He  died  May  13,  1878. 


AUTUMN   OF   1861.  289 

(6)  General  John  Charles  Fremont  was  born  in  Savannah,  Ga.,  January  21,  1813. 
He  was  educated  at  Charleston  College.  He  was  appointed  instructor  of  mathematics 
in  the  navy,  1833-35.  He  received  the  appointment  of  second  lieutenant  of  Topo- 
graphical Engineers,  1837.  He  became  son-in-law  to  Senator  Benton,  of  Missouri,  and 
through  Mr.  Beuton's  iuflnence  was  appointed  to  command  an  expedition  to  explore  an 
overland  route  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.  He  assisted  in  the  conquest  of  California,  and  was 
appointed  Military  Governor.  He  was  elected  Senator  from  that  State  upon  its  admission 
to  the  Union.  He  explored  a  new  route  to  the  Pacific  at  his  own  expense,  1853.  Upon 
the  formation  of  the  National  Eepublican  Party,  1856,  he  was  nominated  as  candidate 
for  the  Presidency,  and  received  114  electoral  votes  against  174  given  to  Buchanan. 
He  was  appointed  major-general  in  the  United  States  Army,  1861,  and  assigned  to  com- 
mand the  Western  Department.  His  military  administration  was  conducted  without 
regard  to  economical  considerations.  His  proclamation  in  relation  to  the  freedom  of 
slaves  greatly  embarrassed  the  President.  In  1862  he  was  assigned  to  West  Virginia,  but 
resigned  his  commission,  not  being  willing  to  serve  under  an  officer  of  inferior  rank. 
— Author. 

( ' )  Gideon  Welles,  "  Galaxy  Magazine,"  1883,  p.  647. 

(6)  Titian  J.  Coffey,  "Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  142. 

(")  B.  F.  Butler,  "Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  142. 

(  10)  William  D.  Kelley,  "Lincoln  and  Stanton,"  p.  6. 
19 


290  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


CHAPTER    XYI. 

WINTER   OF   1862. 

f  I  THE  year  opened  with  half  a  million  men  in  arms.  Very  little  had 
-*-  been  accomplished  by  the  Union  generals.  McClellan  had  organ- 
ized a  great  army,  but  with  the  coming  of  winter  it  was  dwindling 
rather  than  increasing.  The  hospitals  were  filled  with  patients.  He 
had  no  plan  for  a  movement.  General  Halleck  was  in  command  in 
Missouri,  General  Buell  in  Kentucky.  There  was  no  co-operation  be- 
tween them.  The  President  endeavored  to  bring  about  unity  of  action. 
"  I  state,"  he  wrote  to  Buell  and  Halleck,  "  my  general  idea  of  the  war 
to  be  that  we  have  the  greater  numbers,  and  the  enemy  has  the  greater 
facility  of  concentrating  forces  upon  points  of  collision ;  that  we  must 
fail  unless  we  can  find  some  way  of  making  our  advantage  an  over- 
match for  his ;  and  this  can  be  done  only  by  menacing  him  with 
superior  forces  at  different  points  at  the  same  time."  He  went  on 
to  say  he  wanted  Halleck  to  menace  Columbus  on  the  Mississippi,  and 
Buell  at  the  same  time  to  move  upon  the  force  under  Johnston,  at 
Bowling  Green,  in  Central  Kentucky.  Buell  took  no  notice  of  the  let- 
ter, possibly  thinking,  though  Mr.  Lincoln  was  commander -in  chief, 
he  knew  nothing  about  military  affairs. 

Halleck  sent  no  reply  to  the  President,  but  wrote  McClellan  the 
idea  of  moving  down  the  Mississippi  was  impracticable,  or  at  least  pre- 
mature. He  thought  it  better  to  move  up  the  Tennessee  and  carry  out 
a  plan  which  had  been  suggested.  He  must  have  60,000  men  before 
undertaking  it. 

The  President  awoke  to  the  fact  that  the  three  commanders  were 
three  do -nothings.  Neither  McClellan  nor  Buell  had  any  plan,  and 
Halleck  wanted  a  great  army,  before  undertaking  any  movement. 

The  people  of  eastern  Tennessee,  who  had  declared  for  the  Union, 
were  being  arrested  and  imprisoned  by  Confederates  from  Georgia  and 
Texas.  Refugees  had  pitiable  stories  to  tell  of  sufferings.  The  Presi- 
dent was  anxious  that  Buell  should  move  to  their  relief,  but  nothing 
was  done. 


WINTER   OF   1862. 


291 


The  Confederate  Government  determined  to  secure  central  Ken- 
tucky. Two  expeditions  were  planned  to  invade  the  eastern  section  of 
that  State.  General  Humphrey  Marshall,  with  3000  men,  prepared  to 
descend  the  valley  of  the  Big  Sandy  River,  and  General  Felix  Zolli- 
coffer, with  10,000,  began  a  movement  from  Tennessee  towards  the  cen- 
tral section  of  the  State. 

Colonel  James  A.  Garfield,  commanding  the  Forty-second  Ohio  regi- 
ment at  Columbus,  was  directed  by  Buell  to  proceed  with  his  own  and 
two  other  regiments  against  Marshall.     He  went  up  the  Big 
Sandy  and  attacked  him  ;  the  Confederates  fled  in  confusion. 
The  battle  was  quickly  over,  but  the  victory  secured  eastern  Kentucky 
to  the  Union. 

Two  Union  brigades  —  one  under   General  George  B.  Thomas,  at 
Columbia,  the  other  under  General  Schoepf,  at  Somerset,  twenty  miles 
farther  east — were  moving  towards 
Mill  Springs  to  confront  Zollicoffer. 
The    Confederate    commander    re- 
solved to  make  a  rapid  march   by 
night,  and  fall  upon  Thomas  before 
the  brigades  united. 

In  the  dim  light  of  the  winter 
morning  the  Union  pickets  discov- 
ered the  advancing  Confederates. 
The  drums  beat  the  long  roll,  and 
Thomas's  lines  were  quickly 
'formed.  The  battle  raged 
furiously,  but  after  an  hour's  strug- 
gle the  Confederates  fled  in  disor- 
der. Zollicoffer,  whom  we  have 
seen  member  of  the  Peace  Conven- 
tion before  the  inauguration  of  Mr.  Lincoln  as  President,  had  been  killed. 

The  successes  of  Garfield  and  Thomas  aroused  the  enthusiasm  of  the 
country.  The  President  issued  a  letter,  congratulating  the  troops  upon 
the  victories.  More  than  half  of  the  Union  soldiers  engaged  were 
Kentuckians.  People  began  to  see  how  wise  and  prudent  the  Presi- 
dent had  been  in  his  course.  The  State  had  abandoned  its  neutral 
position,  and  was  standing  by  the  Union. 

Mr.  Lincoln  suggested  a  general  movement  towards  Richmond, 
which  would  threaten  communication  between  that  city  and  Johnston's 
army  at  Centreville.  This  the  reply  of  McClellan  : 


HENRY  W.  HALLECK. 


292  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  Information  leads  me  to  believe  that  the  enemy  could  meet  us  in 
front  with  nearly  equal  forces,  and  I  have  my  mind  actively  turned 
towards  another  campaign  that  I  do  not  think  at  all  anticipated  by  the 
enemy,  nor  by  many  of  our  own  people."  (') 

The  army  in  and  around  Washington  numbered  nearly  200,000 
men.  McClellan  had  employed  Mr.  Pinkerton  to  ascertain  the  number 
of  Confederate  troops  at  Centreville  and  Manassas.  His  spies  reported 
there  were  80,000  immediately  in  front  of  Washington,  18,000  of  them 
supporting  the  batteries  along  the  Potomac ;  that  the  total  Confeder- 
ate force  in  Northern  Virginia  was  115,000.  The  reports  were  greatly 
exaggerated.  We  now  know  the  force  was  only  47,000. 

The  discontent  of  the  people  at  the  inaction  of  the  army  manifested 
itself  in  Congress  by  the  appointment  of  a  "  Committee  on  the  Conduct 
of  the  War."  McClellan  paid  little  heed  to  the  murmurings  of  the 
people  or  to  the  committee  of  Congress.  He  was  taken  ill  and  confined 
several  weeks  to  his  chamber. 

The  President  was  in  distress  over  the  prospect,  and  held  a  confer- 
ence with  General  McDowell  and  General  Franklin. 

"  I  am  in  great  trouble,"  he  said,  "  for  if  something  is  not  soon  done 
the  bottom  will  be  out  of  the  whole  affair.  If  General  McClellan  does 
not  want  to  use  the  army,  I  would  like  to  borrow  it,  provided  I  can 
see  how  it  can  be  made  to  do  something.  What  movement,  General 
McDowell,  can  be  made  ?" 

McDowell  replied  that  an  advance  against  both  flanks  of  the  Con- 
federate army  would  compel  it  to  leave  the  intrenchments  at  Centreville 
and  accept  battle  on  terms  favorable  to  the  Union  troops.  General 
Franklin  thought  it  would  be  better  to  move  on  Kichmond  by  way  of 
York  Elver. 

"  But  that  will  require  a  great  number  of  vessels  and  involve  a  large 
expense,"  the  President  replied.  "Think  the  matter  over,  and  let  me 
know  your  conclusions  to-morrow  evening." 

"  In  view  of  the  time  and  means  it  would  require  to  take  the  army 
to  a  distant  base,  operations  can  best  be  carried  on  from  the  pres- 
'  ent  position,"  read  the  paper  prepared  by  McDowell  and  Frank- 
lin. Mr.  Seward,  Mr.  Chase,  Mr.  Blair,  and  Quartermaster-general  Meigs 
were  present  when  the  paper  was  submitted,  but  nothing  was  decided. 

A  second  conference  was  held  with  McClellan  present.  McDowell, 
with  proper  deference  to  his  superior  officer,  and  to  the  Pres- 
'  ident  as  commander -in- chief,  said  he  had  submitted  his  sug- 
gestions at  the  request  of  Mr.  Lincoln. 


WINTER  OF   1862.  293 

"  You  are  entitled  to  have  any  opinion  you  please,"  the  curt  reply 
of  McClellan.  (2) 

The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Mr.  Chase,  asked  McClellan  what 
his  plans  were,  and  what  he  intended  to  do  with  the  army.  It  was  a 
plain  question,  put  by  a  member  of  the  Cabinet  upon  whom  rested  the 
great  burden  of  providing  money  for  carrying  on  the  war.  The  ex- 
penses were  more  than  $1,000,000  a  day,  and  the  army  was  doing  noth- 
ing. Mr.  Chase  doubtless  thought  he  had  some  right  to  know  what 
the  commander  of  the  army  intended  to  do. 

"I  must  deny,"  McClellan  replied,  "the  right  of  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  to  question  me  upon  the  military  affairs  committed  to  my 
charge.  The  President  and  Secretary  of  War  alone  have  the  right  to 
question  me." 

McClellan  was  much  disturbed  because  the  President  had  conferred 
with  two  subordinate  officers.  He  regarded  it  as  an  attempt  to  bring 
about  his  removal — "  to  dispose  of  the  military  goods  and  chattels,"  he 
said,  "of  the  sick  man,  so  inopportunely  restored  to  life."(3) 

The  conclusion  was  unwarranted.  The  President  knew  something 
must  be  done.  The  people  were  holding  him  responsible.  As  things 
were  drifting,  the  war  would  soon  end  in  failure. 

"  Well,  General  McClellan,  I  think  you  had  better  tell  us  what  your 
plans  are,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln. 

McClellan  replied  that  the  President  knew  in  general  what  his  de- 
signs were,  but  he  should  decline  to  give  any  information  unless  so 
ordered.  He  said :  "  I  trust  you  will  not  allow  yourself  to  be  acted 
upon  'by  improper  influence,  but  still  to  trust  me.  If  you  will  leave 
military  matters  to  me,  I  will  be  responsible  that  I  will  bring  matters 
to  a  successful  issue,  and  free  you  from  all  troubles. "(4) 

Gloom  was  settling  upon  the  army.  The  soldiers  were  w-eary  of  the 
routine  of  camp  drill.  The  hospitals  were  filled  with  sick.  People  from 
the  North  were  sending  them  delicacies,  books,  and  newspapers.  The 
Hutchinsons  —  a  family  of  vocalists  who  had  been  singing  songs  and 
ballads  over  the  country  —  came  to  cheer  them.  President  Lincoln 
had  heard  them  in  Springfield,  and  invited  them  to  sing  in  the  White 
House.  The  piano  was  opened,  but  found  to  be  out  of  tune. 

"  If  you  will  wait  a  moment  we  will  use  our  own  instrument,"  said 
John  W.  Hutchinson.  He  ran  to  their  carriage,  standing  under  the 
portico  at  the  door,  and  brought  in  a  melodeon. 

"  I  remember  one  song  that  you  sung  when  you  were  in  Springfield," 
said  the  President.  "  It  was  a  good  while  ago — ten  years,  perhaps — 


294  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

but  I  never  have  forgotten  it.  It  was  about  a  ship  on  fire,  and  I  want 
to  hear  it  again."(6) 

The  song  was  sung.  The  look  of  care  and  anxiety  which  had  settled 
upon  his  face  gave  place  to  the  old-time  smile.  He  thanked  them 
heartily  for  the  pleasure  they  had  given  him. 

"  You  must  come  over  into  Virginia  and  sing  to  the  soldiers,"  said  a 
chaplain  of  a  New  Jersey  regiment. 

"  Certainly.  Go  by  all  means,  only  don't  sing  any  secession  songs," 
said  the  Secretary  of  War. 

With  a  pass  from  McClellan  the  vocalists  made  their  way  to  Alex- 
andria. The  soldiers  were  delighted. 

John  G.  Whittier  for  thirty  years  had  been  writing  songs  of  Free- 
dom. He  was  waiting  for  the  deliverance  of  the  land  from  the  curse 
of  slavery  —  biding  God's  time.  His  soul  was  stirred  with  indignation 
as  he  read  the  proclamation  of  McClellan :  that  there  should  be  no 
interference  with  slavery  (see  p.  265).  Fremont's  proclamation  freeing 
slaves  in  Missouri  aroused  his  enthusiasm.  It  had  been  set  aside  by 
the  President.  The  poet  recalled  a  hymn  written  by  Martin  Luther — 
"  A  Strong  Fortress  is  our  God."  His  soul  burst  forth : 

"We  wait  beneath  the  furnace  blast, 

The  pangs  of  transformation; 
Not  painlessly  doth  God  recast 
And  mould  anew  the  nation. 
Hot  burns  the  fire 
Where  wrongs  expire; 
Nor  spares  the  hand 
That  from  the  land 
Uproots  the  ancient  evil." 

This  was  sung  by  the  Hutchinsons. 

Some  of  the  soldiers  had  enlisted  solely  to  fight  for  the  restoration 
of  the  Union;  others  wanted  to  annihilate  the  institution  which  had 
caused  the  war.  Again  the  music  : 

"In  vain  the  bells  of  war  shall  ring 

Of  triumph  and  revenges, 
While  still  is  spared  the  evil  thing 
That  severs  and  estranges. 
But  blest  the  ear 
That  yet  shall  hear 
The  jubilant  bell 
That  rings  the  knell 
Of  slavery  forever." 


WINTER  OF  1862.  295 

A  hiss — a  long,  loud,  venomous  hiss — from  the  surgeon  of  the  regi- 
ment. "  You  do  that  again  and  I'll  put  you  out !"  shouted  the  officer  of 
the  day.  Cheers,  hisses,  and  uproar  followed.  A  few  hours  later  a  de- 
spatch came  over  the  wires : 

"By  direction  of  Major-general  McClellan, the  permit  given  to  the  Hutchinson  Fam- 
ily to  sing  in  the  camps  and  their  pass  to  cross  the  Potomac  are  revoked,  and  they  will 
not  be  allowed  to  sing  to  the  troops." 

The  vocalists  returned  to  Washington,  and  called  upon  their  old- 
time  friend,  Secretary  Chase. 

"I  would  like  to  take  Whittier's  hymn  into  the  Cabinet  meet- 
in  o\  I  never  have  seen  it  before,  and  I  doubt  if  the  members  of  the 

O  7 

Cabinet  are  familiar  with  it,"  he  said.  He  thereupon  read  it  to  the 
President. 

"  I  don't  see  anything  very  bad  about  that.  If  any  of  the  com- 
manders want  the  Hutchinsons  to  sing  to  their  soldiers,  and  invite 
them,  they  can  go,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln. (") 

Little  did  McClellan  comprehend  what  would  be  the  outcome  of  his 
revocation  of  the  pass  given  to  the  Hutchinsons.  Throughout  the 
North  it  was  interpreted  as  an  indication  that  his  sympathies  were 
with  the  slave-holders.  People  sent  letters  to  members  of  Congress, 
urging  them  to  use  their  influence  with  the  President  to  secure  his 
removal.  Mr.  Lincoln  listened  patiently  to  their  complaints,  but  made 
no  promises. 

There  was  much  dissatisfaction  with  Mr.  Cameron,  Secretary  of 
War.  He  had  made  extravagant  contracts.  The  inactivity  of  the 
army  was  attributed  partly  to  a  lack  of  energy  in  the  War  Depart- 
ment. The  time  had  come  for  a  change.  His  resignation  was  ac- 
cepted, and  he  was  sent  as  Minister  to  Russia.  Whom  should  the 
President  appoint  in  his  stead  ?  Those  who  knew  what  service  Edwin 
M.  Stanton  had  rendered  the  country  when  in  Buchanan's  Cabinet — 
how  true  he  had  been  to  the  Union ;  how  he  had  confronted  John 
B.  Floyd,  Jacob  Thompson,  Howell  Cobb,  and  the  other  conspirators- 
presented  his  name  to  the  President.  Edwin  M.  Stanton !  Was  it 
not  he  who  treated  Mr.  Lincoln  rudely  in  Cincinnati  ?  (see  p.  162). 
Would  the  President  be  willing  to  appoint  a  man  to  a  responsible  posi- 
tion with  whom  he  must  have  daily  conferences,  who  had  all  but  in- 
sulted him  on  a  former  occasion  ?  Yes.  He  would  appoint  him.  True, 
Mr.  Stanton  was  rude,  and  had  a  quick  temper — could  be  hard,  cold, 


296 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


EDWIN   M.   STANTON. 

insulting ;  but  the  life  of  the  nation  was  at  stake,  and  he  would  use 
him  in  his  effort  to  save  the  country. 

"Are  you  going  to  be  Secretary  of  War?"  It  was  an  old-time 
friend  who  put  the  question  to  Mr.  Stanton. 

"  Yes." 

"  What  will  you  do  ?"  The  friend  had  in  mind  the  scene  between 
Lincoln  and  Stanton  at  Cincinnati. 

"Do?  I  intend  to  accomplish  three  things:  I  will  make  Lincoln 
President  of  the  United  States;  I  will  force  that  man  McClellan 
to  fight  or  throw  up ;  and  last,  but  not  least,  I  will  pick  Lorenzo 
Thomas  up  with  a  pair  of  tongs  and  drop  him  out  of  the  nearest 
window."  (') 

Mr.  Stanton  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  McClellan  was  ignoring 


WINTER   OF  1862.  297 

the  authority  of  his  superior — that  his  appointments  were  his  favorites 
and  pets,  who  were  ready  to  subserve  his  personal  interests  and  further 
his  aspirations. 

Lorenzo  Thomas  was  adjutant -general  of  the  army.  Stanton,  how- 
ever, did  not  pick  him  up  with  a  pair  of  tongs,  for  he  remained  in  office 
through  the  war. 

General  George  H.  Thomas  had  marched  through  mud  and  storm, 
and  won  a  victory.  If  the  Union  and  Confederate  troops  in  Kentucky 
could  make  marches  in  midwinter,  why  could  not  those  around  "Wash- 
ington ?  Mr.  Lincoln  could  wait,  but  the  time  had  come  when  waiting 
was  no  longer  a  virtue.  There  was  no  sign  of  a  movement.  As  com- 
mander in-chief,  as  head  of  the  nation,  he  would  take  matters  in  his 
own  hands.  Without  consulting  any  member  of  his  Cabinet,  he  wrote 
a  military  order.  The  22d  of  February  would  be  the  anniversary  of 
the  birth  of  George  "Washington — a  day  to  awaken  patriotic  fervor. 
He  directed  a  general  movement  of  all  the  land  and  naval  forces  to  be 
made  on  that  day.  All  officers  would  be  severally  held  to  their  strict 
and  full  responsibility  for  its  prompt  execution. 

That  McClellan  might  have  some  definite  line  for  action,  a  second 
order  was  issued  directing  him  to  provide  for  the  safety  of  Washing- 
ton, and  then  move  to  gain  the  railroads  leading  south  from 
'  Manassas.  But  McClellan  wanted  instead  to  take  the  army  to 
Annapolis,  down  Chesapeake  Bay,  then  up  the  Kappahannock  to 
Urbana,  and  from  thence  march  to  York  River. 

These  the  questions  written  out  by  the  President : 

"  If  you  will  give  me  satisfactory  answers  to  the  following  questions 
I  shall  gladly  yield  my  plan  to  yours : 

"First. — Does  not  your  plan  involve  a  greatly  larger  expenditure 
of  time  and  money  than  mine  ? 

"Second. — Wherein  is  victory  more  certain  by  your  plan  than  mine? 

"  Third. — Wherein  is  victory  more  valuable  by  your  plan  than 
mine? 

"  Fourth. — In  fact,  would  it  not  be  less  valuable  in  this :  that  it 
would  break  no  great  line  of  the  enemy's  communication,  while  mine 
would  ? 

"Fifth. — In  case  of  disaster,  would  not  a  retreat  be  more  difficult 
by  your  plan  than  mine  ?" 

General  McClellan  did  not  answer  the  President's  questions,  nor 
acknowledge  the  receipt  of  the  letter.  He  sent  a  long  communica- 
tion to  Mr.  Stanton,  in  which  he  set  forth  the  advantages  of  a  move- 


298  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

ment  by  water  to  Urbana,  from  whence  he  could  march  into  Richmond, 
but  made  no  allusion  to  any  letter  from  the  President,  or  to  the 
questions  asked.  Railroad  trains  at  that  moment  were  speeding  from 
Manassas  loaded  with  supplies  for  the  Confederate  army.  Jefferson 
Davis  had  read  the  order  of  President  Lincoln.  General  Johnston 
had  read  it.  They  comprehended  its  meaning.  They  knew  that  with 
only  a  little  more  than  40,000  troops,  the  Union  army  of  150,000  could 
easily  seize  the  railroad  south  of  Manassas.  More  than  5,000,000 
pounds  of  food  had  been  accumulated,  all  of  which  was  sent  south  of 
the  Rapidan. 

There  was  a  general  at  Cairo,  also  a  commodore,  who  had  no  desire 
to  wait  until  February  22d  before  moving.  "  General  Grant  and  my- 
self," wrote  Commodore  Foote  to  General  Halleck,  "  are  of  the  opinion 
that  Fort  Henry  can  be  carried  by  four  gunboats  and  troops." 

"  From  Fort  Henry,"  wrote  General  Grant,  "  it  will  be  easy  to  oper- 
ate either  on  the  Cumberland,  twelve  miles  distant,  on  Memphis,  or 
Columbus." 

Fort  Henry  was  on  the  Tennessee  River,  near  the  line  between 

Kentucky  and  Tennessee.      Fort  Donelson  was  on  the   Cumberland. 

Admiral  Foote,  with  four  gunboats,  attacked  Fort  Henry  and 

compelled  its  surrender.     A  week  passed  and  14,000  prisoners 

were  captured  at  Fort  Donelson  by  General  Grant.     This  movement 

forced  the  Confederates  to  evacuate  Kentucky.   The  victories  electrified 

the  country. 

President  Lincoln  had  been  called  from  the  retirement  of  his  home 
in  the  capital  of  Illinois  to  the  executive  mansion  of  the  nation.  He 
could  find  no  time  for  study  or  contemplation.  His  oldest  son,  Robert, 
was  in  Harvard  University,  but  Willie  and  "Tad"  made  the  White 
House  ring  with  their  joyous  shouts.  (9)  They  connected  the  many  bell- 
wires,  so  when  one  was  pulled  every  bell  in  the  house  began  to  tinkle. 
They  slid  down  the  balusters,  and  made  themselves  at  home  in  every 
apartment.  When  the  President  entered  the  breakfast  -  room  they 
climbed  into  his  lap,  pulled  his  ears,  ran  their  fingers  through  his  hair. 

Both  boys  were  seized  with  sickness.  In  addition  to  the  weight  of 
public  cares  came  anxious  days  and  sleepless  nights  to  the  President. 
How  could  he  sleep  when  he  saw  that  Willie  was  to  be  taken  from 
.him?  "Why  is  it?  Why  is  it?  This  is  the  hardest  trial  of  my 
life,"  he  said  to  the  nurse.  "  Have  you  ever  had  any  such  trial  ?"  he 
asked. 

"  Yes,  Mr.  Lincoln.     I  am  a  widow.     My  husband  and  my  two  chil- 


WINTER    OF  1862.  299 

dren  are  in  heaven,  and  I  can  say  that  I  can  see  the  hand  of  my  Heav- 
enly Father  in  it.  I  did  not  love  Him  so  much  before  my  affliction  as 
I  do  now." 

"  How  has  that  come  about  ?" 

"  God  is  my  Father,  and  I  know  that  He  does  everything  well.  I 
trust  Him." 

"  Did  you  submit  fully  under  the  first  loss  ?" 

"  Oh  no,  not  wholly  ;  but  as  one  after  the  other  went,  I  did  submit, 
and  am  very  happy." 

"  I  am  glad  to  hear  that.     Your  experience  will  be  a  help  to  me." 

The  young  life  faded  away,  and  the  heart-broken  father  stood  beside 
the  coffin,  looking  for  the  last  time  upon  Willie's  face. 

"  Mr.  Lincoln,"  said  the  nurse,  "  a  great  many  people  are  praying  for 
you  to-day." 

"  I  am  glad  to  hear  that.  I  want  them  to  pray  for  me.  I  need  their 
prayers  ;  and  I  will  try  to  go  to  God  with  my  sorrow.  I  wish  I  had 
that  childlike  faith  you  speak  of.  I  trust  God  will  give  it  to  me.  My 
mother  had  it.  She  died  many  years  ago.  I  remember  her  prayers; 
they  have  always  followed  me.  They  have  clung  to  me  through 


When  all  that  was  mortal  of  his  child  was  laid  to  rest,  the  President 
went  on  with  his  duties  for  one  week.  On  the  succeeding  Thursday  he 
shut  out  all  visitors,  and  gave  way  to  his  grief.  Again,  when  the  day 
came,  his  doors  were  closed.  The  old-time  melancholy  was  taking 
possession  of  him,  increasing  as  the  weeks  went  by. 

Little  did  Kev.  Francis  Vinton,  rector  of  Trinity  Church,  New  York, 
know,  when  he  entered  the  cars  for  a  visit  to  friends  in  Washington,  how 
divine  Providence  was  going  to  use  him.  He  was  acquainted  with 
Mrs.  Edwards,  sister  of  Mrs.  Lincoln,  who  was  in  Washington.  He  also 
had  met  Mrs.  Lincoln,  who,  learning  he  was  in  the  city,  informed  him 
in  regard  to  the  melancholy  of  the  President.  He  visited  the  White 
House. 

"  Mr.  President,"  said  Mr.  Yinton,  "  it  is  natural  that  you  should 
mourn  for  your  son  —  one  whom  you  so  tenderly  loved;  but  is  it  not 
your  duty  to  rise  above  the  affliction  ?  Your  duties  are  to  the  living. 
They  are  far  greater  than  those  of  a  father  to  his  son.  You  are  at  the 
head  of  the  nation  —  a  father  of  the  people  ;  and  are  you  not  unfitting 
yourself  for  a  right  exercise  of  the  responsibility  that  God  has  laid 
upon  you  '?  You  ought  not  to  mourn  for  your  son  as  lost—  that  is  not 
Christianity,  but  heathenism.  Your  son  is  above.  Do  you  not  remem- 


300 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


ber  that  passage  in  the  Gospels,  "  God  is  not  the  God  of  the  dead,  but 
of  the  living?" 

The  President  is  sitting  on  the  sofa,  listening  as  if  dazed. 

"  Alive!  alive!    Do  you  say  that  Willie  is  alive  ?    Pray  do  not  mock 
me." 

He  rises  and  looks  with  intense  earnestness  at  Mr.  Yinton. 

"  Yes,  Mr.  Lincoln,  alive.     Jesus  Christ  has  said  it." 

He  clasps  the  clergyman  in  his  arms. 

"  ALIVE  !  alive!"  he  exclaims.     Tears  are  rolling  down  his  cheeks. 

"  Yes,  Mr.  Lincoln,  it  is  one  of  God's  most  precious  truths.  You  re- 
member that  the  Sadducees,  when  questioning  Jesus,  had  no  other  con- 
ception than  that  Abraham,  Isaac, 
vand  Jacob  were  dead  and  buried ; 
but  Jesus  said, '  Now  that  the  dead 
are  raised,  even  Moses  showed  at 
the  bush,  when  he  called  the  Lord 
the  God  of  Abraham,  and  the  God 
of  Isaac,  and  the  God  of  Jacob.  For 
He  is  not  a  God  of  the  dead,  but  of 
the  living :  for  all  live  unto  Him.' 
God  has  taken  your  son  from  you 
for  some  good  end  —  possibly  for 
your  good.  Doubt  it  not.  I  have 
a  sermon  upon  this  subject  which 
possibly  may  interest  you." 

"  Please  send  it  to  me,  Dr.  Vin- 
ton,"  said  the  President,  as  the  in- 
terview closed. 

The  sermon  came.  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  so  impressed  by  its  treatment 
of  the  Resurrection  and  Immortal- 
ity that  he  read  it  again  and  again, 
and  caused  it  to  be  copied.  No 
longer  was  Thursday  a  day  for  seclusion, 
he  took  up  the  burden  of  the  nation.  The  thought  that  in  the  radiant 
future  he  would  once  more  clasp  his  boy  in  his  arms  made  his  sorrow 
easier  to  bear  than  ever  before,  (10)  and  he  cheerfully  turned  his 
thoughts  to  the  affairs  of  the  nation. 

The  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  had  been  closed  by  the  burning  of 
the  bridge  at  Harper's  Ferry,  and  the  destruction  of  the  company's  shops 


FRANCIS    VINTON. 


With  unwonted  cheerfulness 


WINTER   OF  1862.  301 

and  engines  at  Martinsburg.  The  President  was  very  anxious  that  the 
railroad  should  once  more  be  opened.  McClellan  informed  him  that  he 
contemplated  a  grand  strategic  movement,  which  would  result,  he  was 
confident,  in  the  capture  of  the  Confederate  troops  at  Winchester  and 
the  reopening  of  the  road.  He  would  put  down  a  pontoon-bridge  at 
Harper's  Ferry,  which  would  deceive  the  enemy,  they  thinking  it  was 
only  for  a  temporary  purpose ;  but  the  real,  substantial  bridge  would  be 
the  mooring  of  a  line  of  boats  which  he  was  having  built,  and  a  bridge 
laid  upon  them.  The  President  was  delighted. 

"  A  glad  surprise  awaits  the  country,  which  will  restore  the  confi- 
dence of  the  people  in  McClellan,"  he  said  to  a  member  of  the  Cabinet. 

"  Do  you  really  think  so  2" 

"  Yes.  He  has  left  no  loop-hole  for  escape.  He  has  said  to  Stanton 
and  myself  that  if  this  move  fails  he  will  have  nobody  to  blame  but 
himself."  (") 

General  Hooker,  with  a  body  of  troops,  at  the  same  time  was  to 
cross  the  Potomac  below  Washington  and  capture  the  batteries  on  the 
Virginia  side. 

On  the  day  fixed  for  the  surprise,  a  little  before  midnight,  a  tele- 
gram was  received  by  the  President,  dated  at  Sandy  Hook,  February  26, 
10.30  P.M.  : 

"  The  bridge  was  splendidly  thrown  by  Captain  Duane,  assisted  by  Lieutenants  Bab- 
cock,  Reese,  and  Cross.  It  was  one  of  the  most  difficult  operations  of  the  kind  ever  per- 
formed. I  recommend  Captain  Duane  to  be  made  a  major  by  brevet,  for  his  energy  and 
skill  in  this  matter  ;  also  Lieutenants  Babcock,  Reese,  and  Cross,  of  the  corps  of  engineers, 
to  be  captains  by  brevet. " 

The  bridge  was  not  composed  of  canal-boats,  but  ordinary  pontoons. 
The  officers  thus  recommended  had  stood  upon  the  shore  and  told  the 
soldiers  belonging  to  the  engineer's  corps  to  take  the  boats  from  the 
wagons,  launch  them  in  the  river,  paddle  and  anchor  them,  and  lay  the 
stringers  and  planking.  No  Confederates  were  near,  no  picket  looking 
on  from  the  Virginia  side.  The  despatch  went  on  : 

"We  have  8500  infantry,  eighteen  guns,  and  two  squadrons  of  cavalry  on  the  Virginia 
side.  I  have  examined  the  ground,  and  seen  that  the  troops  are  in  proper  position  and 
are  ready  to  resist  an  attack.  Burns's  brigade  will  be  here  in  a  couple  of  hours  and  will 
cross  at  daybreak.  Four  more  squadrons  of  cavalry  and  several  more  guns  pass  here. 
Reports  that  G.  W.  Smith,  with  15,000  men,  is  expected  at  Winchester." 

The  town  of  Winchester  is  between  twenty  and  thirty  miles  from 


302  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Sandy  Hook.     There  were  no  Confederate  troops  between  the   two 
points  and  only  a  small  force  at  "Winchester.     The  despatch  continued : 

"  We  will  attempt  the  canal-boat  bridge  to-morrow.  The  spirit  of  the  troops  is  most 
excellent.  They  are  in  a  mood  to  fight  anything."  (  n ) 

It  was  an  inspiriting  message.  At  last  McClellan  was  doing  some- 
thing. Just  what  he  intended  to  accomplish  after  getting  the  troops 
across  the  river  the  President  did  not  know,  except,  possibly,  to  make 
Hooker's  work  easier  down-stream.  He  read  the  telegram  and  retired 
for  the  night,  happy  in  the  thought  that  a  portion  of  the  army  was  in 
motion. 

There  was  no  telegram  upon  his  table  when  the  President  sat  down 
to  work  the  next  morning.  The  forenoon  passed  without  fur- 

Feh  27 

'  ther  information.     The  afternoon  waned,  but  neither  the  Presi- 
dent nor  Secretary  Stanton  had  received  any  news  from  Sandy  Hook. 

General  Marcy,  chief  of  staff  to  McClellan,  who  had  been  left  in 
Washington  to  carry  out  his  orders,  at  one  o'clock  received  this  despatch : 

"Do  not  send  the  regular  infantry  until  further  orders.  Give  Hooker  directions  not 
to  move  until  further  orders." 

Two  hours  later  came  the  following  to  Marcy : 

"  The  difficulties  here  are  so  great  that  the  order  for  Keyes's  movement  must  be  coun- 
termanded until  the  railway  bridge  is  finished,  or  some  more  permanent  arrangement 
made.  It  is  impossible  to  supply  a  large  force  here." 

"It  was  not  the  canal -boat  bridge,  but  the  burnt  railroad  bridge, 
to  which  the  despatch  referred.  The  railroad  was  open  from  Sandy 
Hook  to  Washington  and  Baltimore.  The  troops  of  General  Keyes  had 
been  taken  thither  in  the  cars ;  the  canal  was  intact,  yet  the  10,000 
men  could  not,  according  to  the  information,  be  supplied  with  food. 

The  pontoons  for  the  permanent  bridge  had  been  built  on  the  banks 
of  the  canal.  General  McClellan  was  an  engineer  ;  he  had  constructed 
railroads,  and  was  familiar  with  practical  engineering ;  but  his  fore- 
thought did  not  provide  for  a  measurement  of  the  lift-locks  of  the  canal 
by  which  the  boats  were  to  be  taken  to  Harper's  Ferry.  A  startling 
despatch  came  to  Secretary  Stanton : 

"The  lift-lock  is  too  small  to  permit  the  canal-boats  to  enter  the  river,  so  that  it  is  im- 
possible to  construct  the  permanent  bridge  as  I  intended.  I  shall  probably  be  obliged  to 
fall  back  upon  the  safe  and  slow  plan  of  merely  covering  the  reconstruction  of  the  rail- 
road. This  will  be  done  at  once,  but  it  will  be  tedious.  I  cannot,  as  things  now  are,  be 


WINTER  OF  1862.  303 

sure  of  my  supplies  for  the  force  necessary  to  seize  Winchester,  which  is  probably  rein- 
forced from  Manassas.  The  wiser  plan  is  to  rebuild  the  railroad  bridge  as  rapidly  as  pos- 
sible, and  then  act  according  to  the  state  of  affairs." 

Secretary  Stanton  was  amazed.     He  telegraphed : 

"If  the  lift-lock  is  not  big  enough,  why  cannot  it  be  made  big  enough?  Please  an- 
swer immediately." 

A  little  before  midnight  he  received  a  reply : 

"  It  can  be  enlarged,  but  entire  masonry  must  be  destroyed  and  rebuilt  and  new  gates 
made;  an  operation  impossible  in  the  present  state  of  water,  and  requiring  many  weeks  at 
any  time.  The  railroad  bridge  can  be  rebuilt  many  weeks  before  this  could  be  done." 

We  do  not  know  why  McClellan  did  not  say  that  the  boats  had 
been  built  four  inches  wider  than  the  locks,  for  such  was  the  case. 
Stanton  telegraphed : 

"  What  do  you  propose  to  do  with  the  troops  that  have  crossed  the  Potomac?" 
This  the  answer : 

"I  propose  to  occupy  Charlestown  and  Bunker  Hill,  so  as  to  cover  the  rebuilding  of 
the  railways." 

Through  the  day  the  President  waited  for  a  telegram,  pacing  the 
floor  at  times,  absorbed  in  thought.  The  long -looked -for  despatch 
came  from  McClellan : 

"It  is  impossible  for  many  days  to  do  more  than  supply  the  troops  now  here  and  at 
Charlestown.  ...  I  know  that  I  have  acted  wisely,  and  that  you  will  cheerfully  agree 
with  me  when  I  explain." 

Such  the  outcome  of  the  movement  that  was  to  surprise  and  gratify 
the  country.  "With  a  sinking  heart  Mr.  Lincoln  retired  to  his  chamber, 
but  not  to  sleep.  He  was  carrying  the  burden  of  the  nation. 

McClellan  marched  with  a  strong  force  to  Charlestown,  but  found  no 
enemy,  and  returned  to  "Washington.  He  did  not  call  upon  the  President. 

The  conversation  between  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Captain  Ericsson  resulted 
in  the  building  of  an  iron-clad  vessel  on  a  plan  totally  different  from 
any  ever  constructed.  The  craft  was  launched  at  Brooklyn,  January 
30th,  and  instead  of  sinking,  as  many  had  predicted,  drew  less  water 
by  several  inches  than  Ericsson  had  calculated.  Day  and  night  the 
hammers  were  ringing.  The  Union  spies  at  Norfolk  informed  the  Navy 
Department  of  the  rapid  progress  made  by  the  Confederates  towards 
completing  the  Merrimac.  The  Monitor  was  also  being  hurried  to 
completion. 

Captain  Fox  called  upon  the  President.    "  I  do  not  expect  the  Mer- 


304  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

rimac  to  make  her  appearance  before  day  after  to-morrow,  Sunday," 

said  Fox ;  "  but  she  may  come  at  any  moment,  for  my  agent 

Mar'^'  informs  me  that  her  engines  are  working  and  that  her  armor 

is  complete.     I  am  going  to  Fortress  Monroe  to  be  there  Avhen 

she  comes  down  from  Norfolk.     I  suppose,  Mr.  President,  that  you  are 

prepared  for  disastrous  news  ?" 

"  Oh  no.  AVhy  should  I  be  ?  We  have  three  of  our  most  effective 
war  vessels  in  Hampton  Koads,  and  any  number  of  small  craft  that  will 
hang  on.  to  the  stern  of  the  Merrimac  like  small  dogs  on  the  haunches 
of  a  bear.  They  may  not  be  able  to  tear  her  down,  but  they  will  be 
able  to  interfere  with  the  comfort  of  her  voyage." 

"  I  think  that  you  do  not  take  into  account  all  the  possibilities  of 
the  Merrimac"  said  Captain  Fox. 

"  Have  we  not  three  good  ships  against  her  ?" 

"  But  the  Merrimac  may  prove  invulnerable.  Suppose  they  are  pow- 
erless, and  she  sinks  them  ?" 

"  You  are  looking  for  disaster,  I  see." 

"I  anticipate  nothing.  If  she  sinks  our  ships,  what  is  to  prevent 
her  from  coming  up  and  sending  a  shell  into  this  room  ?" 

"The  Almighty!  I  expect  set-backs,  defeats;  we  have  had  them 
and  shall  have  them.  They  are  common  to  all  wars.  But  I  have  not 
the  slightest  fear  of  any  result  which  shall  fatally  impair  our  military 
and  naval  strength,  or  give  other  powers  a  right  to  interfere  in  our 
quarrel.  The  destruction  of  the  Capitol  would  do  both.  I  do  not  fear 
it.  This  is  God's  fight,  and  He  will  win  it  in  His  own  good  time." 

"  I  sincerely  hope  you  are  right,  Mr.  President,  but  probably  we 
cannot  even  guess  what  the  Merrimac  will  do." 

"  Ericsson's  vessel,  the  Monitor,  ought  to  be  at  Hampton  Koads  now. 
I  believe  in  the  Monitor  and  in  her  commander,  Captain  Worden.  I 
believe  he  will  give  a  good  account  of  himself,"  said  the  President. 

"  The  new  iron  craft  is  an  experiment,  Mr.  President.  We  know 
nothing  about  her.  She  is  liable  to  break  down.  She  went  to  sea  with- 
out a  trial  trip,  when  she  should  have  had  several.  We  ought  not  to  be 
disappointed  if  she  does  not  reach  the  mouth  of  the  James.  If  she  ar- 
rives, she  may  break  down  with  the  firing  of  her  first  gun." 

"  No,  captain ;  I  respect  your  judgment,  as  you  have  good  reason  to 
know,  but  this  time  you  are  wrong.  I  believed  in  her  when  Ericsson 
showed  me  the  plans.  I  am  confident  she  is  afloat  and  will  give  a  good 
account  of  herself,"  said  the  President,  with  an  enthusiasm  which  Cap- 
tain Fox  could  but  admire.  (i3) 


WINTER  OF   1862.  305 

Eleven  days  had  passed   since   McClellan's   return   from  Harper's 
Ferry,  and  he  had  not  called  upon  the  President.     It  was  early  in  the 
morning — half-past  seven — when  a  messenger  informed  him  that 
'  Mr.  Lincoln  desired  his  presence  at  the  White  House — an  indi- 
cation that  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  nation  did  not  intend  to  again 
subject  himself  to  the  sneers  of  men  who  were  opposed  to  the  war. 
He  obeyed  the  command.      Just  what  was  said  by  the  President  in 
this  interview  will  never  be  known.     McClellan,  in  his  "  Own  Story," 
says: 

"  He  appeared  much  concerned  about  something,  and  soon  said  that  he  wished  to  talk 
with  me  about  a  very  ugly  matter.  I  asked  what  it  was,  and,  as  he  still  hesitated,  I  said 
that  the  sooner  and  more  directly  such  things  were  approached  the  better.  He  then  re- 
ferred to  the  Harper's  Ferry  affair.  ...  He  then  adverted  to  the  more  serious,  or  ugly,  mat- 
ter, and  now  the  effects  of  the  intrigues  by  which  he  had  been  surrounded  became  appar- 
ent. He  said  that  it  had  been  represented  to  him  (and  he  certainly  conveyed  to  me  the 
distinct  impression  that  he  regarded  these  representations  as  well  founded)  that  my  plan 
of  the  campaign  (which  was  to  leave  Washington  under  the  protection  of  a  sufficient  garri- 
son, and  to  throw  the  whole  army  suddenly  by  water  from  Annapolis  and  Alexandria  to 
the  forts  on  James  River)  was  conceived  with  the  traitorous  intent  of  removing  its  defend- 
ers from  Washington,  and  thus  giving  over  to  the  enemy  the  capital  and  the  Government, 
thus  left  defenceless." — Page  195. 

.  .  .  "  In  a  manner  perhaps  not  altogether  decorous  towards  the  chief  magistrate,  I 
desired  that  he  should  retract  the  expression,  telling  him  that  I  could  permit  no  one  lo 
couple  the  word  '  treason '  with  my  name.  He  was  much  agitated,  and  at  once  disclaimed 
any  idea  of  considering  me  a  traitor,  and  said  that  he  merely  repeated  what  others  had 
said,  and  that  he  did  not  believe  a  word  of  it.  ...  I  then  informed  him  that  I  had  called 
a  meeting  of  the  generals  of  division  for  that  da}'  with  reference  to  the  proposed  attack 
upon  the  enemy's  Potomac  batteries,  and  suggested  that  my  plan  should  be  laid  before 
them  in  order  that  he  might  be  satisfied.  This  was  done,  and  I  heard  no  more  of  treason 
in  that  connection." — Page  196. 

To  understand  the  situation  in  which  the  President  was  placed,  we 
•must  keep  in  mind  the  fact  that  the  discontent  of  the  people  was  in- 
creasing. The  victories  won  in  the  "West  intensified  it.  If  Garfield, 
Thomas,  and  Grant  could  move,  why  not  McClellan  ?  The  failure  at 
Harper's  Ferry  was  commented  upon  in  the  newspapers,  in  the  hotels 
of  Washington,  in  the  corridors  of  the  Capitol.  Men  said  McClellan  had 
no  heart  in  the  war.  The  fact  that  the  boats  were  too  wide  to  be 
taken  through  the  locks  was  regarded  as  evidence  of  design  on  the  part 
of  somebody  to  thwart  a  movement  of  the  army. 

Of  the  twelve  division  commanders,  eight  had  been  appointed  by 
McClellan,  and  were  said  to  be  his  pets.  Many  of  the  commanders  of 
brigades  appointed  by  him  were  said  to  be  attached  to  his  interests. 
Every  morning  letters  came  to  the  President,  expressing  fears  that 

20 


306  LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

McClellan  was  surrounded  by  men  who  wanted  the  war  to  end  in  fail- 
ure. Members  of  Congress  were  outspoken  in  their  denunciations. 

With  great  frankness,  according  to  McClellan's  own  account,  the 
President  informed  him  of  the  state  of  public  opinion,  and  yet  acknowl- 
edged his  own  disbelief  in  the  stories.  McClellan  has  not  published  all 
the  President  said  to  him  :  in  substance,  that  if  he  were  not  ready  in  ten 
days  with  a  plan  which  he  could  at  once  execute,  he  would  be  relieved 
of  the  command  of  the  army.  (M)  McClellan  took  his  departure,  and 
the  President,  anticipating  what  the  verdict  of  the  majority  of  the 
division  commanders  might  be,  wrote  an  order  in  advance  of  their  as- 
sembling. No  movement  of  the  army  should  be  made  without  leaving 
in  and  about  Washington  a  force  that  would  make  the  capital  secure ; 
not  more  than  two  army  corps — about  50,000  troops — should  be  moved 
until  the  Potomac  was  freed  from  the  enemy's  batteries ;  that  the  move- 
ment should  begin  as  early  as  March  18th,  or  writhin  ten  days. 

The  interview  with  the  President  and  the  issuing  of  the  order  pro- 
duced a  commotion  among  the  Senators  and  members  of  Congress  who 
were  on  intimate  terms  with  McClellan.  General  Naglee,  commanding 
a  brigade  in  Hooker's  division,  received  a  note  from  Senator  Latham, 
of  California,  saying  that  something  must  be  done  immediately  by  the 
friends  of  McClellan,  as  the  patience  of  the  President  would  bear  no  fur- 
ther strain.  (1B)  Naglee  hastened  to  Washington.  Latham  had  been 
called  to  New  York,  but  a  consultation  was  had  with  Senator  Rice,  of 
Minnesota,  who  understood  the  situation.  It  was  decided  that  McClel- 
lan should  not  attend  the  meeting  which  had  been  called.  Those  gen- 
erals who  had  been  appointed  by  him  were  to  write  out  their  views 
on  slips  of  paper  of  various  sizes  and  colors,  in  order  to  avoid  any  ap- 
pearance of  concerted  action.  By  such  a  procedure  they  would  hood- 
wink the  President.  ( 16 ) 

They  did  not  mistrust  that  forthcoming  events  would  compel  a 
movement  of  the  army.  Startling  the  news :  The  Merrimac  had  sunk 
the  frigates  Cumberland  and  Congress!  Wooden  war-ships  were 
°^  no  account  m  a  contest  with  an  iron-clad  vessel.  Telegrams 
were  flying  to  all  the  seaboard  cities.  What  was  there  to  pre- 
vent the  Merrimac  from  making  her  way  to  New  York,  or  ascending 
the  Potomac  to  Washington  and  sending  a  shell  into  the  White  House  ? 
As  night  came  on  workmen  were  loading  canal-boats  with  stone,  to  be 
taken  down  the  Potomac  and  sunk  where  the  channel  was  narrowest. 

There  was  other  information  :  not  a  Confederate  soldier  remained  at 
Centreville  or  Manassas.  The  great  army  which  McClellan  had  de- 


WINTER  OF  1862.  307 

clared  to  be  confronting  him  had  departed :  soldiers,  cannon,  supplies 
—all  gone. 

Glorious  news !     Ericsson's  Monitor  is  at  Hampton  Roads,  and  the 

Merrimac,  instead  of  sending  the  Minnesota  and  all  the  other  vessels  to 

the  bottom,  is  staggering  back  to  Norfolk.     Since  the  days  of 

vromiiih'  David  and  Goliath  there  has  been  no  such  contest.     No  need 

Mar.  10. 

now  to  block  the  channel  of  the  Potomac.  The  Merrimac  will 
not  make  her  appearance  at  Washington. 

Just  what  McClellan's  emotions  were  at  the  news  of  the  departure 

of  the  Confederates  we  do  not  know,  but  orders  were  issued,  and  the 

troops  which  previously  could  not  move  on  account  of  mud 

marched  to  Centre ville.    They  found  deserted  fortifications  with 

wooden  cannon  behind  the  embankments,  the  railroad  bridges  burned, 

and  the  Confederate  army  beyond  the  Rapidan. 

The  division  commanders  assembled  in  council,  eleven  in  number. 
General  Hooker  was  absent.  General  Naglee  had  so  managed  things 
that  no  notice  had  been  sent  to  Hooker.  He  himself  was  there  instead. 
It  was  known  that  McDowell  held  opinions  differing  from  theirs,  and 
he  was  called  upon  to  preside.  A  chairman  could  not  express  his  own 
views  without  leaving  the  chair ;  with  him  presiding,  his  voice  would 
not  be  heard  opposing  any  plan. 

Which  is  the  best  route  to  Richmond  ?  Shall  the  army  move  over- 
land from  where  it  is?  Four  voted  yes— the  other  eight  against  the 
proposition.  Shall  the  army  go  to  Fredricksburg  and  move  along  the 
line  of  the  railroad  to  Richmond  ?  Five  voted  in  favor,  seven  against 
the  plan.  There  was  still  another  proposition.  Shall  the  army  go  to 
Fortress  Monroe  by  water  and  make  that  the  base  of  operation  ? 

Naglee  —  brigade,  and  not  a  division  commander — said  the  last 
plan  ought  to  be  adopted. 

President  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Stanton  were  present.  Mr.  Stanton  no- 
ticed that  when  the  President  asked  a  question  Naglee  was  quite  ready 
to  reply. 

"  General  Naglee,"  said  Mr.  Stanton,  "  you  are  not  a  division  com- 
mander ;  what  are  you  here  for  ?" 

"  General  Hooker  is  indisposed,  and  I  am  here  to  represent  him,"  the 
reply.(17) 

Naglee  did  not  say  what  he  afterwards  told  a  friend :  that  Hooker 
was  known  to  be  opposed  to  the  movement  to  Fortress  Monroe.  The 
plan  was  adopted,  although  General  Blenker  said  he  did  not  understand 
it,  but  voted  for  it  because  McClellan  had  requested  it.  General  Keyes 


308  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

voted  for  it  upon  condition  that  the  Potomac  should  be  first  opened. 
Four  of  the  division  commanders  voted  against  the  plan. 

The  President  and  the  Secretary  of  War,  upon  the  adjournment  of 
the  council,  met  for  consultation.  "  We  can  do  nothing  else  than 
adopt  this  plan  and  discard  all  others,"  the  words  of  the  President. 
"With  eight  out  of  twelve  division  commanders  approving  it,  we  can't 
reject  it  and  adopt  another  without  assuming  all  the  responsibilities  in 
case  of  failure  of  the  one  we  adopt." 

"  I  agree  with  you,"  said  Stanton,  "  in  your  conclusion,  but  not  in 
your  arithmetic.  The  four  generals  who  dissent  from  the  plan  are  in- 
dependent of  the  influence  of  McClellan,  while  all  the  others  owe  their 
positions  to  him,  and  are  especially  under  his  influence,  so  that  instead 
of  eight  to  four,  it  is  really  one  to  four.  You,  Mr.  President,  are  a 
lawyer.  In  estimating  the  value  of  a  witness  you  look  not  only  at  the 
words  of  the  witness,  but  to  his  manner  and  all  the  surrounding  circum- 
stances of  bias,  interest,  or  influence  that  may  affect  his  opinion.  ISfow, 
who  are  the  eight  generals  upon  whose  votes  you  are  going  to  adopt 
the  proposed  plan  ?  All  made  so  since  General  McClellan  assumed  com- 
mand, and  upon  his  recommendation,  and  influenced  by  his  views  and 
subservient  to  his  wishes.  In  fact,  you  have  in  this  decision  only  the 
operation  of  one  man's  mind." 

What  shall  the  President  do  ?     The  Secretary  of  War  is  opposed  to 

'the  movement.     Five  division  generals,  including  Hooker,  are  opposed 

to  it,  only  seven  in  favor,  leaving  out  Xaglee,  the  brigadier.     The  man 

who  has  been  accustomed  to  look  at  all  sides  of  a  case  while  riding  the 

circuit  in  Illinois  makes  this  reply : 

"  Mr.  Secretary,  I  admit  the  full  force  of  your  objection,  but  what 
can  we  do?  We  are  civilians.  We  should  be  justly  held  accountable 
for  any  disaster,  if  we  set  up  our  opinions  against  those  of  experienced 
military  men  in  the  practical  management  of  the  campaign.  We  must 
submit  to  the  action  of  the  majority  of  the  council,  and  the  campaign 
will  have  to  go  on  as  decided  by  that  majority. "(18) 

"  What  force,  Mr.  President,  do  you  intend  to  have  left  behind  to 
make  Washington  secure  ?" 

"  General  McDowell  will  remain  with  40,000  men  to  cover  the 
capital." 

During  the  Revolutionary  War,  General  Washington  was  hampered 
and  distressed  by  those  who  conspired  against  him.  In  like  manner  Abra- 
ham Lincoln  was  forced  by  the  cabal  surrounding  General  McClellan  to 
consent  to  that  which  his  judgment  did  not  approve.  He  wisely  dis- 


WINTER   OF   1862.  309 

cerned  that  the  country  would  hold  him  responsible  for  any  failure 
which  might  attend  the  carrying  out  of  the  plan  which  most  commend- 
ed itself  to  his  judgment.  Neither  McClellan,  Naglee,  or  the  division 
commanders  acting  with  him  foresaw  that  by  forcing  the  President 
to  accept  their  project  the  country  would  hold  McClellan  responsible. 
Naglee  and  Senators  Rice  and  Latham  devised  the  scheme  to  blind 
the  President  and  save  McClellan  from  removal.  They  did  not  know 
the  colored  slips  of  paper  were  on  file  in  the  pigeon-holes  of  the  War 
Department,  and  that  Secretary  Stanton  knew  all  that  had  been  going 
on.(") 

McClellan  had  been  in  command  of  all  the  troops  in  the  country. 
The  President  issued  an  order  relieving  him  from  such  control, 
but  continuing  him  as  General  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

General  McClellan  had  not  organized  the  army  into  corps,  but  divis- 
ions only,  giving  as  a  reason  "  that  the  mistakes  of  an  incompetent  di- 
vision commander  might  be  rectified,  while  those  of  a  corps  command- 
er might  prove  fatal."  After  seeing  what  the  division  commanders 
were  competent  to  do  in  battle,  he  might  then  divide  the  army  into 
corps.  The  President  had  been  studying  authorities  on  military  art. 
He  thought  an  army  organized  into  twelve  divisions  could  not  do  the 
most  effective  work,  and,  without  consulting  McClellan,  arranged  the 
divisions  into  four  corps,  appointing  Generals  Sumner,  Heintzelman, 
Keyes,  and  McDowell  as  commanders.  This  action  of  the  President 
was  very  distasteful  to  McClellan.  In  his  "Own  Story"  he  says: 

"  It  was  the  work  of  the  President  and  the  Secretary  of  War,  proba- 
bly urged  by  McDowell.  It  was  issued  without  consulting  me,  and 
against  my  judgment." 

The  army  was  returning  from  Centreville.  The  withdrawal  of  the 
Confederates  had  left  McClellan  in  a  position  where  he  must  do  some- 
thing. He  called  the  four  corps  commanders  to  counsel  with 

Mar.  13.  ^r 

him.  A  plan  for  removing  the  army  to  York  River,  leaving 
enough  to  protect  Washington,  was  agreed  to  unanimously.  General 
Sumner  said  a  total  force  of  40,000  should  be  left.  Generals  Keyes, 
Heintzelman,  and  McDowell  said  enough  should  be  left  to  garrison  the 
forts  around  the  city,  besides  25,000  men  in  front  of  it.  The  President 
reluctantly  accepted  the  plan.  Steamers  at  Baltimore,  Philadelphia, 
New  York,  and  Boston,  also  many  sailing-vessels,  were  engaged  to  trans- 
port the  army. 

The  operations  of  the  Merrimac,  together  \vith  information  that 
the  Confederates  were  likely  to  have  gunboats  from  England,  created 


310  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

great  uneasiness  in  New  York,  and  a  committee,  representing  moneyed 
men,  hastened  to  Washington  to  see  the  President  about  protecting 
that  city.  Accordingly,  fifty  gentlemen  called  upon  Mr.  Lincoln,  to 
duly  impress  him  with  the  gravity  of  the  situation.  They  said  a  Brit- 
ish-built cruiser  might  suddenly  appear  in  the  harbor,  destroy  the 
shipping  and  bombard  the  city,  or  demand  millions  of  dollars  for  its 
ransom.  They  represented  $100,000,000.  It  was  the  imperative  duty 
of  the  Government  to  protect  them  by  sending  a  gunboat  to  that  port. 
The  President  listened  attentively  to  the  earnest  speech  of  the  chairman. 

"Gentlemen,"  he  said,  "I  am,  by  the  Constitution,  commander- in- 
chief  of  the  army  and  navy  of  the  United  States,  and,  as  a  matter  of 
law,  I  can  order  anything  done  that  is  practicable  to  be  done  ;  but,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  I  am  not  in  command  of  the  ships  of  war.  I  do  not 
know  exactly  where  they  are,  but  presume  that  they  are  actively  en- 
gaged. It  is  impossible  for  me  in  the  condition  of  things  to  furnish 
you  a  gunboat.  The  credit  of  the  Government  is  at  a  low  ebb.  The 
currency  is  depreciating.  Now,  if  I  was  worth  half  as  much  as  you, 
gentlemen,  are  represented  to  be,  and  as  badly  frightened  as  you  seem 
to  be,  I  would  build  a  gunboat  and  give  it  to  the  Government." 

The  gentlemen  never  had  looked  at  it  in  that  light.  They  saw  they 
had  cheapened  themselves  by  making  the  request,  and  in  not  taking 
into  account  the  fact  that  the  Government  was  employing  its  utmost 
energies  to  save  the  nation.  With  profuse  apologies  for  troubling  the 
President  they  left  the  White  House.  (") 

More  agreeable  news  than  that  regarding  the  fitting  out  of  war  ves- 
sels came  from  England.  Princess  Alexandra,  daughter  of  the  King  of 
Denmark,  had  been  married  to  the  Prince  of  Wales  with  much  pomp 
and  ceremony.  Lord  Lyons,  the  British  Minister,  was  directed  to 
notify  the  President  of  this  most  important  event.  Every  nation  must 
be  duly  informed.  Lord  Lyons  was  a  bachelor,  but  ever  maintained  the 
embassy  with  true  British  dignity.  He  rode  in  state  to  the  executive 
mansion  at  an  appointed  hour  to  present  the  Queen's  letter. 

"  Mr.  President,"  he  said,  "  it  will  be  my  duty  and  my  great  pleas- 
ure to  transmit  to  my  most  gracious  sovereign  Victoria  whatever  re- 
sponse it  may  please  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  make." 

There  is  a  merry  twinkle  in  the  eyes  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  as  he 
takes  the  official  letter  and  replies  : 

"Lyons,  go  and  do  thou  like  wise."  (81) 

The  dignity  of  the  British  realm  was  suddenly  snuffed  out.  To  the 
President  the  proceeding  was  farcical  and  ludicrous.  He  had  relegated 


WINTER  OF  1862.  311 

it  to  the  past,  with  the  knee-breeches,  ruffled  shirts,  and  cocked  hats  of 
a  by-gone  age.  It  was  perfectly  proper  for  the  Prince  of  Wales  to  get 
married ;  he  had  set  Lord  "Lyons  a  good  example ;  but  to  the  millions 
of  American  people,  who  were  themselves  sovereigns,  the  event  was  of 
no  more  consequence  than  a  marriage  of  a  couple  in  a  country  village. 


NOTES   TO   CHAPTER  XVI. 

( ' )  "  Century  Magazine,"  October,  1888. 

(2)  Ibid. 

(3)  George  B.  McClellan's  "  Own  Story,"  p.  157. 

(4)  Ibid. 

(5)  J.  W.  Hutchinson  to  Author. 

(6)  Ibid. 

(")  Donn  Piatt,  '-'Memories  of  Men  who  Saved  the  Union,"  p.  57. 

(8)  J.  G.  Holland,  "Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  435. 

(")  Robert  Lincoln  was  born  August  1,  1843;  Edward  Baker,  March  10,  1846,  died  in 
infancy;  William  Wallace,  December  21,  1850,  died  February,  1862;  Thomas,  April  4, 
1853. 

( 10)  F.  B.  Carpenter,  "  Six  Months  in  the  White  House,"  p.  117. 

(")  William  D.  Kelley,  "Lincoln  and  Stanton,"p.  22. 

(is)  »  War  Records,"  vol.  v.,  series  i.,  p.  727. 

(13)  L.  E.  Chittenden,  "Recollections  of  President  Lincoln,"  p.  209. 

(14)  William  D.  Kelley,  "Lincoln  and  Stanton,"  p.  40. 
('M  Ibid. 

(16)  Ibid.,  p.  42. 
(")  Ibid.,  p43. 

(18)  Ibid.,  p.  33. 

(19)  Ibid.,  p.  41. 

(20)  Chanucey  M.  Depew,  "Reminiscences  of  President  Lincoln,"  p.  433. 

(21)  Schuyler  Colfax,  "Reminiscences  of  President  Lincoln,"  p.  346. 


312  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

PRELIMINARY   TO   EMANCIPATION. 

ENERAL  GRANT  was  encamped  at  Pittsburg  Landing,  on  the 
west  bank  of  the  Tennessee.    General  Buell  was  leisurely  moving 
from  Nashville  to  join  him.     After  the  loss  of  Fort  Donelson  the  Con- 
federates concentrated  at  Corinth,  twenty  two  miles  from  the 
AiP8626'  position,  occupied  by  Grant.     General  Beauregard  had  been  sent 
west  by  Jefferson  Davis,  to  aid  Albert  Sidney  Johnston  in  con- 
centrating and  organizing  an  army.     They  resolved  to  attack  Grant, 
and  crush  him  before  the  arrival  of  Buell.     Though  not  expecting  to 
be  attacked,  and  although  many  of  the  men  were  asleep  when  the 
first  volley  of  musketry  broke  the  stillness  of  the  morning,  the  Union 
soldiers  did  not  flee,  but  fought  obstinately  through   the  day.     (See 
"  Drum-beat  of  the  Nation.")     General  Nelson's  troops  of  Buell's  army 
arrived  at  sunset,  and  were  placed  in  line  of  battle.     Before  morning 
other  divisions  joined  them,  and  the  Confederates  suffered  a  disastrous 
defeat.     General  Grant  had  maintained  the  battle  against  a  superior 
force  during  the  first  day  of  the  conflict.     He  had  displayed  great 
ability  at  Donelson.     Yet  busybodies  were  depreciating  him;  they  in- 
formed the  President  that  he  drank  intoxicating  liquor. 
"  Are  you  sure  of  it  ?"  the  President  asked. 
"  So  they  say." 

"Thank  you.    Now,  if  you  will  find  out  what  kind  of  liquor  he 
drinks,  I'll  send  some  of  the  same  brand  to  other  generals." 

Gratifying  news  came  from  New  Orleans :  General  Butler  and  Ad- 
miral Farragut  were  in  possession  of  the  city. 

The  negroes  left  behind  by  their  masters  on  the  Sea  Islands  of 
South  Carolina  were  being  fed  and  clothed  by  General  Hunter,  who 
had  been  appointed  to  command  a  military  department  compris- 
1862'    mo  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  and  Florida.     He  issued  a  procla- 
mation, in  which  he  said  that  slavery  and  martial  law  in  a  free 
country  were  incompatible.     He  declared  that  all  slaves  in  his  depart- 


PRELIMINARY   TO  EMANCIPATION.  313 

ment  were  therefore  entitled  to  their  freedom.  It  greatly  gratified 
those  who  desired  to  see  the  system  destroyed. 

"  General  Hunter  ought  to  be  sustained,"  said  Secretary  Chase  to 
the  President.  (') 

By  what  authority  had  Hunter  issued  this  order?  Solely  that  of 
military  law.  But  the  President  was  commander-in-chief. 

"  No  commanding  general  shall  do  such  a  thing  upon  my  responsi- 
bility without  consulting  me,"  his  reply  to  Secretary  Chase.  An  order 
was  issued  by  Mr.  Lincoln  setting  aside  that  of  his  personal  friend, 
whom  he  knew  to  be  loyal,  honest,  and  true.  Friendship  did  not  have 
the  weight  of  a  feather  in  the  decision. 

"Whether  it  be  competent  for  me,"  reads  the  order,  "as  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy,  to  declare  the  slaves  of  any  State  or 
States  free,  and  whether  at  any  time  or  in  any  case  it  shall  be- 
'  come  a  necessity  indispensable  to  the  maintenance  of  the  Govern- 
ment to  exercise  such  supposed  powers,  are  questions  which,  under  my 
responsibility,  I  reserve  to  myself,  and  which  I  cannot  feel  justified  in 
leaving  to  the  decision  of  commanders  in  the  field." 

Once  in  the  world's  history,  when  a  favored  people  gave  themselves 
to  wickedness,  when  violence  and  oppression  ruled,  when  the  dry  and 
thirsty  land  was  parched  with  summer  heat,  and  the  famine  sore,  a 
prophet  of  God  sent  up  his  supplication,  and  there  appeared  a  cloud 
like  a  man's  hand,  as  it  were,  above  the  sea — the  sign  of  coming  rain. 
So  at  an  hour  when  the  wickedness  of  the  Rebellion  was  filling  the 
country  with  woe;  when  the  land  was  parched  by  the  heat  of  war,  red 
•with  human  gore,  lurid  with  the  lightning  of  battle,  resounding  with 
the  thunder  of  the  cannonade;  when  supplications  were  ascending  to 
God  that  the  causes  of  the  woe  and  anguish  might  be  swept  away— 
Abraham  Lincoln,  like  the  prophet  of  old,  spoke  the  words  which  Avill 
ever  remain  as  the  sign  of  the  coming  of  one  of  the  greatest  political 
and  philanthropic  events  of  all  the  ages :  the  gift  of  freedom  to  4,000,000 
bondmen. 

Yet  there  were  those  who  could  not  discern  the  little  cloud.  Will- 
iam Lloyd  Garrison  could  not  see  it.  He  said,  "  All  honor  to  General 
Hunter.  With  cheer  upon  cheer  the  welkin  rings.  Shame  and  confu- 
sion of  face  to  the  President  for  his  halting,  shuffling,  backward  policy. 
By  his  act  he  has  dispirited  and  alienated  the  truest  friends  of  freedom 
universally,  and  gratified  the  malignity  of  the  enemies  of  his  Adminis- 
tration, who  at  heart  are  traitors." (2) 

Some  of  the  newspapers  failed  to  comprehend  the  meaning  under- 


314:  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

lying  the  revocation  of  General  Hunter's  orders.  "  He  has  declared 
against  the  Federal  right  of  emancipation  in  the  States,"  wrote  the 
editor  of  the  Albany  "Argus." 

There  was  no  declaration  in  the  order  of  his  want  of  power  under 
the  Constitution  to  put  an  end  to  slavery,  but,  on  the  contrary,  a  clear 
intimation  that  the  time  might  come  when  he  would  be  called  upon  to 
exercise  such  authority.  Other  newspapers  sustained  the  President. 

"We  are  not  surprised,"  said  the  New  Bedford,  Mass.,  "Standard," 
"  at  the  action  of  the  President.  We  know  too  well  the  strength  of  sla- 
very. The  difficulty  is  not  so  much  in  the  President's  mind  as  in  public 
opinion.  Abraham  Lincoln  had  not  for  a  moment  considered  whether 
or  not  his  action  would  affect  his  standing  with  the  people.  He  could 
not  allow  others  to  exercise  an  authority  which  was  exclusively  his  own. 
His  judgment  decided  that  the  people  were  not  ready  for  emancipa- 
tion." (3) 

"  The  President  has  to-day  a  stronger  hold  than  ever  upon  the  confi- 
dence of  the  majority  of  the  people,"  said  the  Boston  "  Advertiser."  (") 

"  He  has  shown  his  own  good  sense,  his  consistency,  and  steady  ad- 
herence to  the  Constitution  and  the  laws,"  the  words  of  the  Philadelphia 
"  Ledger." 

"He  has  given  to  the  world  evidence  of  that  firmness  and  moral 
courage  for  which  he  is  distinguished,"  the  declaration  of  the  Albany 
"Evening  Journal." (B) 

The  President  sent  a  special  message  to  Congress,  recommending 
the  passage  of  a  resolution  to  the  effect  that  the  United  States  ought 
to  co-operate  with  any  State  in  securing  the  abolition  of  slavery  by 
compensating  the  owners  of  slaves.  Congress  complied  with  the  rec- 
ommendation. Slavery  had  been  thus  abolished  in  the  District  of  Co- 
lumbia, but  the  border  States  stood  aloof  from  such  a  measure.  The 
President  made  a  tender  and  pathetic  appeal  to  those  States.  He 
said :  "  The  proposal  makes  common  cause  for  a  common  object,  cast- 
ing no  reproaches  upon  any.  It  acts  not  the  Pharisee.  The  change 
it  contemplates  would  come  as  gently  as  the  de\vs  of  heaven,  not  send- 
ing weakness  to  anything.  Will  you  not  entertain  it  ?  So  much  good 
has  not  been  done  by  one  effort  in  all  past  time  as,  in  the  providence 
of  God,  it  is  now  your  privilege  to  do.  May  the  vast  future  not  have 
it  to  lament  that  you  neglected  it." 

The  army  under  McClellan  was  on  its  way  to  Fortress  Monroe.  In 
eighteen  days'  time  121,000  men,  nearly  15,000  horses  and  mules,  1150 
wagons,  260  cannon,  and  74  ambulances  were  transported  from  Alexan- 


PRELIMINARY  TO  EMANCIPATION. 


315 


dria,  besides  provisions,  camp  equipage,  ammunition,  and  a  vast  amount 
of  other  material. 

General  McClellan  left  Washington  to  join  the  three  corps  of  his 

army — Heintzelman's,  Sumner's  and  Keyes's — which  had  preceded  him. 

McDowell's  was  to  follow.     Startling;  information  came  to  the 

April  1 

'  President  from  General  Wadsworth,  informing  him  that  he  had 
only  19,000  troops  to  garrison  the  forts  and  defend  Washington !  At 
the  conference  of  the  commanders  of  the  four  array  corps,  hel<J  at 
Fairfax  Court-house  (see  page  307),  Generals  Keyes,  Heintzelman,  and 
McDowell  had  agreed  that  if  the  forts  on  the  Virginia  side  of  the 
Potomac  should  be  fully  garrisoned,  and  those  on  the  Washington  side 
occupied,  there  must  still  be  left  a  covering  force  of  25,000.  General 


GENEKAL   WADSWO11TII. 


316  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

Sumner,  commanding  a  corps,  said  that  a  total  of  40,000  must  be  left. 
Was  not  General  Wadsworth  mistaken  ?  Could  the  information  be  cor- 
rect? The  President  directed  Generals  Hitchcock  and  Thomas  to  in- 
vestigate the  matter.  They  reported  it  would  require  30,000  men  to 
man  all  the  forts,  which,  with  25,000  as  a  covering  force,  would  make 
a  total  of  55,000  to  render  the  capital  secure.  "  The  requirement  of  the 
President  has  not  been  fully  complied  with,"  they  said  ;  whereupon  Mr. 
Lincoln  issued  an  order  that  McDowell's  corps  should  remain. 

In  speaking  of  this  action  of  the  President,  McClellan  says :  "  It  frus- 
trated all  my  plans  for  impending  operations.  It  made  brilliant  opera- 
tions impossible.  It  was  a  fatal  error."  (6) 

Yorktown  was  held  by  a  Confederate  force  of  11,000  men  under 
General  Magruder.  His  line  extended  thirteen  miles  along  Warwick 
Creek.  McClellan  saw  breastworks  and  fortifications  with  cannon.  He 
sent  this  despatch  to  the  President : 

"  The  approaches,  except  at  Yorktown,  are  covered  by  the  Warwick,  over  which  them 
is  but  one,  or,  at  the  most,  two  passages,  both  of  which  are  covered  by  strong  batteries. 
It  -will  be  necessary  to  resort  to  the  use  of  siege  operations  before  we  assault.  ...  I  am  im- 
pressed with  the  conviction  that  here  is  to  be  fought  the  great  battle  that  is  to  decide 
the  existing  contest.  I  shall,  of  course,  commence  the  assault  as  soon  as  I  can  get  up  my 
siege  train." 

The  President  replied : 

"  You  now  have  over  one  hundred  thousand  troops.  I  think  you  had  better  break  the 
enemy's  line  from  Yorktown  to  Warwick  River  at  once.  Your  despatches  complaining 
that  you  are  not  properly  sustained,  while  they  do  not  offend  me,  do  pain  me  very  much. 
Blenker's  division  was  withdrawn  from  you  before  you  left  here,  and  you  know  the 
pressure  under  which  I  did  it,  and,  as  I  thought,  acquiesced  in  it — certainly  not  without 
reluctance.  After  you  left  I  ascertained  that  less  than  twenty  thousand  unorganized  men, 
without  a  single  field  battery,  were  all  you  designed  to  be  left  for  the  defence  of  Wash- 
ington and  Manassas  Junction,  and  part  of  ihis  even  was  to  go  to  General  Hooker's  old 
position.  General  Banks's  corps,  once  designed  for  Manassas  Junction,  was  diverted  and 
tied  up  on  the  line  of  Winchester  and  Strasburg,  and  could  not  leave  it  without  again 
exposing  the  Upper  Potomac  and  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad.  This  presented,  or 
would  present,  when  McDowell  and  Sumner  should  be  gone,  a  great  temptation  to  the 
enemy  to  turn  back  from  the  Rappahannock  and  sack  Washington.  My  explicit  order 
that  Washington  should,  by  the  judgment  of  all  the  commanders  of  army  corps,  be  left 
entirely  secure,  had  been  neglected.  It  was  precisely  this  that  drove  me  to  detain 
McDowell. 

"  I  do  not  forget  that  I  was  satisfied  with  your  arrangement  to  leave  Banks  at  Manas- 
sas Junction;  but  when  that  arrangement  was  broken  up  and  nothing  was  substituted  for 
it,  of  course  I  was  constrained  to  substitute  something  for  it  myself.  And  allow  me  to 
ask,  do  you  really  think  I  should  permit  the  line  from  Richmond  via  Manassas  Junction 
to  this  city  to  be  entirely  open,  except  what  resistance  could  be  presented  by  less  than 


PRELIMINARY   TO   EMANCIPATION.  317 

twenty  thousand  unorganized  troops  ?  This  is  a  question  which  the  country  will  not 
allow  me  to  evade. 

"There  is  a  curious  mystery  about  the  number  of  troops  now  with  you.  "When  I 
telegraphed  you  on  the  6th,  saying  you  had  over  one  hundred  thousand  with  you,  I  had 
just  obtained  from  the  Secretary  of  War  a  statement,  taken,  as  he  said,  from  your  own 
returns,  making  one  hundred  and  eight  thousand  then  with  you  and  en  route  to  you. 
You  now  say  you  will  have  but  eighty-five  thousand  when  all  en  route  to  you  shall  have 
reached  you.  How  can  the  discrepancy  of  twenty-three  thousand  be  accounted  for  ? 

"As  to  General  Wool's  command  [at  Fortress  Monroe],  I  understand  it  is  doing  for 
you  precisely  what  a  like  number  of  your  own  would  have  to  do  if  that  command  was 
away. 

"I  suppose  the  whole  force  which  has  gone  forward  for  you  is  with  you  by  this 
time,  and,  if  so,  I  think  it  is  the  precise  time  for  you  to  strike  a  blow  By  delay  the 
enemy  will  relatively  gain  upon  you — that  is,  he  will  gain  faster  by  fortifications  and 
reinforcements  than  you  can  by  reinforcements  alone.  And  once  more  let  me  tell  you,  it 
is  indispensable  to  you  that  you  strike  a  blow.  I  am  powerless  to  help  this.  You  will 
do  me  the  justice  to  remember  I  always  insisted  that  going  down  the  bay  in  search  of  a 
field,  instead  of  fighting  at  or  near  Manassas,  was  only  shifting  and  not  surmounting  a 
difficulty  ;  that  we  would  find  the  same  enemy  and  the  same  or  equal  intrenchments  at 
either  place.  The  country  will  not  fail  to  note,  is  now  noting,  that  the  present  hesitation 
to  move  upon  an  intrenched  enemy  is  but  the  story  of  Manassas  repeated. 

"I  beg  to  assure  you  that  I  have  never  written  you  or  spoken  to  you  in  greater  kind- 
ness of  feeling  than  now,  nor  with  a  fuller  purpose  to  sustain  you,  so  far  as,  in  my  most 
anxious  judgment,  I  consistently  can.  But  you  must  act." 

General  McClellan  wrote  that  he  wanted  McDowell's  full  corps, 
but  would  try  to  get  along  with  Franklin's  division,  and  would  be  re- 
sponsible for  results.  The  President  complied  with  the  request.  The 
division  arrived,  but  there  was  nothing  for  it  to  do.  The  100,000  sol- 
diers already  there  Avere  building  earthworks  and  putting  heavy  guns 
in  position.  The  artillery  threw  a  few  shells  into  the  enemy's  works, 
and  McClellan  sent  this  despatch  to  Secretary  Stanton : 

"  General  Smith  has  just  handsomely  silenced  the  fire  of  the  so-called  one-gun  battery, 
and  forced  the  enemy  to  suspend  work.  Mott's  battery  behaved  splendidly." 

Stanton  telegraphed : 

"Good  for  the  first  lick  !  Hurrah  for  Smith  and  the  one-gun  battery  !  Let  us  have 
Yorktown,  with  Magruder  and  his  gang,  before  the  first  of  May,  and  the  job  will  be  over!" 

We  may  regard  it  as  a  bit  of  sarcasm  on  the  part  of  the  Secretary 
of  War. 

General  McClellan  had  a  large  number  of  mortars  and  cannon 
mounted,  but  telegraphed  for  more.  This  the  despatch  from  the  Pres- 
ident : 


318  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"Your  call  for  Parrott  guns  from  Washington  alarms  me,  chiefly  because  it  argues 
indefinite  procrastination.  Is  anything  to  be  done  ?" 

McClellan  replied : 

"  Our  work  going  on  very  well.  .  .  .  Our  rifle-pits  are  rightly  advancing.  Indications 
of  a  brush  to-night.  The  time  for  opening  fire  is  now  rapidly  approaching.  Enemy  still 
in  force  and  working  hard." 

Nearly  one  hundred  heavy  guns  and  mortars  were  in  position,  but 
McClellan  would  not  allow  them  to  open  fire  till  all  arrangements  were 
completed.  Then  he  would  astonish  the  Confederates.  He  did  not 
mistrust  that  Magruder's  spies  were  in  his  camp,  and  knew  everything 
that  was  going  on — that  the  enemy  was  ready  to  leave  at  any  mo- 
ment. (') 

When  the  batteries  of  McClellan  were  prepared  to  begin  the  bom- 
bardment, not  a  Confederate  soldier  was  to  be  seen ;  all  had  departed. 
Exultant  the  despatch  sent  by  McClellan  to  Washington : 

"Yorktown  is  in  our  possession.  We  have  the  ramparts,  have  guns,  ammunition, 
camp  equipage,  etc.  Hold  the  entire  line  of  works.  .  .  .  Gunboats  have  gone  up  York 
River.  I  shall  push  the  enemy  to  the  wall." 

The  division  commanded  by  General  Hooker  overtook  the  retreat- 
ing Confederates  at  Williamsburg.  Although  confronted  by  a  superior 
force,  he  boldly  and  resolutely  began  an  engagement.  McClel- 
lan was  far  in  the  rear,  and  did  not  arrive  till  the  battle  was 
over.  Through  the  following  night  the  Confederates  retreated  to  Rich- 
mond.  The  Union  soldiers  kindled  their  bivouac  fires  and  passed  the 
night  on  the  field. 

There  was  commotion  in  the  Confederate  capital.  "  In  the  Presi- 
dential mansion  all  was  consternation  and  dismay,"  the  Avords  of  a 
Southern  historian. (")  Congress  adjourned  hastily  and  many  people 
left  the  city.  The  public  documents  were  packed  in  boxes  and  taken 
away;  the  presses  which  were  printing  treasury  notes  were  sent  to 
Georgia. 

It  seems  probable  that  if  McClellan  had  pushed  resolutely  on  he 
could  have  made  his  way  at  once  into  Richmond. 

The  Merrimac  was  still  a  menace  to  the  great  fleet  of  vessels  in 
Hampton  Roads.  Mr.  Lincoln  believed  the  time  had  come  when  Nor- 
folk could  be  seized  and  the  Merrimac  destroyed.  He  was  con- 
fident that  with  the  army  moving  towards  Richmond  the  Confed- 
erates would  not  leave  many  troops  to  hold  Norfolk  and  the  batteries 


PRELIMINARY  TO   EMANCIPATION. 


319 


along  the  shore.    Accompanied  by  Secretary  Chase  and  Secretary  Stan- 
ton,  he  visited  Fortress  Monroe.     He  asked  Admiral  Goldsborough  if 
troops  could  not  be  landed  on  the  north  shore.    If  so,  they  would  only 
have  to  march  eight  miles  to  reach 
Norfolk. 

"There  is  no  landing-place 
on  the  north  shore,"  said  the  ad- 
miral. "  We  shall  have  to  double 
the  cape  and  approach  the  place 
from  the  south  side,  which  will 
be  a  long  and  difficult  journey." 

"  Have  you  ever  tried  to  find 
a  landing?" 


"  We  have  not." 

"  That  reminds  me,"  said  Mr. 
Lincoln,  "of  a  fellow  out  in  Il- 
linois who  had  studied  law,  but 
who  never  had'tried  a  case.  He 
was  sued,  and  not  having  confi- 
dence in  his  own  ability,  em- 
ployed a  lawyer  to  manage  it  for 
him.  He  had  only  a  confused  idea 

of  law  terms,  but  was  anxious  to  make  a  display  of  learning,  and  on 
triaj  made  suggestions  to  his  lawyer.  He  said  :  '  Why  don't  you  go  at 
him  with  a  capias,  or  surrebutter,  or  something,  and  not  stand  there  like 
a  confounded  old  mudum  factum  f  Now,  admiral,  if  you  do  not  know 
there  is  not  a  landing  on  the  north  shore,  I  want  you  to  find  out." 

Admiral  Goldsborough  understood  why  the  President  told  the 
story.  Accompanied  by  Secretary  Chase  and  General  Wool,  he  closely 
examined  the  shore  and  found  a  landing.  The  troops  were  put  in  mo- 
tion. The  Confederates  evacuated  Norfolk.  The  Merrimac  was  blown 
up,  and  the  Union  gunboats  steamed  up  the  James. 

The  President  returned  to  Washington  much  pleased  with  the  results. 

Senator  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  called  at  the  White  House  to  pre- 
sent four  gentlemen  from  England.  It  was  early  in  the  forenoon,  and 
the  President  had  not  laid  aside  his  dressing-gown.  He  rose  and  greeted 
them  without  embarrassment,  making  no  apology  for  not  having  com- 
pleted his  toilet. 

"  You  have  been  fighting  great  battles,"  said  Mr.  Gold  win  Smith, 
one  of  the  visitors. 


HAMPTON    ROADS. 


320  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  Yes." 

"  Will  not  your  great  losses  impair  the  industrial  resources  of  the 
North  and  the  revenues  of  the  country  ?" 

"  That  brings  to  mind  '  darkey  arithmetic,'  "  said  Mr.  Lincoln. 

"  Darkey  arithmetic !  I  did  not  know,  Mr.  President,  that  you  have 
two  systems  of  arithmetic." 

"  Oh  yes ;  and  I'll  illustrate  that  point  by  a  little  story.  Two  young 
contrabands,  as  we  now  call  them,  were  seated  together.  '  Jim,'  said 
one, '  do  you  know  'rithm'tic  ?' 

"'No.     What  is 'rithm'tic?' 

" '  It's  where  you  adds  up  tings.  When  you  has  one  and  one  and 
puts  dem  togeder,  dey  makes  two.  When  you  substracts  tings,  if  you 
has  two  tings  and  you  takes  one  away,  only  one  remains.' 

"  '  Is  dat  'rithm'tic  V 

" '  Yes.' 

" '  Well,  'tain't  true ;  it's  no  good.' 

"'Yes  'tis,  and  I'll  show  ye.  Now  spose  tree  pigeons  sit  on  dat 
fence,  and  somebody  shoots  one  of  dem,  do  tother  two  stay^  dar  ?  Dey 
flies  away  fore  tother  feller  falls.' 

"Now,  gentlemen,  the  story  illustrates  the  arithmetic  you  must 
use  in  estimating  the  actual  losses  resulting  from  one  of  our  great 
battles.  The  statements  you  refer  to  give  the  killed,  wounded,  and 
missing  at  the  first  roll-call,  which  always  gives  an  exaggerated 
total." 

"  Is  it  not  unfortunate  that  such  reports  should  go  out  ?  Would  it 
not  be  better  to  delay  making  any  report,  Mr.  President  ?" 

"  Perhaps  so.  But  I  am  surprised  at  the  smallness  rather  than 
the  greatness  of  the  number  missing,  when  we  take  into  account  the 
dense  woods,  long  marches,  and  the  fatigues  of  men  unaccustomed  to 
military  life." 

To  the  astonishment  of  the  gentlemen,  the  President  gave  compari- 
sons between  American  and  European  wars,  and  showed  by  statistics 
that  the  missing  in  the  battles  fought  by  the  volunteers  were  less  than 
in  the  armies  of  Europe  after  a  great  battle. 

Mr.  William  D.  Kelley,  member  of  Congress,  was  present,  a  silent 
listener.  As  the  gentlemen  passed  from  the  executive  chamber  he 
heard  their  conversation. 

"  What  are  your  impressions  of  him  ?"  one  asked. 

"  Such  a  person,"  the  reply,  "  is  quite  unknown  to  our  official  circles 
or  to  those  of  continental  nations.  I  think  his  place  in  history  will 


PRELIMINARY  TO  EMANCIPATION.  321 

be  unique.  He  has  not  been  trained  to  diplomacy  or  administrative 
affairs,  and  is  in  all  respects  one  of  the  people.  But  how  wonderfully 
he  is  endowed  and  equipped  for  the  performance  of  the  duties  of  the 
chief  executive  office  of  the  United  States  at  this  time !  The  precision 
and  minuteness  of  his  information  on  all  questions  to  which  we  referred 
was  a  succession  of  surprises  to  me."(9) 

The  colored  people  —  not  only  those  in.  the  Northern  States,  but 
throughout  the  South — knew  from  the  time  Abraham  Lincoln  was  nomi- 
nated for  the  Presidency  that  he  represented  Freedom ;  that  the  party 
supporting  him  was  pledged  to  prevent  the  further  extension  of  Slavery. 
They  comprehended  that  the  war  was  a  conflict  between  Freedom  and 
Slavery.  The  most  ignorant  slaves  on  a  Southern  plantation  understood 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  represented  Liberty.  Many  thousand  colored  people 
were  in  Washington.  Their  churches  on  Sunday  were  thronged.  The 
children  were  gathered  into  Sunday-schools,  which  held  a  May -day  cele- 
bration. 

Never  had  there  been  such  a  spectacle  witnessed  in  the  United 
States  as  that  on  the  day  set  apart  for  the  festivities.  Parents  arrayed 
themselves  and  their  children  in  gaudy  clothing,  displaying  startling 
contrasts  of  color — white,  yellow,  green,  blue,  crimson — regardless  of 
artistic  harmony.  The  marshals  wore  huge  rosettes,  and  marched  with 
conspicuous  dignity.  The  procession  came  down  Pennsylvania  Avenue, 
entered  the  W  hite  House  grounds,  and  passed  beneath  the  portico.  At 
one  of  the  windows  stood  the  President.  The  teachers  had  endeavored 
to  impress  the  children  that  they  must  march  in  solemn  and  dignified 
silence  when  in  the  presence  of  the  greatest  man  in  the  world.  They 
might  as  well  have  said  to  the  yeast  in  a  barrel  of  beer  there  must  be 
no  fermentation.  The  ministers  and  teachers  at  the  head  of  the  proces- 
sion passed  the  President  with  stately  dignity,  but  the  irrepressible 
yeast  burst  forth  with  the  coming  of  the  first  file  of  boys.  "  Hooray ! 
Hooray !"  they  shouted,  and  waved  their  flags.  The  enthusiasm  ran 
down  the  line.  The  girls  tossed  their  flowers  into  the  window.  "  There 
he  is!"  "I  seen  him!"  "  Dats  Mars.  Linkum."  "Look  at  him!" 
"Look  at  him !"('") 

Till  the  last  child  has  passed  he  stands  there.  Never  before  has  a 
President  of  the  United  States  reviewed  such  a  procession.  Never 
before  has  a  chief  magistrate  so  recognized  a  down-trodden  people,  or 
so  acknowledged  the  brotherhood  of  the  human  race. 

His  thoughts  were  turned  from  the  children  to  the  war.  May  10th 
McClellan  telegraphed  for  more  troops  : 

21 


322  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"I  ask  for  every  man  the  department  can  send  me.  I  beg  that  you  will  cause  this 
army  to  be  reinforced  without  delay  by  all  the  disposable  troops  of  the  Government.  I 
ask  for  every  man  that  the  War  Department  can  send.  .  .  .  The  soldiers  have  confidence 
in  me  as  their  general,  and  in  you  as  their  President.  Strong  reinforcements  will  at  least 
save  the  lives  of  many  of  them." 

In  response  to  these  calls  General  McDowell,  who  was  at  Freder- 
icksburg,  was  ordered  to  march  overland  to  York  River.  President  Lin- 
coln visited  him,  and  directed  his  movements.  But  there  came  a  sud- 
den change  of  the  plan.  General  Banks,  with  a  small  force,  was  near 
Strasburg.  "Stonewall"  Jackson,  with  a  much  larger  Confederate 
army,  was  pushing  northward,  forcing  Banks  to  make  a  rapid  retreat. 
Jackson's  movement  menaced  Washington. 

The  President  thereupon  directed  McDowell  to  move  westward  and 
gain  Jackson's  rear  instead  of  marching  to  Richmond,  and  then 
sent  the  following  despatch  to  McClellan  : 

"If  McDowell's  force  was  now  beyond  our  reach,  we  should  be  entirely  helpless. 
Apprehensions  of  something  like  this,  and  no  unwillingness  to  sustain  you,  have  always 
been  my  reasons  for  withholding  McDowell  from  you.  Please  understand  this,  and  do 
the  best  you  can  with  the  force  you  have." 

A  little  later  the  same  day  the  President  telegraphed  : 

"  I  think  the  time  is  near  when  you  must  either  attack  Richmond  or  give  up  the  job 
and  come  to  the  defence  of  Washington." 

The  President  mapped  out  the  best  possible  movements  for  the  dif- 
ferent bodies  of  troops :  McDowell  to  hasten  westward  to  Port  Royal 
and  cut  off  Jackson's  retreat;  Fremont,  who  was  farther  west,  to 
hasten  east  and  join  McDowell.  McClellan  the  while  was  calling  for 
more  troops. 

The  attempt  to  cut  off  Jackson  resulted  in  failure  through  the  tar- 
diness of  Fremont.  The  Confederates  retreated  from  Harper's  Ferry  as 
rapidly  as  they  had  advanced. 

The  army  on  the  Peninsula  was  divided  by  the  Chickahominy  River. 
Two  corps,  commanded  by  Heintzleman  and  Keyes,  were  attacked  at 
Seven  Pines  ;  Sumner  hastened  to  their  aid,  and  the  Confederates  were 
defeated,  and  their  commander,  General  Johnston,  wounded. 

General  Dix,  who  had  succeeded  General  Wool  at  Fortress  Mon- 
roe, sent  10,000  men  to  McClellan ;  McCall's  division  of  10,000  from 
McDowell's  corps  was  also  forwarded,  increasing  the  army  to  nearly 
157,000. 

Mortifying  the  news  that  came  to  McClellan.     General  Stuart,  with 


PRELIMINARY  TO   EMANCIPATION.  323 

a  division  of  Confederate  cavalry,  burned  two  schooners  in  the  Pamun- 

key  River,  tore  up  the  railroad  track  leading  to  White  House, 

'  fired  upon  a  train,  captured  supplies  and  the  sick  in  one  of  the 

hospitals,  trotted  around  the  Union  army,  and  afterwards  returned  to 

Richmond. 

The  information  was  received  with  incredulity  and  disgust  by  the 
people.  It  foreshadowed  failure,  if  not  disaster.  Members  of  Congress 
who  visited  the  peninsula  said  they  found  soldiers  guarding  the  property 
of  an  officer  who  was  in  the  Confederate  army.  Surgeons  were  not 
allowed  to  pitch  their  hospital  tents  beneath  the  trees  near  the  house  of 
a  Confederate,  but  were  compelled  to  set  them  up  in  the  blazing  sun- 
shine. Senator  Wade  and  a  party  sought  shelter  from  a  shower  beneath 
the  portico  of  a  house,  and  were  rudely  driven  from  it.  General  Sum- 
ner  was  informed  regarding  the  indignity. 

"  You  must  not  hold  me  responsible,  gentlemen.  I  am  not  general- 
in-chief.  I  must  enforce  the  order  of  my  superior,"  the  reply.  (" ). 

Reports  came  to  the  President  that  officers  who  were  in  sympathy 
with  McClellan  would  send  in  their  resignations  if  negroes  were  em- 
ployed to  aid  in  putting  down  the  Rebellion. 

At  the  yearly  meeting  of  the  Progressive  Friends,  a  society  of 
Quakers,  William  Lloyd  Garrison  drew  up  a  memorial  to  the  President, 
asking  him  to  issue  a  Proclamation  of  Emancipation.  Oliver  Johnson, 
Thomas  Garrett,  and  several  others  visited  Washington  to  pre- 
sent it  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  Although  the  news  from  the  army 
was  discouraging,  though  he  had  passed  a  sleepless  night,  he  patiently 
listened  to  the  reading  of  the  address.  It  intimated  that  he  had  not 
done  what  the  people  expected  him  to  do  when  they  elected  him.  It 
set  forth  the  blessings  that  would  immediately  follow  were  he  to  issue 
a  proclamation.  "  If  it  is  not  done,"  read  the  memorial,  "  blood  will 
continue  to  flow  and  fierce  dissensions  abound,  calamities  increase  and 
fiery  judgments  be  poured  out,  until  the  work  of  national  destruction  is 
consummated  beyond  hope  of  recovery." 

"  You  cannot,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  expect  me  to  make  any  extended 
reply  to  your  address,  as  I  have  not  been  provided  with  a  copy  in  ad- 
vance. Slavery  is  the  most  troublesome  question  we  have  to  deal  with. 
My  view  in  regard  to  the  way  of  getting  rid  of  it  may  not  be  your 
view.  We  all  agree  that  it  is  wrong.  You  wrant  me  to  issue  a  Procla- 
mation of  Emancipation  ;  but  were  I  to  do  so,  how  can  I  enforce  it  ?  I 
feel  the  magnitude  of  the  task  before  me,  and  wish  to  be  rightly  di- 
rected." 


324:  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"Mr.  President,"  said  William  Barnard,  "you  will  remember  that 
Queen  Esther,  when  she  was  going  before  Ahasuerus,  relied  upon  divine 
assistance." 

"  Yes ;  and  I,  too,  feel  the  need  of  divine  assistance.  I  have  some- 
times thought  I  might  be  an  instrument  in  the  hands  of  God  for  accom- 
plishing a  great  work,  and  I  certainly  am  not  unwilling  to  be.  Per- 
haps, however,  God's  way  of  accomplishing  the  end  may  not  be  your 
way.  It  will  be  my  endeavor,  with  a  firm  reliance  upon  the  divine 
arm,  to  do  my  duty  in  the  place  to  which  I  am  called."  (ia) 

The  President  knew  the  people  were  beginning  to  distrust  him. 
Charles  Sumner,  Senator  from  Massachusetts,  was  receiving  letters 
from  his  friends,  who  said  the  President  was  not  meeting  the  expecta- 
tions of  those  who  had  elected  him.  He  knew  how  true  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  to  his  convictions.  "  If  you  are  disposed  to  be  impatient,"  wrote 
Mr.  Sumner  to  a  friend,  "  at  any  seeming  shortcoming,  think,  I  pray 
you,  of  what  he  has  done  in  a  brief  period,  and  from  the  past  discern 
the  promise  of  the  future."  (I3) 

General  Lee  prepared  to  move  against  McClellan.    The  Union  army 

was  divided.     He  determined  to  fall  upon  the  portion  north  of  the 

Chickahominy  and   sever  its   railroad   connections  with  York 

Juince«o6'  River.     A  series  of  battles  followed — the  first  at  Gaines's  Mill 

ioOi. 

and  Cold  Harbor,  the  last  at  Malvern  Hill,  on  the  banks  of  the 
James.    (See  "  Drum-beat  of  the  Nation.") 

A  heart  -  sickening,  irritating  despatch  came  (June  28th)  from  Gen- 
eral McClellan  to  the  Secretary  of  War  : 

"  I  am  not  responsible  for  this;  and  I  say  it  with  the  earnestness  of  a  general  who  feels 
in  his  heart  the  loss  of  every  brave  man  who  has  been  needlessly  sacrificed  to-day.  I  still 
hope  to  retrieve  our  fortunes,  but  to  do  this  the  Government  must  view  the  matter  in  the 
same  earnest  light  that  I  do.  You  must  send  me  very  large  reinforcements,  and  send  them 
at  once.  I  shall  draw  back  to  this  side  of  the  Chickahominy,  and  think  I  can  withdraw  all 
our  material.  Please  understand  that  in  this  battle  we  have  lost  nothing  but  men,  and 
those  the  best  we  have. 

"In  addition  to  what  I  have  already  said,  I  only  wish  to  say  to  the  President  that  I 
think  he  is  wrong  in  regarding  me  as  ungenerous  when  I  said  that  my  force  was  too  weak. 
I  merely  intimated  a  truth  which  to-day  has  been  too  plainly  proved.  If,  at  this  instant,  I 
could  dispose  of  ten  thousand  fresh  men,  I  could  gain  a  victory  to-morrow.  I  know 
that  a  few  thousand  more  men  would  have  changed  this  battle  from  a  defeat  to  a  victory. 
As  it  is,  the  Government  must  not  and  cannot  hold  me  responsible  for  the  result. 

"I  feel  too  earnestly  to-night.  I  have  seen  too  many  dead  and  wounded  comrades  to 
feel  otherwise  than  that  the  Government  has  not  sustained  this  army.  If  you  do  not  do 
so  now  the  game  is  lost. 

"  If  I  save  this  army  now,  I  tell  you  plainly  that  I  owe  no  thanks  to  you  or  to  any 
other  person  in  Washington.  You  have  doue  your  best  to  sacrifice  this  army." 


PRELIMINARY  TO  EMANCIPATION.  325 

Three  days  later  (July  1st)  McClellan  telegraphed : 
"I  need  fifty  thousand  more  men.     With  them  we  will  retrieve  our  fortunes." 
Mr.  Lincoln  sent  the  following  reply : 

"It  is  impossible  to  reinforce  you  for  present  emergency.  If  we  had  a  million  men 
we  could  not  get  them  to  you  in  time.  We  have  not  the  men  to  send.  If  you  are  not 
strong  enough  to  face  the  enemy,  you  must  find  a  place  of  security,  and  wait,  rest,  and 
repair." 

The  President,  anticipating  disaster,  and  believing  the  people  would 
sustain  him,  sent  Secretary  Seward  to  New  York  to  arrange  for  calling 
out  several  hundred  thousand  men. 
Messages  went  over  the  wires  to  the 
Governors  of  all  the  loyal  States. 
Quick  and  encouraging  responses 
came  from  John  A.  Andrew,  of 
Massachusetts;  William  A.  Bucking- 
ham, of  Connecticut ;  ( 14 )  Edwin  D. 
Morgan,  of  New  York;(15)  Andrew 
G.  Curtin,  of  Pennsylvania  ;(16) 
William  Dennison,  of  Ohio;  (1T)  and 
other  chief  magistrates.  Each  re- 
plied by  telegraph  that  his  State 
would  cheerfully  respond  to  the  call 
of  the  President.  The  people  had 
not  lost  faith  in  the  Administration. 

The   President   was   greatly   en- 
couraged by  the  replies  of  the  Governors, 
following  despatch  to  McClellan : 


WILLIAM  A.  BUCKINGHAM. 

[War  Governor  of  Connecticut.] 

On  July  2d  he  sent  the 


"The  idea  of  sending  you  fifty  thousand,  or  any  considerable  force  promptly,  is  absurd. 
If,  in  your  frequent  mention  of  responsibility,  you  have  the  impression  that  I  blame  you 
for  not  doing  more  than  you  can,  please  be  relieved  of  such  impression.  I  only  beg  that 
in  like  manner  you  will  not  ask  impossibilities  of  me.  If  you  think  you  are  not  strong 
enough  to  take  Richmond  just  now,  I  do  not  ask  you  to  try  just  now.  Save  the  army 
material  and  personnel,  and  I  will  strengthen  it  for  the  offensive  again  as  fast  as  I  can. 
The  Governors  of  eighteen  States  offer  me  a  new  levy  of  three  hundred  thousand,  which  I 
accept." 


The  thought  that  so  large  a  force  was  to  be  raised  stimulated  Mc- 
Clellan to  ask  that  100,000  be  sent  to  him : 


326  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

"  To  accomplish  the  great  task  of  capturing  Richmond  and  putting  an  end  to  the  Re- 
bellion, reinforcements  should  be  sent  me,  rather  much  over  than  much  less  than  one 
hundred  thousand  men.  I  beg  that  you  will  be  fully  impressed  by  the  magnitude  of  the 
crisis  in  which  we  are  placed." 

The  army  was  at  Harrison's  Landing,  protected  by  gunboats.  The 
campaign  for  the  capture  of  Richmond  was  over.  It  had  been  under- 
taken against  the  judgment  of  the  President,  who  had  seen  that  the 
Confederate  army  would  be  stronger  at  Richmond  than  at  Centreville. 
It  would  have  been  easier  for  McClellan  to  strike  a  blow  near  Wash- 
ington than  in  the  enemy's  country.  No  blow  had  been  given ;  the 
Confederates  had  done  the  striking.  The  army  still  numbered  more 
than  100,000.  It  was  inactive  and  dispirited.  There  were  rivalries 
and  jealousies  among  the  officers  and  a  decline  in  discipline. 

General  McClellan,  forgetting  he  was  only  commander  of  an  army, 
and  the  President  his  commander- in-chief,  wrote  a  long  letter,  instruct- 
ing Mr.  Lincoln  as  to  what  ought  and  ought  not  to  be  done  in 
u  y  political  affairs.  "  Let  neither  military  disorder,"  it  read,  "  po- 
litical faction,  nor  foreign  war  shake  your  settled  purpose  to  enforce  the 
equal  operation  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States  upon  the  people  of 
every  State." 

The  communication  was  offensive  by  its  dictatorial  tone.  It  informed 
Mr.  Lincoln  that  a  declaration  of  radical  views  in  relation  to  slavery 
would  rapidly  disintegrate  the  army. 

The  President  knew  his  powers  and  responsibilities  under  the  Con- 
stitution, and  did  not  need  instruction  from  any  general.  No  notice 
was  taken  of  the  letter.  He  visited  the  army,  and  was  affectionately 
received  by  the  soldiers.  General  McClellan  had  no  plan.  With  a  heavy 
heart  Mr.  Lincoln  returned  to  Washington.  Shall  we  wonder  that 
he  was  depressed  in  spirit  ?  The  people  had  expected  great  things 
from  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  but  it  had  accomplished  nothing.  The 
tide  of  success  which  marked  the  opening  of  the  campaign  in  the  West 
was  offset  by  the  failure  in  the  East.  The  "  Copperheads,"  as  they  were 
called — the  men  who  opposed  the  war — rejoiced  over  the  state  of  affairs. 
"  You  never  can  conquer  the  South,"  they  said.  Many  who  had  sup- 
ported Mr.  Lincoln  began  to  question  whether  he  had  any  serious  in- 
tention of  interfering  with  slavery.  He  had  taken  no  notice  of  the 
action  of  McClellan  when  in  West  Virginia,  or  of  Halleck  in  Missouri, 
excluding  slaves  from  the  lines  of  the  Union  armies.  On  the  other 
hand,  he  had  set  aside  the  proclamations  of  Fremont  and  that  of  Hun- 
ter, giving  freedom  to  the  slaves  in  their  military  departments.  Very 


PRELIMINARY   TO  EMANCIPATION. 


327 


EDWIN  D.  MORGAN,  WAR  GOVERNOR  OP  NEW  YORK. 


few  people  comprehended  the  President's  position.  He  had  appealed 
to  the  members  of  Congress  from  the  border  Slave  States  to  take  action 
towards  abolishing  slavery  in  their  respective  States.  Their  indiffer- 
ence cut  him  to  the  heart.  He  would  make  one  more  effort.  He 
would  invite  them  to  the  White  House  and  address  them  personally.  t 
Yery  earnest  his  appeal : 

"The  incidents  of  war  cannot  be  avoided.  If  it  continues,  as  it  must  if  the  object 
is  not  soon  attained,  the  institution  in  your  States  will  be  extinguished  by  mere  friction 
and  abrasion.  It  will  be  gone,  and  you  will  have  nothing  valuable  in  lieu  of  it.  Much 
of  its  value  is  gone  already.  .  .  .  How  much  better  for  you  as  seller,  and  the  nation  as 
buyer,  to  sell  out  and  buy  out  that  without  which  the  war  could  never  have  been,  than 
to  sink  both  the  thing  to  be  sold  and  the  price  of  it  in  cutting  one  another's  throats  !  .  .  . 


328  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

I  am  pressed  with  a  difficulty  not  yet  mentioned — one  which  threatens  division  among 
those  who,  united,  are  none  too  strong.  An  instance  is  known  to  you.  General  Hunter 
is  an  honest  man.  He  was,  and  I  hope  still  is,  my  friend.  I  value  him  none  the  less  for 
his  agreeing  with  me  in  the  general  wish  that  all  men  everywhere  could  be  free.  He 
proclaimed  all  men  free  in  certain  States,  and  I  repudiated  the  proclamation.  He  ex- 
pected more  good  and  less  harm  from  the  measure  than  I  could  believe  would  follow. 
Yet  in  repudiating  it  I  gave  dissatisfaction,  if  not  offence,  to  many  whose  support  the 
country  cannot  afford  to  lose.  And  this  is  not  the  end  of  it.  The  pressure  in  this  direc- 
tion is  still  upon  me  and  is  increasing.  By  conceding  what  now  I  ask,  you  can  relieve 
me,  and  much  more — even  relieve  the  country  in  this  important  point.  ...  As  you  would 
perpetuate  popular  government  for  the  best  people  in  the  world,  I  beseech  you  that  you 
do  not  omit  this. 

"Our  common  country  is  in  great  peril,  demanding  the  loftiest  views  and  boldest  action 
to  bring  speedy  relief.  Once  relieved,  its  form  of  government  is  saved  to  the  world,  its 
beloved  history  and  cherished  memories  are  vindicated,  and  its  happy  future  fully  as- 
sured and  rendered  immeasurably  grand.  To  you,  more  than  to  others,  the  privilege  is 
given  to  assure  that  happiness  and  swell  that  grandeur,  and  to  link  your  names  therewith 
forever." 

What  the  President  thus  earnestly  asked  them,  to  do  was  to  vote 
a  sum  of  money  for  purchasing  the  slaves  in  their  respective  States 
sufficient  to  fully  compensate  the  owners.  A  majority  submitted  an 
elaborate  reply.  They  thought  freeing  the  slaves  would  not  terminate 
the  war  or  tend  to  restore  the  Union.  So  deeply  concerned  was  the 
President  that  he  drafted  a  bill  for  carrying  out  his  plans,  but  a  ma- 
jority of  the  members  from  the  border  States  regarded  it  as  of  no 
more  value  than  a  piece  of  blank  paper.  They  maintained  that  under 
the  constitutions  of  the  States  and  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  they  had  a  right  to  hold  slaves,  and  they  were  not  ready  to 
give  it  up. 

Nine  of  the  gentlemen  were  ready  to  co-operate  with  him  in  carry- 
ing out  his  plan,  but  with  only  a  minority  in  favor  of  it  nothing  could 
be  done. 

It  was  Sunday.  A  day  calm  and  peaceful,  a  mournful  day  to  Sec- 
retary Stanton.  Death  had  come  to  his  home  and  taken  an  infant 
from  the  parents'  arms.  The  President  and  Secretaries  Seward 
fuly  18'  and  Welles  were  riding  together  in  the  funeral  procession.  The 
President  broke  the  silence.  He  spoke  of  the  disaster  to  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  ;  the  state  of  public  opinion ;  the  power  of  the  Eebellion. 
He  had  given  much  thought  to  the  question  of  issuing  a  Proclamation 
of  Emancipation. 

"  I  have  about  come  to  the  conclusion,"  he  said,  "  that  it  is  a  military 
necessity,  essential  for  the  salvation  of  the  nation.  This  is  the  first 
time  I  have  ever  mentioned  it  to  any  one.  What  do  you  think  of  it  ?" 


PRELIMINARY  TO  EMANCIPATION. 

"  The  subject  is  so  vast  that  I  must  have  time  for  reflection.  The 
measure  may  be  justifiable  and  necessary,"  said  Mr.  Seward. 

Mr.  Welles  was  of  the  same  opinion.  Up  to  the  time  of  the  inter- 
view with  the -members  of  Congress  from  the  border  States  on  Satur- 
day the  President  had  been  opposed  to  any  interference  by  the  gen- 
eral government  with  an.  institution  which  each  State  could  itself  deal 

O 

with. 

It  seems  probable  every  member  of  the  Cabinet  had  regarded  the 
matter  in  the  same  way.  ( 1S ) 

"  I  would  like  you  to  give  the  question  your  careful  consideration, 
for  something  must  be  done,"  said  the  President. 


WILLIAM   DENNISON,  WAR   GOVERNOR   OP   OHIO. 


330  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Congress  had  finished  its  business  and  adjourned.     It  had  passed 

an  act  confiscating  the  property  of  the  rebels.  ,  Slaves  were  property, 

and  under  the  act  they  might  be  seized  and  used  for  the  benefit 

July  17.  0^  ^  Government.     They  were  being  used  as  teamsters.     They 

were  building  fortifications.     Why  not  give  them  freedom  ? 

The  Cabinet  is  in  session.    The  President  takes  a  paper  from  his 

desk  and  reads  it — the  draft  of  a  proclamation  for  emancipating  the 

slaves — a  notice  that  "  on  and  after  the  first  day  of  January,  1863, 

y  22'  all  slaves  within  any  State  or  States  where  the   constitutional 

authority  of  the  United  States  shall  not  then  be  recognized,  submitted 

to,  and  maintained,  shall  thenceforward  and  forever  be  free." 

The  members  of  the  Cabinet  listen  in  amazement.  Wipe  slavery 
from  the  land  !  Can  it  be  done  ?  Give  instant  freedom  to  4,000,000  ! 
Is  it  safe  ?  They  sit  as  if  dazed. 

"  I  have  not  called  you  together  to  ask  your  advice,  but  to  lay  the 
subject  before  you.  I  shall  be  pleased  to  hear  any  suggestions  from 
you."(19) 

"  I  would  like  the  language  made  a  little  stronger,"  Mr.  Chase  re- 
marked. 

"  It  will  cost  you  the  fall  election,"  said  Mr.  Blair. 

"  Mr.  President,"  said  Secretary  Seward,  "  I  approve  of  the  procla- 
mation, but  I  question  the  expediency  of  issuing  it  just  now.  The 
depression  of  the  public  mind  consequent  upon  our  reverses  is  so  great 
that  I  fear  the  effect  of  so  important  a  step.  It  may  be  viewed  as  the 
last  measure  of  an  exhausted  Government — a  cry  for  help :  the  Govern- 
ment stretching  forth  its  hands  to  Ethiopia,  instead  of  Ethiopia  stretch- 
ing forth  her  hands  to  the  Government.  It  will  be  considered  as  our 
last  shriek  on  retreat.  While  I  approve  the  measure,  I  suggest  that  you 
postpone  its  issue  until  you  can  give  it  to  the  country  supported  by 
military  success,  instead  of  issuing  it,  as  would  be  the  case  now,  upon 
the  greatest  disaster  of  the  war." 

Mr.  Lincoln  sees  that  it  will  be  wise  not  to  issue  it  at  once,  but  wait 
for  a  better  moment. 

Two  members  only  of  the  Cabinet  have  had  any  intimation  that  the 
President  has  thought  of  issuing  a  document  unparalleled  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  human  race. 

These  the  words  of  Mr.  Lincoln  a  few  months  later  : 

"  It  had  got  to  be.  Things  had  gone  from  bad  to  worse  until  I  felt 
that  we  had  reached  the  end  of  our  rope  on  the  plan  of  operations  we 
had  been  pursuing — that  we  had  played  our  last  card  and  must  change 


PRELIMINARY  TO  EMANCIPATION.     :  331 

our  tactics,  or  lose  the  game.  I  determined  on  the  Emancipation  Proc- 
lamation, and,  without  consultation  with  or  the  knowledge  of  the 
Cabinet,  I  prepared  the  original  draft,  and  after  much  anxious  thought 
called  a  Cabinet  meeting  upon  the  subject." 

Thirty-one  years  had  passed  since  a  flat -boatman  in  New  Orleans 
'ifted  his  hand  towards  heaven  and  uttered  the  words,  "If  I  ever  get  a 
chance  to  hit  that  institution,  Pll  hit  it  hard,  by  the  Eternal  God  /" 

Strange  the  utterance,  stranger  the  happenings.  Divine  Providence 
had  placed  him  in  position,  and  he  would  strike  the  blow ! 


NOTES  TO  CHAPTEE  XVII. 

( i )  Warden's  "  Life  of  Chase." 
( "- )  "  Liberator,"  May  23, 1862. 

( 3 )  "  New  Bedford  Standard,"  quoted  in  the  "  Liberator,"  May  30, 1862. 

( 4 )  "  Boston  Advertiser,"  May  30,  1862. 

( 6 )  "  Albany  Evening  Journal,"  May  30, 1862. 

( 6 )  James  S.  Wadsworth  was  born  at  Geneseo,  N.  Y.,  October  30,  1807.     He  was  edu- 
cated at  Harvard  and  Yale  colleges.     He  studied  law  in  the  office  of  Daniel  Webster  at 
Boston.     He  inherited  great  wealth.     The  Governor  of  New  York  appointed  him  mem- 
ber of  the  Peace  Convention,  1861.     When  the  war  began  and  communication  between 
Philadelphia  and  Washington  was  broken,  he  chartered  a  vessel  at  New  York,  loaded  it 
with  supplies,  and  sent  it  to  Annapolis  for  the  relief  of  the  Union  soldiers.     He  volun- 
teered his  services  to  the  Government,  was  appointed  aid  on  the  staff  of  General  McDow- 
ell, and  displayed  great  bravery  in  the  battle  of  Bull  Run.     The  President  appointed 
him  Military  Governor  of  Washington  City  and  District  of  Columbia,  March,  1862.     He 
was  the  Republican  candidate  for  Governor  of  New  York  the  same  year,  but  was  defeated 
by  Horatio  Seymour.     In  the  battles  of  Fredericksburg,  Chancellorsville,  Gettysburg,  and 
the  Wilderness,  where  he  lost  his  life,  he  commanded  a  division  of  troops.   He  was  inspired 
by  an  intense  patriotism,  and  made  large  contributions  of  money  to  carry  on  the  war. 
He  was  much  beloved  by  President  Lincoln. — Author. 

(7 )  Major  McLaiu,  Confederate  Army,  to  Author,  November,  1862. 

(8)  Edward  N.  Pollard,  "  Second  Year  of  the  War,"  p.  29. 

(9)  William  D.  Kelley,  "  Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  289. 

(10)  L.  E.  Chittendeu,  "Recollections  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  331. 
(u)  William  D.  Kelley,  "Lincoln  and  Stantou,"  p.  89. 

(J2)  New  York  "  Tribune,"  June  22, 1862. 

( 13)  "  Liberator,"  June  20,  1862. 

(14)  William  Alfred  Buckingham  was  born  at  Lebanon,  Conn.,  May  8,  1804.     He  waa 
a  manufacturer  of  carpets.     He  was  generous  in  his  contributions  to  benevolent,  charita- 
ble, and  educational  institutions,  and  was  held  in  high  esteem  for  his  integrity,  energy, 
ability,  and  patriotism.     He  was  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate,  1869.     He  died 
February  4, 1875. — Author. 

(16)  Edwin  D.  Morgan  was  born  at  Washington,  Berkshire  County,  Mass.,  February  8, 
1811.  He  became  clerk  in  a  grocery  at  Hartford,  Conn.,  at  the  age  of  seventeen.  In 
1836  he  began  business  in  New  York,  and  amassed  a  large  fortune.  He  was  elected 
State  Senator,  1849-53.  He  was  active  in  the  formation  of  the  Republican  Party. 


332  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

In  1859  lie  was  elected  Governor  of  the  State,  and  re-elected  1861.  His  administration 
was  characterized  by  great  energy  and  economy.  Although  the  State  expenditures 
were  greatly  increased  by  the  war,  there  was  a  large  decrease  of  the  public  debt  from 
the  wise  management  of  the  finances.  The  troops  furnished  by  the  State  numbered 
220,000.  They  were  promptly  armed  and  equipped.  Governor  Morgan  used  his  wealth 
for  the  welfare  of  the  State  and  nation  with  unstinted  liberality.  He  was  elected 
United  States  Senator,  and  served  from  1863  to  1869. — Author. 

(16)  Andrew  G.  Curtin  was  born  at  Bellefonte,  Pa.,  April  28,  1817.  He  studied  law, 
and  took  an  active  part  in  political  aifairs.  He  was  elected  Secretary  of  State,  1855,  con- 
tinuing to  1858.  He  became  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  1860,  and  Governor, 
1861.  He  was  re-elected,  1863,  and  was  appointed  Minister  to  Russia,  1869. — Author. 

( n )  William  Denuison  was  born  at  Cincinnati,  November  23,  1815.  He  graduated 
at  Miami  University,  1835,  and  entered  upon  the  practice  of  law,  1841.  He  was  a  member 
of  the  State  Legislature,  1848-50,  and  elected  Governor,  1860.  He  administered  the  affairs 
of  the  executive  office  with  rare  ability.  He  was  appointed  Postmaster-general  by  Pres- 
ident Lincolu,  October,  1864.  He  retired  from  the  Cabinet  upon  the  accession  of  Andrew 
Johnson  to  the  Presidency. 

(ig)  "  Century  Magazine,"  December,  1887. 

(19)  President  Lincoln  to  F.  B.  Carpenter,  "  Six  Months  in  the  White  House,"  p.  21. 


EMANCIPATION.  333 


CHAPTEE  XVIII. 

EMANCIPATION. 

NEW  OELEANS  was  in  possession  of  the  Union  troops.  The  peo- 
ple of  that  city  did  not  like  General  Butler,  who  was  in  com- 
mand ;  neither  what  General  Phelps  was  doing — forming  a  regiment  of 
negro  troops.  He  was  at  Carrollton,  and  a  great  many  slaves  came 
into  his  camp.  He  thought  they  would  make  good  soldiers.  "  I  have 
now,"  he  wrote,  "  upwards  of  five  hundred  Africans  organized  into  five 
companies,  who  are  willing  and  ready  to  show  their  devotion  to  our 
cause  in  any  way  that  they  may  be  put  to  the  test.  They  are  willing 
to  submit  to  anything  rather  than  slavery." 

Mr.  Eeverdy  Johnson  had  been  sent  to  New  Orleans  on  public 
business,  and  improved  the  occasion  to  write  a  letter  to  the  President, 
informing  him  that  the  Union  people  were  greatly  disturbed  by  the 
enlistment  of  negroes.  Mr.  Lincoln  had  not  discovered  very  much 
Union  sentiment  in  Louisiana.  Notwithstanding  all  the  burdens  press- 
ing him,  he  found  time  to  write  to  Mr.  Johnson  : 

"It  seems "  [according  to  what  Johnson  had  written]  ' '  the  Union  feeling  in  Louisiana 
is  being  crushed  out  by  the  course  of  General  Phelps.  Please  pardon  me  for  believing  it 
is  a  false  pretence.  The  people  of  Louisiana — all  intelligent  people  everywhere — know 
full  well  that  I  never  had  a  wish  to  touch  the  foundation  of  their  society  or  any  right  of 
theirs.  With  perfect  knowledge  of  this,  they  forced  a  necessity  upon  me  to  send  armies 
among  them,  and  it  is  their  own  fault,  not  mine,  that  they  are  annoyed  by  the  presence  of 
General  Phelps.  They  also  know  the  remedy — how  to  be  cured  of  General  Phelps  :  re- 
move the  necessity  of  his  presence.  ...  If  they  can  conceive  of  anything  worse  than  Gen- 
eral Phelps  within  my  power,  would  they  not  better  be  looking  out  for  it?  ...  I  distrust 
the  wisdom  if  not  the  sincerity  of  friends  who  would  hold  my  hands  while  my  enemies 
stab  me.  This  appeal  of  professed  friends  has  paralyzed  me  more  in  this  struggle  than 
any  other  one  thing.  You  remember  telling  me  the  day  after  the  Baltimore  mob  in  April, 
1861,  that  it  would  crush  all  Union  feeling  in  Maryland  for  me  to  attempt  bringing  troops 
over  Maryland  soil  to  Washington.  I  brought  the  troops,  notwithstanding,  and  yet  there 
was  Union  feeling  enough  left  to  elect  a  legislature  the  next  autumn,  which  in  turn  elect- 
ed a  very  excellent  Union  United  States  Senator!  I  am  a  patient  man — always  willing  to 
forgive  on  the  Christian  terms  of  repentance,  and  also  to  give  ample  time  for  repentance. 
Still,  I  must  save  this  Government,  if  possible.  What  I  cannot  do,  of  course,  I  will  not 


334  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

do;  but  it  may  as  well  be  understood,  once  for  all,  that  I  shall  not  surrender  this  game 
leaving  any  available  card  unplayed." 

A  private  citizen,  Mr.  Durant,  complained  that  the  relations  be- 
tween the  masters  and  their  slaves  were  disturbed  by  the  presence  of 
the  Union  army.  He  induced  another  gentleman,  Mr.  Bullitt,  to  write 
to  the  President,  who  replied  : 

"  The  rebellion  will  never  be  suppressed  in  Louisiana  if  the  professed  Union  men 
there  will  neither  help  to  do  it,  nor  permit  the  Government  to  do  it  without  their  help. 
Now,  I  think  the  true  remedy  is  very  different  from  what  is  suggested  by  Mr.  Durant. 
It  does  not  lie  in  rounding  the  rough  angles  of  the  war,  but  in  removing  the  necessity 
for  the  war.  ...  If  they  will  not  do  this,  if  they  prefer  to  hazard  all  for  the  sake  of  de- 
stroying the  Government,  it  is  for  them  to  consider  whether  it  is  probable  I  will  sur- 
render the  Government  to  save  them  from  losing  all.  If  they  decline  what  I  suggest, 
you  scarcely  need  to  ask  what  I  will  do.  What  would  you  do  in  my  position?  Would 
you  drop  the  war  where  it  is,  or  would  you  prosecute  it  in  future  with  elder-stalk  squirts 
charged  with  rose-water?  Would  you  deal  lighter  blows  rather  than  heavier  ones? 
Would  you  give  up  the  contest,  leaving  any  available  means  unapplied?  I  am  in  no 
boastful  mood.  I  shall  not  do  more  than  I  can,  and  I  shall  do  all  I  can  to  save  the 
Government,  which  is  my  sworn  duty  as  well  as  my  personal  inclination.  I  shall  do  noth- 
ing in  malice.  What  I  deal  with  is  too  vast  for  malicious  dealing." 

The  campaigns  had  been  hap-hazard.  There  had  been  no  head,  and 
President  Lincoln  called  General  Halleck  to  Washington  to  direct  mili- 
tary movements.  He  was  appointed  chief  of  staff.  General  Pope  was 
also  ordered  from  the  West  to  command  the  troops  in  front  of  Wash- 
ington. 

It  was  an  unfortunate  announcement  which  Pope  made.  "  I  have 
come,"  he  said, "  from  the  West,  where  we  have  always  seen  the  backs 
of  our  enemies."  The  officers  and  men  thought  he  was  making  unjust 
comparison  between  the  soldiers  of  the  East  and  those  of  the  West. 
Such  was  not  his  intention,  but  he  did  not  reflect  how  it  would  be  ac- 
cepted. An  imputation  that  they  were  inferior  to  the  Western  troops 
gave  great  offence.  General  Halleck  directed  Pope  to  concentrate  his 
army  of  40,000,  and  cut  the  railroads  leading  west  from  Richmond. 
General  "Stonewall"  Jackson  with  36,000  troops  hastened  to  oppose  him. 

General  Halleck  went  to  Harrison's  Landing  to  see  McClellan,  who 
had  asked  for  50,000  more  men.  "I  am  not  authorized  to 
promise  you  more  than  20,000,"  said  Halleck. 

"I  will  make  the  attempt  to  take  Richmond  with  that  number," 
McClellan  replied.  Halleck  returned  to  Washington,  but  upon  his  ar- 
rival found  a  despatch  calling  for  35,000. 

It  was  seen  that  General  Lee  was  intending  to  hurl  a  large  force  on 


EMANCIPATION.  335 

Pope  and  annihilate  him,  and  it  was  decided  that  the  army  must  be 
withdrawn  from  James  Kiver.     Halleck  telegraphed  : 

"  Send  away  your  sick  as  fast  as  you  can." 

Three  days  later  an  order  was  issued  for  the  withdrawal  of  the 
entire  army,  against  which  McClellan  protested.  Two  weeks  passed 
before  the  last  of  the  troops  left  the  banks  of  the  James. 

The  citizens  of  Washington  manifested  their  patriotic  spirit  during 

this  period  of  gloom  by  assembling  in  mass-meeting  around  the  eastern 

portico  of  the  Capitol.     It  was  in  the  evening,  the  moon  at  its 

Aug'  6-  full.     The  thousands  present  rent  the  air  with  cheers  when  in 

response  to  their  calling  the  President  rose  to  address  them : 

"  Fellow  -  citizens,  I  believe  there  is  no  precedent  for  my  appearing  before  you  on 
this  occasion,  but  it  is  also  true  that  there  is  no  precedent  for  your  being  here  on  such 
an  occasion.  But  I  offer  in  justification  of  myself  and  of  you  that  I  do  not  know  there 
is  anything  in  the  Constitution  against  it."  (Great  laughter  and  applause.)  .  .  .  "The 
only  thing  I  think  of  now  not  likely  to  be  said  by  some  one  else  is  a  matter  in  which  we 
have  heard  some  other  persons  blamed  for  what  I  did  myself.  There  has  been  a  very 
unwise  attempt  to  have  a  quarrel  between  General  McClellan  and  the  Secretary  of  War. 
Now  I  occupy  a  position  that  enables  me  to  believe  at  least  these  two  gentlemen  are  not 
nearly  so  deep  in  the  quarrel  as  some  presuming  to  be  their  friends."  (Cries  of  "  Good!") 
"General  McClellan's  attitude  is  such  that,  in  the  very  selfishness  of  his  nature,  he  cannot 
but  wish  to  be  successful — and  I  hope  he  will ;  and  the  Secretary  of  War  is  in  precisely 
the  same  situation.  If  the  military  commander  in  the  field  cannot  be  successful,  not  only 
the  Secretary  of  War,  but  myself — for  the  time  being  master  of  them  both — cannot  but 
be  failures."  (Laughter  and  applause.)  "  I  know  General  McClellan  wishes  to  be  success- 
ful, and  I  know  he  does  not  wish  it  any  more  than  the  Secretary  of  War  for  him,  and 
both  of  them  together  no  more  than  I  wish  it."  (Applause.)  "  Sometimes  we  have  a  dis- 
pute about  how  many  soldiers  General  McClellan  has  had.  Those  who  would  disparage 
him  say  he  has  had  a  very  large  number,  and  those  who  would  disparage  the  Secretary  of 
War  insist  that  McClellan  has  had  a  very  small  number.  The  basis  of  this  is,  there  is  al- 
ways a  wide  difference,  and  on  this  occasion  perhaps  a  wider  difference,  between  the  grand 
total  on  McClellan's  rolls  and  the  men  actually  fit  for  duty.  General  McClellan  has  some- 
times asked  for  things  which  the  Secretary  of  War  is  not  to  blame  for  not  giving  when 
he  had  none  to  give."  (Applause  and  laughter.)  "And  I  say  here,  so  far  as  I  know,  the 
Secretary  of  War  has  withheld  no  one  thing  from  him  at  any  time  in  my  power  to  give 
him."  (Wild  applause.)  "I  have  no  accusation  against  him.  I  believe  he  is  a  brave  and 
able  man"  (applause),  "and  I  stand  here,  as  justice  requires  me  to  do,  to  take  upon  my- 
self what  has  been  charged  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  as  withholding  from  him.  I  have 
talked  longer  than  I  expected  to"  ("No!  no!"  "Go  on!"),  "and  now  I  avail  myself  of 
my  privilege  of  saying  no  more." 

The  editor  of  the  New  York  "  Tribune,"  in  March,  1861,  had  said  to 
the  seceding  States,  "  Wayward  sisters,  go  in  peace ;"  but  after  twelve 
months  of  conflict  Mr.  Greeley  was  advocating  extreme  measures.  He 
published  a  long  letter  over  his  own  name  in  the  "  Tribune,"  accusing 


336 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


WAR  MEETING  IN  WASHINGTON. 


the  President  of  being  unwilling  to  enforce  the  laws  passed  by  Con- 
gress confiscating  the  property  of  rebels,  and  of  being  unduly  influ- 
enced by  counsels  and  menaces  of  "  certain  fossil  politicians  from  the 
border  States."  He  complained  that  a  large  portion  of  the  regular 
army  officers,  with  many  of  the  volunteer  officers,  were  more  ready  to 
uphold  slavery  than  put  an  end  to  the  Eebellion.  The  article  in  the 
"  Tribune  "  was  from  one  who  professed  to  be  friendly  to  the  President. 
Mr.  Lincoln  knew  it  would  be  read  by  many  thousand  people  whose 
sons  were  in  the  army.  Mr.  Greeley  had  signed  his  name  to  the  edito- 
rial, giving  it  the  weight  of  his  great  personal  influence.  What  should 


EMANCIPATION.  337 

the  President  do  ?     Ought  he  to  remain  silent  ?     "Would  not  silence 

be  regarded  as  acknowledging  the  indictment  ?     As  President  of  the 

United  States  he  would  not  notice  it,  but  as  an  individual  he  could 

with  propriety»reply.      Let  us  not  forget   that  neither  Horace 

Greeley,  nor  any  one,  other  than  the  members  of  the  Cabinet, 

knew  of  the  proclamation  which  for  a  month  had  been  lying  in  the 

President's  desk,  penned  by  the  same  hand  that  wrote  this  reply  to  the 

editor  of  the  "  Tribune  :" 

"  DEAR  SIR, — I  have  just  read  yours  of  the  19th,  addressed  to  myself  through  the 
New  York  'Tribune.'  If  there  be  in  it  any  statements,  or  assumptions  of  fact,  which  I 
may  know  to  be  erroneous,  I  do  not,  now  and  here,  controvert  them.  If  there  be  in  it  any 
inferences  which  I  may  believe  to  be  falsely  drawn,  I  do  not,  now  and  here,  argue  against 
them.  If  there  be  perceptible  in  it  an  impatient  and  dictatorial  tone,  I  waive  it  in  defer- 
ence to  an  old  friend,  whose  heart  I  have  always  supposed  to  be  right.  As  to  the  policy 
I  'seem  to  be  pursuing,'  as  you  say,  I  have  not  meant  to  leave  any  one  in  doubt.  I 
would  save  the  Union.  I  would  save  it  the  shortest  way  under  the  Constitution.  The 
sooner  the  national  authority  can  be  restored  the  nearer  the  Union  will  be  'the  Union  as 
it  was.'  If  there  be  those  who  would  not  save  the  Union  unless  they  could  at  the  same 
time  save  slavery,  I  do  not  agree  with  them.  If  there  be  those  who  would  not  save  the 
Union  unless  they  could  at  the  same  time  destroy  slavery,  I  do  not  agree  with  them.  My 
paramount  object  in  this  struggle  is  to  save  the  Union,  and  it  is  not  either  to  save  or  de- 
stroy slavery.  If  I  could  save  the  Union  without  freeing  any  slave  1  would  do  it;  and  if 
I  could  save  it  by  freeing  all  the  slaves  I  would  do  it;  and  if  I  could  save  it  by  freeing 
some  and  leaving  others  alone,  I  would  also  do  that.  What  I  do  about  slavery  and  the 
colored  race  I  do  because  I  believe  it  helps  to  save  the  Union;  and  what  I  forbear  I  for- 
bear because  I  do  not  believe  it  would  help  to  save  the  Union.  I  shall  do  less  whenever 
I  shall  believe  what  I  am  doing  hurts  the  cause,  and  I  shall  do  more  whenever  I  shall  be- 
lieve doing  more  will  help  the  cause.  I  shall  try  to  correct  errors  when  shown  to  be 
errors,  and  I  shall  adopt  new  views  so  fast  as  they  shall  appear  to  be  true  views.  I  have 
here  stated  my  purpose  according  to  my  view  of  official  duty;  and  I  intend  no  modifica- 
tion of  my  oft-expressed  personal  wish  that  all  men  everywhere  could  be  free." 

The  Confederate  cavalry  under  Stuart  gained  the  rear  of  Pope's 

army,  and  captured  his  supplies  at  Manassas.    Then  came  the  battle 

at  Groveton,  and  the  second  at  Bull  Run,  resulting;  in  the  de- 

Au".  26. 

feat  of  Pope  through  the  want  of  co  -  operation  on  the  part  of 
Fitz-John  Porter  with  his  division  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 
General  Franklin's  corps  was  at  Alexandria.  Halleck  directed  that 

it   should   make   a   forced   march   to    ioin  Pope,   and   start  as 

Au"1.  27. 

soon  as  possible.  McClellan  thought  it  would  be  better  for 
Franklin  not  to  go,  and  questioned  whether  Washington  was  safe.  He 
recommended  the  troops  be  held  where  they  were  for  its  defence. 

Halleck  issued  an  order  for  Franklin  to  move  at  once.  This  the  re- 
ply of  McClellan : 

22 


338  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"The  moment  Franklin  can  be  starled  with  a  reasonable  amount  of  artillery  he 
shall  go." 

Three  hours  passed ;  it  was  nearly  night.  Then  came  a  telegram 
that  Franklin  was  not  in  a  condition  to  move,  but  might  be  able  to  do 
so  in  the  morning.  Halleck  replied  : 

"  There  must  be  no  delay.     They  must  go  to-morrow  morning,  ready  or  not  ready." 

Through  the  following  day  the  President  could  hear  the  thunder  of 
cannon  in  the  battle  which  Pope  was  fighting.  The  aid  expected 
from  Fitz-John  Porter  was  not  given. 

The  members  of  the  Cabinet  were  discussing  the  situation.  Sec- 
retary Stanton  drew  up  a  remonstrance  against  the  further  contin- 
uance of  McClellan  in  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  to  be 
sent  to  the  President.  It  was  signed  by  himself,  also  by  Mr.  Chase, 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury ;  Mr.  Bates,  Attorney  -  general ;  and  Mr. 
Smith,  Secretary  of  the  Interior.  Mr.  Welles,  Secretary  of  the  Navy, 
agreed  with  them,  but  declined  to  sign  it,  as  the  President  might 
think  it  an  unfriendly  act.  The  remonstrance  was  not  presented  to 
the  President ;  why,  we  do  not  know. 

Night  closed  with  the  Union  army  in  retreat  to  Centreville.     Sum- 

ner's  and  Franklin's  corps  were  there,  but  had  arrived  too  late  to  be  of 

any  use.     It   is  not  surprising  that  McClellan  keenly  felt  the 

'  change  that  had  come  to  him.     He  had  been  commander  of  all 

the  armies,  had  issued  orders  to  generals  in  the  Far  West — to  Halleck ; 

but  now  Halleck  was  issuing  orders  to  him.     He  had  seen  his  troops 

taken  from  him  and  sent  to  a  commander  whom  he  did  not  like. 

General  Pope  was  discouraged.  He  saw  that  the  army  must  fall  back 
to  Washington  and  be  reorganized.  He  said,  in  a  despatch  to  Halleck  : 

"  When  there  is  no  heart  in  their  leaders,  and  every  disposition  to  hang  back,  much 
cannot  be  expected  of  the  men." 

We  are  not  to  forget,  as  we  review  in  bare  outline  the  events  of 
the  hour,  the  letter  written  by  McClellan  from  Harrison's  Landing,  in 
which  he  arraigned  the  President — a  letter  which  Mr.  Lincoln  had  not 
forgotten.  His  heart  was  now  wrung  with  anguish  at  the  want  of 
cordiality  manifested  by  the  commander  of  the  army.  His  sense  of  jus- 
tice was  outraged  by  the  despatch  which  suggested  that  Pope  be  left  to 
"  get  out  of  his  scrape  as  best  he  could." 

"  McClellan  has  acted  very  badly  towards  Pope.  He  really  wanted 
him  to  fail,"  said  the  President  to  his  secretaries.  (') 

The  army  was  drifting  back  to  Arlington  Heights.     Halleck  directed 


EMANCIPATION.  339 

McClellan  to  take  command  of  the  troops  in  the  defences,  but  not  to 

assume  control  of  those  that  were  to  arrive.     Adjutant-general  Kelton 

was  sent  to  the  front  by  McClellan,  and  directed  to  make  special 

S\8&%'  inquiries  as  to  the  state  of  affairs.     We  do  not  know  whom 

Kelton  saw  or  what  was  said,  but  he  had  a  doleful  story  to  tell 

the  President :  that  the  army  was  demoralized,  that  there  were  30,000 

stragglers  making  their  way  to  Washington. 

Through  the  night  the  President  walked  his  chamber.  The  dawn 
was  just  appearing  in  the  east  as  he  listened  to  Kelton' s  account.  What 
should  he  do?  The  remonstrance  of  the  members  of  the  Cabinet 
'  had  not  been  laid  before  him,  but  he  knew  they  had  no  confi- 
dence in  McClellan.  Mr.  Stanton,  who  was  intrusted  with  the  manage- 
ment of  military  affairs,  and  Mr.  Chase,  who  must  maintain  the  credit 
of  the  nation,  were  bitterly  opposed  to  continuing  him  in  command, 
but  Abraham  Lincoln  comprehended  that  under  existing  conditions 
there  was  but  one  course  to  be  pursued. 

General  McClellan  was  at  breakfast  when  the  President  and  Gen- 
eral Halleck  called  and  asked  him  to  resume  command  of  the  troops. 
Mr.  Lincoln  had  not  informed  any  member  of  the  Cabinet  of  what  he 
Avas  about  to  do.  He  knew  that  he  alone  must  bear  the  responsibility, 
be  the  result  beneficial  or  attended  with  disaster. 

The  hour  arrived  for  the  meeting  of  the  Cabinet  to  discuss  the  ques- 
tions of  the  moment. 

"  I  have  set  McClellan  to  putting  the  troops  into  the  fortifications. 
I  think  that  he  can  do  it  better  than  any  other  man,"  said  the  President. 

"  This  can  be  done  just  as  well  by  the  engineer  who  constructed  the 
forts,"  Mr.  Chase  remarked. 

"  No  one  is  now  responsible  for  the  defence  of  the  Capitol,"  said  Mr. 
Stanton,  "  for  the  order  to  McClellan  has  been  given  by  the  President, 
and  General  Halleck  considers  himself  relieved  from  responsibility, 
though  he  acquiesced  and  approved  of  the  order.  McClellan  can  now 
shield  himself  under  Halleck  should  anything  go  wrong,  while  Halleck 
can  disclaim  all  responsibility." 

"  I  consider  General  Halleck,"  said  the  President,  "  just  as  responsi- 
ble now  as  he  was  before.  The  order  directs  McClellan  to  put  the 
troops  into  the  fortifications,  and  command  them  for  the  defence  of 
Washington." 

"  I  can  but  feel  that  giving  McClellan  command  is  equivalent  to  giv- 
ing Washington  to  the  rebels,"  Mr.  Chase  said. 

"  It  distresses  me  exceedingly,"  said  the  President,  "  to  find  myself 


340  LIFE    OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

differing  from  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
on  this  point ;  so  much  do  I  feel  it  that  I  would  gladly  resign  my  place. 
I  cannot  see  who  can  do  this  as  well  as  it  can  be  done  by  McClellan." 

"  Hooker,  Sumner,  or  Burnside  will  do  it  better  than  he,"  Mr.  Chase 
replied.  (2) 

"  I  have  issued  the  order,  and  I  must  be  responsible  to  the  country 
for  it,"  the  calm  but  firm  words  of  the  President. (3) 

His  constitutional  advisers  disagree  with  him.  He  thinks  of  the 
attitude  of  McClellan ;  of  the  army  drifting  back  to  Washington  ;  of 
the  thousands  of  dead  and  wounded  on  the  field  of  Manassas ;  of  the 
victorious  Confederates  preparing  to  invade  Maryland.  He  walks  his 
chamber  and  exclaims,  "How  willingly  would  I  exchange  places  to- 
day with  the  soldier  who  sleeps  on  the  ground  in  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  !"(4) 

We  are  not  to  conclude  that  the  President  had  lost  courage  on 
account  of  the  disasters  that  had  come  through  the  tardiness  and  in- 
efficiency, or  lukewarmness,  on  the  part  of  those  who  had  been  intrusted 
with  command.  He  was  deeply  grieved  over  the  differences  between 
himself  and  the  members  of  the  Cabinet,  but  there  was  no  yielding  of 
his  faith  in  what  would  be  the  final  outcome.  He  believed  in  the  army 
and  in  the  people.  He  directed  Halleck  to  proceed  with  all 
possible  despatch  to  organize  an  army  for  active  operations, 
independent  of  the  forces  he  might  deem  necessary  for  the  defence  of 
Washington  when  the  active  army  should  take  the  field. 

The  Confederate  army  was  crossing  the  Potomac  at  Leesburg.  It 
was  universally  believed  in  the  South  that  the  sympathies  of  the  people 
of  Maryland  were  with  the  Confederates.  General  Lee  thought 
'  thousands  of  young  men  would  hasten  to  join  him ;  that  Balti- 
more would  welcome  him.  The  harvests  had  been  gathered,  and  there 
would  be  little  difficulty  in  finding  food.  If  he  could  win  a  victory 
north  of  the  Potomac  the  moral  and  political  results  would  be  of  in- 
estimable value  to  the  Confederacy.  He  divided  his  army,  and  sent 
"Stonewall"  Jackson  to  capture  the  10,000  Union  troops,  under  General 
Miles,  holding  Harper's  Ferry.  McClellan  the  while  was  moving 
'  slowly  out  from  Washington  with  an  army  of  100,000.  He  was 
calling  for  more  troops. 

In  the  silence  and  seclusion  of  his  chamber,  Mr.  Lincoln  meditated 
upon  the  situation.  He  looked  beyond  the  turmoil  of  the  hour,  to  as- 
certain if  possible  the  ways  and  meanings  of  divine  Providence.  These 
his  thoughts  as  recorded  by  himself : 


EMANCIPATION.  341 

"  The  will  of  God  prevails.  In  great  contests  each  party  claims  to 
act  in  accordance  with  the  will  of  God.  Both  may  be,  and  one  must 
be,  wrong.  God  cannot  be  for  and  against  the  same  thing  at  the  same 
time.  In  the  present  Civil  War  it  is  quite  possible  that  God's  purpose 
is  something  different  from  the  purpose  of  either  party ;  and  yet  the 
human  instrumentalities,  working  just  as  they  do,  are  of  the  best  adapta- 
tion to  effect  His  purpose.  I  am  almost  ready  to  say  that  this  is  proba- 
bly true ;  that  God  wills  this  contest,  and  wills  that  it  shall  not  end 
yet.  By  His  great  power  on  the  minds  of  the  non-contestants  He  could 
have  either  saved  or  destroyed  the  Union  without  a  human  contest.  Yet 
the  contest  began,  and,  having  begun,  He  could  give  the  final  victory  to 
either  side.  Yet  the  contest  goes  on."(5) 

The  disaster  that  had  come  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  created 
consternation  among  the  loyal  people  of  the  North.  A  delegation  of 
ministers  from  Chicago  reached  Washington  to  urge  the  President  to 
do  something  to  abolish  slavery.  Mr.  Lincoln  kindly  listened  to  their 
remarks.  He  did  not  inform  them  that  for  two  months  a  proclamation 
had  been  lying  in  his  desk,  and  that  he  was  waiting  for  a  victory  before 
issuing  it. 

"  Gentlemen,"  he  said,  in  reply,  "  you  know  that  I  am  powerless  to 
enforce  the  Constitution  in  the  States  now  in  rebellion.  Allow  me  to 
ask  you  if  you  think  that  I  can  enforce  a  proclamation  of  emancipation 
any  better?" 

The  delegates  interpreted  the  question  as  indicating  a  reluctance  on 
the  part  of  the  President  to  issue  such  a  proclamation,  even  if  he  had 
the  power  to  enforce  it. 

"  What  you  have  said,"  replied  one  of  the  gentlemen,  "  compels  me 
to  say  that  it  is  a  message  of  the  divine  Master,  through  me,  command- 
ing you,  sir,  to  open  the  doors  and  let  the  oppressed  go  free !" 

"  Well,  that  may  be,"  said  the  President,  with  twinkling  eyes,  "  but 
if  it  is,  as  you  say,  a  message  from  your  divine  Master,  is  it  not  a  little 
odd  that  the  only  channel  of  communication  to  me  must  be  by  the 
roundabout  way  of  that  awfully  wicked  city  of  Chicago  ?"(')  They 
departed  without  having  obtained  any  satisfaction. 

A  very  important  and  valuable  paper  fell  into  the  hands  of  McClellan 

— an  order  issued  by  General  Lee,  outlining  the  future  movements  of 

the  Confederate  army.     A  soldier  had  picked  it  up  where  the 

Sept   1 3 

Confederate  army  had  been  encamped;  there  was  no  doubt 
about  its  being  genuine.  McClellan  learned  that  Lee  had  divided  his 
army.  Jackson  was  to  move  to  Harper's  Ferry ;  Lee,  with  the  other 


342  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

half  of  his  troops,  was  to  be  in  the  vicinity  of  Boonsboro'.  A  great 
opportunity  had  come  to  McClellan.  General  Franklin  was  in  position 
to  make  a  quick  march  and  fall  upon  Jackson ;  he  himself  might  hurry 
on  to  Boonsboro'  and  overwhelm  Lee.  But  there  was  no  quick  issuing 
of  orders,  no  hurrying  anywhere.  Franklin,  when  he  reached  Cramp- 
ton's  Gap,  won  an  easy  victory  over  the  Confederates  holding  it ;  but 
Harper's  Ferry,  with  11,000  men  and  all  its  cannon,  was  being  surren- 
dered to  Jackson. 

McClellan  moved  leisurely  to  Turner's  Gap,  held  by  a  portion  of  the 
Confederates  under  Longstreet.  The  advance  was  made  with  great  de- 
liberation. The  Confederates  were  finally  driven,  and  the  Union  army 
moved  on  to  Boonsboro'. 

A  battle  was  fought  at  Antietam.  When  night  closed  the  advantage 
was  on  the  side  of  the  Union  armv,  which  looked  forward  to 

Sept.  17. 

a  victory. 

The  following  morning  dawned,  but  no  cannon  thundered,  nor  was 
there  any  rattle  of  musketry.  Through  the  day  the  two  armies  were 
motionless. 

Again  the  morning  dawned,  and  the  Confederates  were  in  Virginia. 
The  report  showed  that  notwithstanding  the  losses  in  battle  and  from 
straggling  soldiers,  93,000  men  were  present  for  duty.  The  Confed- 
erate army,  as  is  now  known,  did  not  number  50,000.  It  was 
worn  by  hard  marching,  and  greatly  weakened.  Several  thou- 
sand troops  had  been  sent  to  McClellan,  but  many  had  wandered  from 
the  ranks  and  were  feasting  on  the  good  things  to  be  found  in  the 
farm-houses  of  Maryland. 

"  Sending  troops  to  the  army,"  said  the  President,  "  is  like  attempt- 
ing to  shovel  fleas  across  a  barn-yard  :  not  half  of  them  get  there."  (7) 

The  North  hailed  the  result  of  Antietam  as  a  victory.  The  time 
had  come  for  President  Lincoln  to  issue  his  contemplated  proclamation 
concerning  emancipation — giving  notice  to  the  States  fighting  against 
the  Government  that  unless  they  laid  down  their  arms  he  should,  on 
January  1,  1863,  issue  an  edict  giving  freedom  to  slaves. 

The  clock  was  striking  twelve  on  Monday  noon  when  the  members 
of  the  Cabinet  assembled  in  the  White  House — called  to  a 

Sept.  22.  .    , 

special  meeting. 

"  I  have  a  very  funny  book  here,"  said  the  President,  "  written  by 
'  Artemas  Ward.'  Let  me  read  you  what  he  says  about  an  outrage  at 
Utica." 

"Artemas  Ward,"  whose  real  name  was  Charles  F.  Browne,  was  a  hu- 


EMANCIPATION. 


343 


morist.  His  book  was  an  account  of  the  incidents  that  befell  him  while 
making  his  pretended  travels  through  the  country  exhibiting  his  "show" 
to  the  public.  Mr.  "  Ward's "  spelling  was  peculiarly  phonetic.  His 
"  show "  consisted  of  "  Three  moral  bares,  a  kangaro  (a  amoozin  little 
raskal),  wax  figgers  of  G.  Washington,  Gen.  Tayler,  John  Bunyun,  Capt. 
Kidd,  and  Dr.  Webster  in  the  act  of  killing  Dr.  Parkman,  besides  sev- 
eral miscellany  us  wax  statoots  of  celebrated  piruts  and  murderers,  &c., 
ekalled  by  few  and  exceld  by  none."  Among  the  figures  was  one  of 
Judas  Iscariot.  The 
account  given  by  Mr. 
"  Ward. "  of  his  advent- 
ures was  flavored  with 
irony  as  well  as  humor. 
The  outrage  at  Utica  is 
a  jest  upon  one  phase 
of  human  nature  as 
sometimes  exhibited. 

"In  the  fall  of  1856," 
reads  the  account,  "  I 
showed  my  show  in 
Utiky,  a  trooly  great 
sitty  in  the  state  of 
New  York.  The  peo- 
ple gave  me  a  cordyul 
recepshun.  The  press 
was  loud  in  her  prases. 

"  1  day  as  I  was 
givin  my  discripshun  of 
my  Beests  and  Snaiks 
in  my  usual  flowry 
stile,  what  was  my 

skorn  and  disgust  to  see  a  big  burly  feller  walk  up  to  the  cage  contain- 
ing my  figger  of  Judas  and  drag  him  out  on  the  ground.  He  then  com- 
menced to  pound  him  as  hard  as  he  cood. 

" '  What  under  the  son  are  you  about  ?'  cried  I. 

"  Sez  he,  'What  did  you  bring  this  pussylaneemus  cuss  here  fur?' 
&  he  hit  the  wax  figger  another  tremenjis  blow  on  the  bed.  Sez  I, 
'You  egrejus  ass,  that  air's  a  wax  figger  —  a  representashun  of  the 
false  Tostle.' 

"  Sez  he,  '  That's  all  very  well  fur  you  to  say ;  but  I  tell  you,  old 


CHARLES    F.    BROWNE    ( "  ARTEMU8    WARD"). 


344  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

man,  that  Judas  Iscareiot  can't  show  himself  in  Utiky  with  impunerty.' 
With  that  he  kaved  in  Judasses  hed.  The  young  man  belonged  to 
1  of  the  first  famulies  in  Utiky.  I  sood  him,  and  the  Joory  brawt  in  a 
verdick  of  arson  in  the  3d  degree." 

The  President  enjoyed  the  "  hit "  upon  people  who  regarded  them- 
selves as  belonging  to  the  first  families,  and  also  upon  the  verdicts  of 
juries  as  sometimes  rendered.  The  members  of  the  Cabinet — all  except 
Mr.  Stanton — laughed  heartily.  The  Secretary  of  War  could  not  see 
anything  to  laugh  at.  He  had  little  appreciation  of  humor.  He  had 
come  to  the  White  House  to  consult  with  the  President  upon  a  mo- 
mentous question,  and  made  no  effort  to  conceal  his  contempt  for  the 
nonsense  of  such  a  mountebank  as  "  Artemas  Ward."  He  could  not 
comprehend  the  relief  which  it  had  given  the  President  after  the 
sleepless  nights  and  anxious  days  preceding  Antietam.  The  laughter 
and  humor  was  a  healthful  stimulus  in  preparing  Mr.  Lincoln  for  the 
consideration  of  great  questions.  The  book  was  returned  to  the 
President's  desk. 

"  I  have  called  you  together,"  he  said,  "  to  consult  upon  an  impor- 
tant matter.  (8)  Gentlemen,  I  have,  as  you  are  aware,  thought  a  great 
deal  about  the  relation  of  this  war  to  slavery ;  and  you  all  remember 
that,  several  weeks  ago,  I  read  to  you  an  order  I  had  prepared  on  this 
subject,  which,  on  account  of  objections  made  by  some  of  you,  was  not 
issued.  Ever  since  then  my  mind  has  been  much  occupied  with  this  sub- 
ject, and  I  have  thought,  all  along,  that  the  time  for  acting  on  it  might 
probably  come.  I  think  the  time  has  come  now.  I  wish  it  was  a  bet- 
ter time.  I  wish  that  we  were  in  a  better  condition.  The  action  of 
the  army  against  the  rebels  has  not  been  quite  what  I  should  have  best 
liked.  But  they  have  been  driven  out  of  Maryland,  and  Pennsylvania 
is  no  longer  in  danger  of  invasion.  When  the  rebel  army  was  at  Fred- 
erick, I  determined,  as  soon  as  it  should  be  driven  out  of  Maryland,  to 
issue  a  proclamation  of  emancipation,  such  as  I  thought  most  likely  to 
be  useful.  I  said  nothing  to  any  one ;  but  I  made  the  promise  to  my- 
self, and"  [hesitating  a  little]  "to  my  Maker.  The  rebel  army  is  now 
driven  out,  and  I  am  going  to  fulfil  that  promise.  I  have  got  you  to- 
gether to  hear  what  I  have  written  down.  I  do  not  wish  your  advice 
about  the  main,  matter,  for  that  I  have  determined  for  myself.  This  I 
say  without  intending  anything  but  respect  for  any  one  of  you.  But  I 
already  know  the  views  of  each  on  this  question.  They  have  been  here- 
tofore expressed,  and  I  have  considered  them  as  thoroughly  and  care- 
fully as  I  can.  What  I  have  written  is  that  which  my  reflections  have 


EMANCIPATION.  345 

determined  me  to  say.  If  there  is  anything  in  the  expressions  I  use, 
or  in  any  minor  matter,  which  any  one  of  you  thinks  had  best  be 
changed,  I  shall  be  glad  to  receive  the  suggestions.  One  other  observa- 
tion I  will  make.  I  know  very  well  that  many  others  might,  in  this 
matter,  as  in  others,  do  better  than  I  can ;  and  if  I  was  satisfied  that 
the  public  confidence  was  more  fully  possessed  by  any  one  of  them  than 
by  me,  and  knew  of  any  constitutional  way  in  which  he  could  be  put 
in  my  place,  he  should  have  it.  I  would  gladly  yield  it  to  him.  But, 
though  I  believe  that  I  have  not  so  much  of  the  confidence  of  the  peo- 
ple as  I  had  some  time  since,  I  do  not  know  that,  all  things  considered, 
any  other  person  has  more ;  and,  however  this  may  be,  there  is  no  way 
in  which  I  can  have  any  other  man  put  where  I  am.  I  am  here.  I 
must  do  the  best  I  can,  and  bear  the  responsibility  of  taking  the  course 
which  I  feel  I  ought  to  take.  (") 

"  I  have  made  a  vow — a  covenant — that  if  God  should  give  us  vic- 
tory in  battle  I  would  consider  it  as  an  indication  of  divine  will,  and 
that  it  wTould  be  our  duty  to  move  forward  with  emancipation.  You 
may  think  it  strange  that  I  have  thus  submitted  matters  when  the  way 
was  not  clear  to  my  mind  as  to  what  I  ought  to  do.  God  has  decided 
this  question  in  favor  of  the  slaves.  I  am  satisfied  that  I  took  the  right 
course  ;  it  is  confirmed  by  results."('°) 

"  Would  it  not  be  well,"  Mr.  Seward  asked,  "  to  make  the  proclama- 
tion more  clear  and  decided ;  to  leave  out  all  reference  to  the  act  being 
sustained  during  the  incumbency  of  the  present  President,  and  not 
merely  say  that  the  Government  '  recognizes,'  but  that  it  will  maintain 
the  freedom  it  proclaims  ?" 

"  What  you  have  said,  Mr.  President,"  remarked  Mr.  Chase,  "  fully 
satisfies  me  that  you  have  given  the  subject  careful  consideration.  You 
have  expressed  your  conclusions  distinctly.  This  it  was  your  right,  and 
under  your  oath  of  office  your  duty  to  do.  The  proclamation  does  not 
mark  out  exactly  the  course  I  myself  would  prefer,  but  I  am  ready  to 
take  it  just  as  it  has  been  written,  and  to  stand  by  it  with  all  my  heart. 
I  think,  however,  that  the  suggestions  of  Mr.  Seward  are  very  judicious, 
and  shall  be  glad  to  have  them  adopted." 

"  I  am  ready  to  sustain  the  proclamation  with  all  my  power,"  said 
Mr.  Stanton,  "  but  the  act  is  so  great,  and  in  which  such  great  conse- 
quences are  involved,  I  hope  every  member  will  be  explicit  in  declaring 
his  opinion." 

"  I  assent  to  it  as  a  war  measure,"  said  Mr.  Welles. 

"  I  am  on  principle  an  emancipationist,"  Mr.  Blair  remarked,  "  but 


346  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

doubt  the  expediency  of  issuing  the  proclamation  just  at  this  moment. 
We  ought  not  to  do  anything  that  will  jeopardize  the  patriotic  senti- 
ment of  the  border  States.  This  proclamation  will  be  likely  to  carry 
them  over  to  the  Confederacy.  There  is  also  a  party  of  men  in  the  Free 
States  who  are  trying  to  revive  old  party  lines,  and  I  do  not  want  to 
put  a  club  into  their  hands  just  now.  I  approve  the  measure,  but  the 
time  has  not  come  for  such  action,  and  I  must  file  my  objection,  Mr. 
President." 

"  Certainly,  Mr.  Secretary,  that  you  have  the  right  to  do.  I  have 
thought  over  the  objections  which  you  raise.  The  difficulty  not  to  act 
is  as  great  as  to  act.  For  months  I  have  labored  to  get  the  border 
States  to  consent  to  compensated  emancipation.  I  have  endeavored  to 
convince  them  that  it  is  for  their  best  interest,  but  my  labors  have  been 
in  vain.  The  time  has  come  for  a  forward  movement.  They  will  ac- 
quiesce ;  if  not  at  once,  they  will  in  a  short  time.  They  will  see  that 
slavery  has  received  its  death-blow  from  the  men  who  own  slaves. 
They  will  see  that  slavery  cannot  survive  the  war.  In  regard  to  the 
party  in  the  North,  they  will  use  their  clubs  against  us,  no  matter  which 
course  we  pursue."  (") 

The  people  of  the  United  States,  as  they  opened  their  newspapers 
on  the  following  morning,  beheld  the  head-lines  which  announced  the 
proclamation.  The  antislavery  people  thanked  God ;  the  pro- 
'  slavery  uttered  curses.  Horace  Greeley  and  the  Chicago  minis- 
ters were  surprised.  Mr.  Lincoln  had  shut  his  chamber  door  on  all  the 
world.  Twenty  years  had  passed  since  Lucy  Gilman  Speed  guided  his 
troubled  spirit  into  restful  peace.  His  conduct  of  the  affairs  of  the 
nation  was  based  upon  the  precepts  contained  in  the  book  which  she 
had  placed  in  his  hands.  Not  with  his  Cabinet  but  with  God  had  he 
first  taken  counsel.  A  third  of  a  century  had  gone  by  since  he  stood  a 
spectator  in  the  slave  mart  of  New  Orleans  and  uttered  a  vow ;  alone 
in  his  closet  he  reaffirmed  it  and  promised  to  strike  a  blow  at  slavery. 
He  had  kept  his  promise. 

Word  came  to  President  Lincoln  that  members  of  McClellan's  staff 
were  making  remarks  which  ought  not  to  be  made  by  army  officers. 

Major  Turner  asked,  "Why  was  not  the  rebel  army  bagged  at  An- 
tietam  ?" 

"  That  is  not  the  game.  The  object  is  that  neither  army  shall  get 
much  advantage  of  the  other ;  that  both  shall  be  kept  in  the  field  till 
they  are  exhausted,  when  we  will  make  a  compromise  and  save  slavery," 
replied  Major  John  J.  Key. 


EMANCIPATION. 


347 


The  two  officers  were  summoned  to  appear  at  the  White  House,  and 
Major  Key  was  informed  that  he  had  an  opportunity  of  disproving  the 
language  attributed  to  him.  He  made  no  denial,  but  said  he  was  true 
to  the  Union.  "  If  there  is  a  game,"  said  the  President,  "among  Union 
men  to  have  our  army  not  take  any  advantage  of  the  enemy  when  it 
can,  I  propose  to  break  it  up.  In  my  view  it  is  wholly  inadmissible 
for  any  gentleman  holding  a  military  commission  from  the  United 
States  to  utter  such  sentiments  as  Major  Key  is  proved  to  have  done. 
Therefore  let  Major  John  J.  Key  be  forthwith  dismissed  from  the  mili- 
tary service  of  the  United  States." 

The  army  under  McClellan,  present  and  fit  for  duty,  numbered  100,- 
000,  besides  73,000  under  General  Banks,  in  and  around  Washington. 
The  Confederates  were  at  Winchester.  McClellan  showed  no 
disposition  to  advance.  He  complained  that  he  needed  clothing 
and  supplies.  The  President  determined  to  see  for  himself  the  con- 
dition of  the  army,  and  visited  Harper's  Ferry  and  McClellan's  head- 
quarters. 

In  the  early  morning  he  climbed  the  mountain  with  a  friend  and 
beheld  the  panorama — hill-side  and  valley,  as  far  as  the  eye  could  see, 
dotted  with  white  tents. 

"  Do  you  know,"  said  the  President,  turning  to  his  friend,  "  what 
that  is  ?" 

"  It  is  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,"  the  answer. 

"  So  it  is  called.     But  that  is  a  mistake ;  it  is  General  McClellan's 


Oct.  1. 


PRESIDENT   LINCOLN   AT  MoCLELLAN's  HEADQUARTERS. 


348  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

body-guard,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  sadly.  Very  kind  but  frank  the  conver- 
sation held  with  the  commanding  general,  who  was  informed  that  the 
army  must  move. 

There  was  no  ambiguity  in  the  following  despatch  which  General 
McClellan  received  from  General  Halleck,  October  6th  : 

"The  President  directs  that  you  cross  the  Potomac  and  give  battle  to  the  enemy  or 
drive  him  South.  Your  army  must  move  now  while  the  roads  are  good." 

To  a  friend  the  President  said :  "  With  all  McClellan's  failings  as 
a  soldier,  he  is  a  pleasant  and  scholarly  gentleman.  He  is  an  admira- 
ble engineer,  but  he  seems  to  have  a  special  talent  for  a  stationary 
engine."  ( ia ) 

Concealed  by  a  fog  that  hung  along  the  Potomac,  General  Stuart, 
commanding  1800  Confederate  cavalry,  crossed  that  stream,  rode  north- 
ward, and  in  the  evening  entered  Chambersburg,  Pa.  He  spent 
'  the  night  there,  burned  the  railroad  buildings,  turned  eastward, 
reached  Emmettsburg  the  next  evening,  and  recrossed  the  Potomac 
into  Virginia,  near  Leesburg.  He  had  trotted  round  the  army  as  once 
before  on  the  peninsula.  McClellan  complained  that  his  own  cavalry 
horses  were  broken  down. 

"  Will  you  pardon  me  for  asking,"  wrote  the  President,  "  what  the 
horses  of  your  army  have  done  since  the  battle  of  Antietam  that  fa- 
tigues anything  ?" 

On  the  day  (October  13th)  that  the  Confederate  cavalry  escaped 
into  Virginia,  the  President  wrote  a  long  letter  to  McClellan : 

"You  say  that  you  cannot  subsist  your  army  at  Winchester  unless  the  railroad  from 
Harper's  Ferry  to  that  point  be  put  in  working  order.  But  the  enemy  does  now  subsist 
his  army  at  Winchester,  at  a  distance  nearly  twice  as  great  from  railroad  transportation 
as  you  would  have  to  do  without  the  railroad  last  named.  He  now  wagons  from  Cul- 
peper  Court-house,  which  is  just  about  twice  as  far  as  you  would  have  to  do  from  Harper's 
Ferry.  He  is  certainly  not  more  than  half  as  well  provided  with  wagons  as  you  are.  I 
certainly  should  be  pleased  for  you  to  have  the  advantage  of  the  railroad  from  Harper's 
Ferry  to  Winchester,  but  it  wastes  all  the  remainder  of  autumn  to  give  it  to  you,  and  in 
fact  ignores  the  question  of  time,  which  cannot  and  must  not  be  ignored.  Again,  one  of 
the  standard  maxims  of  war,  as  you  know,  is  to  '  operate  upon  the  enemy's  communica- 
tions as  much  as  possible  without  exposing  your  own.'  You  seem  to  act  as  if  this  applies 
against  you,  but  cannot  apply  in  your  favor.  Change  positions  with  the  enemy,  and 
think  you  not  he  would  break  your  communication  with  Richmond  within  the  next 
twenty-four  hours?  You  dread  his  going  into  Pennsylvania;  but  if  he  does  so  in  full  force, 
he  gives  up  his  communications  to  you  absolutely,  and  you  have  nothing  to  do  but  to 
follow  and  ruin  him.  If  he  does  so  with  less  than  full  force,  fall  upon  and  beat  what  is 
left  behind  all  the  easier.  Exclusive  of  the  water-line,  you  are  now  nearer  Richmond 
than  the  enemy  is  by  the  route  that  you  can  and  he  must  take.  Why  can  you  not  reach 


EMANCIPATION.  349 

there  before  him,  unless  you  admit  that  he  is  more  than  your  equal  on  a  march?     His 
route  is  the  arc  of  a  circle,  while  yours  is  the  chord." 

The  result  of  the  October  election  in  Pennsylvania  was  disastrous  to 
the  Eepublican  Party.  Several  members  of  Congress  failed  of  a  re-elec- 
tion. William  D.  Kelley  had  been  outspoken  in  his  opinion  of  McClel- 
lan,  and  had  been  chosen  by  an  increased  vote,  while  other  candidates 
whose  election  was  regarded  as  certain  were  defeated.  Mr.  Kelley 
called  upon  the  President. 

"  Kelley,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  you  know  how  I  sincerely  congratulate 
you.  Come,  sit  down  and  tell  me  how  it  is  that  you,  for  whose  election 
nobody  seemed  to  hope,  are  returned  with  a  good  majority  at  your 
back,  while  so  many  of  your  friends  have  been  badly  beaten." 

"  My  triumph,  Mr.  President,  is  due  to  my  loyalty  to  you  and  to  my 
independence  in  demanding  the  substitution  of  a  fighting  general  for 
McClellan ;  and  it  is  the  desire  for  a  change  of  commanders  that  has 
brought  me  here  this  morning." 

Mr.  McPherson,  who  had  been  defeated  in  what  was  regarded  as  a 
strong  Republican  district,  entered  the  room. 

"  Tell  me,  Mr.  McPherson,  how  it  happened  that  you  were  so  un- 
fortunately left  out  ?" 

Mr.  McPherson  vaguely  gave  several  reasons. 

"  Pardon  me,  Mr.  President,"  said  Mr.  Kelley,  "  but  my  colleague  is 
not  dealing  frankly  with  you.  His  friends  hold  you  responsible  for  his 
defeat." 

"  If  that  is  true,  I  thank  you  for  the  suggestion,  Mr.  Kelley.  Now, 
tell  me  frankly  what  lost  us  your  district,  Mr.  McPherson.  If  there 
was  ever  an  occasion  when  a  man  should  speak  with  perfect  candor 
to  another  it  is  now,  when  I  apply  to  you  for  information  that  may 
guide  my  course  in  grave  national  affairs." 

"  Well,  Mr.  President,  I  will  tell  you  frankly  what  our  friends  say. 
They  charge  the  defeat  to  the  general  tardiness  in  military  movements, 
which  results,  as  they  believe,  from  McClellan's  unfitness  to  command. 
The  enforcement  of  the  draft  occurred  during  the  campaign,  and  of 
course  our  political  enemies  used  it  against  us.  Stuart,  you  know,  raid- 
ed through  my  district  on  the  Friday  and  Saturday  before  the  election, 
burned  the  railroad  shops  and  trains,  and  destroyed  thousands  of  mus- 
kets and  a  large  amount  of  supplies." 

Before  the  President  could  reply  Mr.  Moorhead,  of  Pittsburg,  en- 
tered. "  Well,  Moorhead,  what  word  do  you  bring  ?  You  were  not 
defeated  ?" 


350  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  No,  Mr.  President ;  but  I  am  sorry  to  say  that  it  was  not  your 
fault  that  we  were  not  all  beaten !"  he  exclaimed,  very  excitedly.  "  Mr. 
President,  I  came  as  far  as  Harrisburg  yesterday,  and  passed  the  even- 
ing with  a  number  of  the  best  and  most  influential  men  of  the  State, 
including  some  who  have  been  your  most  earnest  supporters ;  and  they 
charged  me  to  tell  you  that  when  one  of  them  said  he  would  be  glad  to 
hear,  some  morning,  that  you  had  been  found  hanging  from  the  post  of 
a  lamp  at  the  door  of  the  White  House,  others  approved  the  expression." 

The  President  stands  before  the  three  gentlemen  calm  and  unmoved. 
His  voice  is  subdued.  "  My  friends,  you  need  not  be  surprised  to  find 
that  your  suggestion  has  been  carried  out  any  morning.  The  violent 
preliminaries  of  such  an  event  would  not  surprise  me.  I  have  done 
things  incomprehensible  to  the  people,  and  which  cannot  now  be  ex- 
plained." 

"  Mr.  President,"  said  Mr.  Kelley,  with  great  earnestness,  "  you  have 
but  to  assert  your  position  by  showing  yourself  master  of  the  military 
department,  as  you  have  of  the  other  departments,  to  command  a  fol- 
lowing in  the  Northern  States  such  even  as  Andrew  Jackson  never  had. 
You  enjoy  a  greater  share  of  the  personal  affection  of  your  fellow-citi- 
zens than  any  public  man  since  Washington.  Within  twenty-four  hours 
after  it  shall  be  known  that  you  have  put  a  soldier  in  McClellan's  place, 
you  will  command  the  moral,  social,  and  financial  resources  of  the 
country  as  no  President  ever  has  done." 

"  Kelley,"  replied  the  President,  "  if  it  were  your  duty  to  select  a  suc- 
cessor to  McClellan,  whom  would  you  name  ?" 

Mr.  Kelley  did  not  reply  directly,  but  said : 

"  My  advice  to  you,  Mr.  President,  is  to  make  a  change,  and  let  it  be 
known  that  the  loss  of  a  great  battle  will  be  to  the  general  the  loss  of 
his  command ;  and  go  on  changing  till  you  find  the  right  man,  though 
it  be  a  private  with  a  marshal's  baton  in  his  knapsack." 

"  Well,  but  you  are  talking  about  an  immediate  successor  to  McClel- 
lan, and  I  ask  you  whom  you  would  name  for  his  position  if  the  duty 
were  yours  ?" 

"  I  think,  sir,  my  judgment  would  incline  to  Hooker,  whose  sobriquet 
of  '  Fighting  Joe '  would  convey  the  impression  to  the  impatient  coun- 
try that  the  change  meant  '  fight,'  which  the  people  would  believe  to  be 
synonymous  with  an  ultimate  success." 

"  Would  not  Burnside  do  better  ?" 

"  I  don't  think  so.  You  know  I  have  great  respect  for  him,  but  he 
is  not  known  to  the  country  as  an  aggressive  man." 


EMANCIPATION.  351 

"  But  Burnside  is  the  better  house-keeper." 

"  Mr.  President,  you  are  not  in  search  of  a  house-keeper  or  a  hos- 
pital steward,  but  of  a  soldier  who  will  fight,  and  fight  to  win." 

"  I  am  not  so  sure,  Mr.  Kelley,  that  we  are  not  in  search  of  a  house- 
keeper. I  tell  you  that  the  successful  management  of  an  army  requires 
a  good  deal  of  faithful  house-keeping.  More  fight  will  be  got  out  of 
well-fed  and  well-cared-for  soldiers  and  animals  than  those  who  make 
long  marches  on  empty  stomachs.  (1S) 

The  words  were  kindly  spoken,  and  the  three  gentlemen  assented  to 
them.  Mr.  McPherson  and  Mr.  Moorhead  took  their  departure,  and 
Mr.  Kelley  and  the  President  were  once  more  alone. 

"  Mr.  President,"  said  Kelley,  "  you  know"  that  at  Antietam  Lee  was 
in  a  cul-de-sac,  with  only  one  road  by  which  he  could  retreat  across  the 
Potomac;  that  his  ammunition  was  exhausted;  that  McClellan  had 
Fitz-John  Porter's  corps  fresh,  with  an  abundant  supply  of  ammuni- 
tion; and  yet  Lee, was  allowed  to  get  across  the  river  with  no  moles- 
tation." 

"  I  know  it,  Kelley.  Victory  was  within  McClellan's  grasp.  I  know 
his  unfitness  to  command  ;  but  let  me  say  to  you  that  I  restored  McClel- 
lan to  the  command  of  the  army  to  reorganize  it.  He  owed  his  command 
quite  as  much  to  Lee  as  to  me ;  for  while  the  work  of  reorganization 
was  going  on,  Lee  crossed  the  Potomac  into  Maryland,  and  compelled 
McClellan  to  move  and  check  his  advance." 

Mr.  Kelley  noticed  a  smile  lighting  up  the  sad  face,  but  did  not 
quite  understand  its  meaning.  The  President  continued  : 

"  Whatever  the  people  and  the  troops  may  think  or  say  of  his  failure 
to  capture  Lee,  my  censure  would  be  tempered  by  the  consciousness  of 
the  fact  that  I  did  not  restore  him  to  the  command  for  aggressive  fight- 
ing, but  as  an  organizer  and  a  good  hand  at  defending  a  position. 
McClellan,  by  his  constant  and  unfounded  complaints,  had  done  much 
to  impair  confidence  in  the  Secretary  of  War  and  myself.  He  had 
wantonly  sacrificed  Pope.  I  admit  that  to  employ  him  to  rescue  the 
army  from  its  demoralization  is  a  good  deal  like  '  curing  the  bite  with 
the  hair  of  the  dog.'  But  we  must  not  forget  the  position  of  affairs, 
which  furnish  a  striking  illustration  of  the  danger  to  which  republican 
institutions  are  subjected  by  a  great  war,  which  may  produce  ambitious 
and  rival  commanders.  The  civil  power  in  September  was  in  reality 
subordinate  to  the  military.  I  was  commander-in-chief,  but  found  my- 
self, in  that  season  of  insubordination,  panic,  and  demoralization,  con- 
sciously under  military  duress.  McClellan,  while  fighting  battles  which 


352 


LIFE  OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


should  produce  no  result  but  the  expenditure  of  men  and  means,  had 
contrived  to  keep  the  troops  with  him  by  charging  each  new  failure  to 
some  dereliction  of  the  Secretary  of  War  and  the  President ;  had  cre- 
ated an  impression  among  them  that  the  Administration  was  hostile  to 
him,  and  withheld  what  should  have  been  accorded  him,  and  which  in 
some'  instances  he  falsely  represented  as  having  been  promised  him. 
The  restoration  of  McClellan  to  command,  in  the  face  of  his  miscon- 
duct, was  the  greatest  trial  and  most  painful  duty  of  my  official  life. 
Yet,  situated  as  I  was,  it  seemed  to  be  my  duty,  and,  in  opposition  to 
every  member  of  my  Cabinet,  I  performed  it,  and  I  feel  no  regret  for 
what  I  have  done.  To-day,  Mr.  Kelley,  I  am  stronger  with  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  than  McClellan.  The  supremacy  of  civil  power  has  been 
restored,  and  the  Executive  is  again  master  of  the  situation.  The  troops 


AMBROSE    K.    BUBN8IDE. 


EMANCIPATION.  353 

know  that  if  I  made  a  mistake  in  substituting  Pope  for  McClellan,  I 
was  capable  of  rectifying  it  by  again  trusting  him.  They  know,  too, 
that  neither  Stanton  nor  myself  withheld  anything  from  him  at  Antie- 
tam,  and  that  it  was  not  the  Administration  but  their  own  former  idol 
who  surrendered  the  just  results  of  their  terrible  sacrifice  and  closed  the 
great  fight  as  a  drawn  battle,  when,  had  he  thrown  Porter's  corps  of 
fresh  men  and  other  available  troops  upon  Lee's  army,  he  would  have 
driven  it  in  disorder  to  the  river  and  captured  most  of  it  before  sunset." 

The  month  of  October  was  closing.  For  a  period  of  six  weeks  the 
army  had  idled  the  time  away  encamped  on  the  bank  of  the  Potomac. 
It  was  east  of  the  Blue  Kidge.  General  Lee  was  west  of  it,  in  the 
Shenandoah  Valley. 

McClellan  was  nearer  Richmond.  The  President  urged  him  to  make 
a  rapid  march  on  the  interior  line  for  the  Confederate  capital,  but  the 
army  did  not  move.  The  patience  of  the  loyal  people  of  the  country 
was  exhausted.  President  Lincoln  knew  that  every  member  of  his 
Cabinet  had  lost  faith  in  McClellan.  He  had  issued  a  peremptory  order 
for  a  movement  which  had  been  disregarded. 

Slowly,  during  the  last  week  of  October,  the  army  crossed  the  Poto- 
mac ;  slowly  it  moved  a  few  miles  each  day  southward.  More  swiftly 
marched  the  army  of  Lee,  crossing  the  mountains  and  reaching  Cul- 
peper,  ready  to  confront  McClellan  on  the  bank  of  the  Rapidan. 

The  patience  of  the  President  was  exhausted.  He  had  resolved  to 
remove  him  from  further  command  if  he  allowed  Lee  to  cross  the 
mountains  and  block  the  advance  to  Richmond.  A  messenger 
'  came  with  an  order  relieving  McClellan  of  the  command  and 


NOT 


o 


appointing  General  Burnside  as  his  successor. 


NOTES    TO    CHAPTER    XVIII. 

(!)  "  Century  Magazine,"  January,  1889. 

( 2 )  Warden's  "  Life  of  Salmon  P.  Chase,"  p.  459. 

(3)  Gideon  Welles,  "  Lincoln  and  Seward,"  p.  194. 

(4)  Schnyler  Colfax,  "  Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  337. 

(5)  "  Century  Magazine,"  August,  1889. 

(6)  Ibid. 

( 7 )  "  Century  Magazine,"  January,  1889. 

(8)  Ibid. 

(9)  Gideon  Welles's  Diary,  "Century  Magazine,"  January,  1889. 

(10)  Ibid. 

(n)  Gideon  Welles,  "Galaxy  Magazine," December,  1882. 

( 12 )  Isaac  N.  Arnold,  "  Life  of  Lincoln,"  p.  300. 

(13)  William  D.  Kelley,  "  Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  271. 
23 


354  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


CHAPTEK  XIX. 

DARKNESS   BEFORE   THE   DAWN. 

THE  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  at  "Warrenton.  Its  new  commander, 
General  Burnside,  had  rendered  excellent  service  in  North  Caro- 
lina. He  reluctantly  accepted  the  command  conferred  upon  him  by 
President  Lincoln.  He  doubted  his  ability  to  handle  so  large  a  body  of 
troops.  The  country  demanded  aggressive  action.  He  must  plan  a 
campaign.  The  advantages  which  existed  after  Antietam  had  been 
lost.  The  Confederate  army  was  behind  the  Rapidan,  at  Gordons ville. 
A  new  movement  must  be  planned.  General  Halleck  advised  Burn- 
side  to  make  a  direct  attack  upon  the  Confederate  army.  Burnside 
thought  it  would  be  better  to  march  south-east  to  Fredericksburg,  and 
cross  the  Rappahannock  at  .that  point.  It  would  necessitate  the  re- 
opening of  the  railroad  from  Aquia  Creek  to  Fredericksburg.  Pon- 
toons would  be  needed.  They  could  be  taken  down  the  Potomac  and 
up  the  Rappahannock  by  steamer.  Burnside  would  conceal  his  inten- 
tions by  making  a  demonstration  towards  Gordonsville  with  a  portion 
of  the  army  while  the  boats  were  on  their  way.  At  the  right  moment 
he  would  make  a  quick  march  to  Fredericksburg.  Halleck  would  see 
that  the  pontoons  were  there  at  the  appointed  time.  The  plan  was 
approved  by  the  President. 

Day  was  dawning  on  November  15th  when  the  troops  under  Gener- 
al Sumner  folded  their  blankets  and  moved  eastward  from  Warrenton. 
They  reached  the  Falmouth  hills  opposite  Fredericksburg.  The  Con- 
federate regiment  of  cavalry  and  four  companies  of  infantry  holding 
the  place  saw  with  amazement  the  hills  across  the  Rappahannock 
swarming  with  Union  soldiers.  The  pontoons  had  not  arrived.  Colonel 
Brooks,  commanding  a  brigade,  saw  a  steer  come  down  the  southern 
bank  and  wade  across  the  stream.  He  sent  word  to  Sumner,  who  de- 
spatched a  messenger  to  Burnside,  asking  permission  to  cross  the  river 
and  seize  Fredericksburg.  He  had  40,000  men.  Burnside  hastened  to 
Falmouth,  but  thought  the  risk  too  great,  as  the  pontoons  were  not 


DARKNESS  BEFORE  THE  DAWN.  355 

there.     Two  days  passed,  and  Lee's  array  was  upon  the  hills  behind 

the  city.     Through  want  of  co-operation  or  inefficiency  at  Washington 

the  well -laid  plan  had  miscarried.     Burnside  was  confronted  by  the 

army  of  Lee,  intrenched  upon  frowning  hills.     The  country  was 

e*2'  demanding  a  battle.  He  must  make  a  movement.  He  decided 
to  cross  the  Rappahannock,  capture  the  town,  and  then  attack 
Lee  in  the  intrenchments.  It -was  done,  resulting  in  failure,  the  loss  of 
12,000  men,  and  the  withdrawal  of  the  troops  to  Falmouth. 

~No  language  can  adequately  describe  the  emotions  of  the  President 
upon  hearing  of  the  terrible  slaughter  and  the  disastrous  results.  Day 
by  day  the  lines  deepened  upon  his  brow. 

The  elections  held  in  November  had  resulted  in  the  choice  of  a 
large  number  of  Democratic  members  of  Congress,  and  the  election  of 
Horatio  Seymour  as  Governor  of  New  York.  Mr.  Seymour  was  a 
Democrat,  opposed  to  the  war,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  could  no  longer  turn 
to  the  chief  of  that  great  State  for  support.  He  had  good  reason  to 
look  with  apprehension  into  the  future.  But  in  his  message  to  Congress, 
upon  its  reassembling  for  its  last  session,  there  was  no  swerving  from 
his  conviction  of  what  was  right,  or  what  ought  to  be  done  to  maintain 
the  Union.  There  is  dignity,  grandeur,  and  touching  pathos  in  his  clos- 
ing sentences :  9 

"  I  do  not  forget  the  gravity  which  should  characterize  a  paper  addressed  to  the  Con- 
gress of  the  nation  by  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  nation.  Nor  do  I  forget  that  some  of 
you  are  my  seniors,  nor  that  many  of  you  have  more  experience  than  I  in  the  conduct  of 
public  affairs.  Yet  I  trust  that  in  view  of  the  great  responsibility  resting  upon  ine  you 
will  perceive  no  want  of  respect  to  yourselves  in  any  undue  earnestness  I  may  seem  to 
display.  The  dogmas  of  the  quiet  past  are  inadequate  to  the  stormy  present.  The  occa- 
sion is  piled  high  with  difficulty,  and  we  must  rise  with  the  occasion.  As  our  case  is  new, 
so  we  must  think  anew  and  act  anew.  We  must  disinthrall  ourselves,  and  then  we  shall 
save  our  country. 

"Fellow-citizens,  we  cannot  escape  history.  We,  of  this  Congress  and  this  adminis- 
tration, will  be  remembered  in  spite  of  ourselves.  No  personal  significance,  or  insignifi- 
cance, can  spare  one  or  another  of  us  The  fiery  trial  through  which  we  pass  will  light  us 
down,  in  honor  or  dishonor,  to  the  latest  generation.  We  say  we  are  for  the  Union.  The 
world  will  not  forget  that  we  say  this.  We  know  how  to  save  the  Union.  The  world 
knows  we  do  know  how  to  save  it.  We — even  we  here — hold  the  power  and  bear  the  re- 
sponsibility. In  giving  freedom  to  the  slave  we  assure  freedom  to  the  free — honorable 
alike  in  what  we  give  and  what  we  preserve.  We  shall  nobly  save,  or  meanly  lose,  the 
last,  best  hope  of  earth.  Other  means  may  succeed,  this  could  not  fail.  The  way  is  plain, 
peaceful,  generous,  just — a  way  which,  if  followed,4he  world  will  forever  applaud,  and 
God  must  forever  bless." 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  carrying  burdens  which  were  not  apparent  to  the 
public.  The  country  was  holding  him  responsible  for  all  the  failures. 


356  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

The  War  Department  was  a  part  of  the  Administration.  Why  such  in- 
efficiency at  Washington  ?  Why  were  not  the  pontoons  at  Fredericks- 
burg  at  the  appointed  time  ?  Why  did  not  the  President  bring  about 
harmony  among  the  members  of  the  Cabinet?  Mr.  Seward  and  Mr. 
Chase  differed  widely  in  their  views  as  to  what  ought  to  be  done.  They 
had  both  been  aspirants  for  the  Presidency.  Mr.  Lincoln,  with  great 
magnanimity,  had  invited  them  to  aid  him  in  the  administration. 
They  Avere  strong  men,  who  not  only  criticised  each  other,  but  the 
President. 

"  It  is  painful,"  wrote  Mr.  Chase  to  Senator  Sherman,  "  to  hear  com- 
plaints of  remissness,  delays,  disorder,  and  dangers,  and  feel  that  there 
must  be  ground  for  such  complaints,  and  know  at  the  same  time  that 
one  has  no  power  to  remedy  the  evils  complained  of,  and  yet  be  thought 
tohave."(') 

Mr.  Chase  said  the  Administration  had  made  many  mistakes  and 
blunders.  He  also  felt  that  the  influence  of  the  Secretary  of  State  over 
Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  what  it  should  be. 

"  I  do  not  doubt,"  he  said  to  Mr.  Thurlow  Weed,  "  Mr.  Seward's  fidel- 
ity to  his  ideas  of  progress,  amelioration,  and  freedom ;  but  he  adheres 
too  tenaciously  to  men  who  have  proved  themselves  unworthy  and  dan- 
gerous, such  as  McClellan.  %His  influence  encourages  the  irresolution 
and  inaction  of  the  President  in  regard  to  men  and  measures."  (2) 

Mr.  Seward  offended  a  large  number  of  Senators  by  a  despatch  writ- 
ten to  Mr.  Adams,  Minister  to  England,  in  which  he  criticised  the  policy 
of  that  minister.  The  Senators  learned  of  the  interview  between  Mr. 
Chase  and  Mr.  Weed,  which  made  them  still  more  dissatisfied  with  Mr. 
Seward.  They  met  in  conference  and  voted  to  demand  his  dismissal, 
but  subsequently  thought  it  would  be  more  respectful  to  request  a  re- 
construction of  the  Cabinet. 

The  janitor  at  the  White  House  was  accustomed  to  see  delegations 

and  committees  ascend  the  stairs  leading  to  the  President's  room,  but 

not  often  had  he  seen  nine  Senators  entering  the  chamber  in  a 

)ec.  19.  j^y     They  were  men  whom  the  President  greatly  respected 

— Sumner,(3)  Fessenden,  Collamer,  Pomeroy,  Howard,  Harris,  Wade, 

Grimes,  Trumbull.     They  had  no  charge  to  make  of  any  particular 

wrong  done  by  Mr.  Seward,  but  thought  he  was  not  heartily  supporting 

the  measures  of  the  President. 

"  I  would  like  to  see  you  again  this  evening,"  said  the  President. 

The  Senators  departed,  and  a  little  later  each  member  of  the  Cabi- 
net, in  response  to  a  request  from  the  President,  entered.  They  were 


DARKNESS  BEFORE  THE  DAWN. 


357 


CHARLES  SUMNER. 


informed  of  the  interview  with  the  Senators.  He  desired  them  to 
know  all  that  was  being  done.  Once  more — in  the  evening — the  Sen- 
ators met  the  President,  together  with  the  members  of  the  Cabinet, 
except  Mr.  Seward.  "We  never  shall  know  all  that  was  said.  A  frank 
and  free  discussion  was  carried  on  till  late  in  the  night. 

"  Do  you,  gentlemen,"  said  the  President,  "  still  think  Mr.  Seward 
ought  to  be  excused  from  serving  as  Secretary  of  State  ?" 

"  Yes,"  said  Sumner,  Trumbull,  Grimes,  and  Pomeroy. 

"  No,"  responded  Senator  Harris. 

"  We  decline  to  commit  ourselves,"  the  answer  of  Fessenden,  Colla- 

mer,  and  Howard. 
23* 


358  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

On  December  20th  Secretary  Seward  and  Secretary  Chase  sent  their 
resignations  to  the  President,  but  he  declined  to  accept  them ;  he  need- 
ed their  great  services  and  had  confidence  in  them. 

Christmas  was  not,  as  in  former  years,  full  of  joy  and  gladness,  but 
sorrow,  to  those  whose  loved  ones  were  buried  where  they  fell  on  the 
battle-fields.  Gloom  and  despondency  were  settling  upon  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac.  The  leading  generals  were  quarrelling.  Burnside  de- 
manded the  peremptory  removal  of  those  whom  he  believed  had  failed 
to  do  their  duty — among  them  General  Hooker.  His  subordinate  com- 
manders were  denouncing  him  for  the  useless  slaughter  at  Fredericks- 
burg.  There  was  want  of  unity  in  the  Cabinet.  Senators  and  mem- 
bers of  Congress  were  criticising  the  Administration.  The  Republican 
members  were  divided  in  opinion.  The  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of 
the  War  was  bringing  to  light  many  scandals.  The  men  who  opposed 
the  war  were  becoming  arrogant  and  aggressive.  The  Democratic 
Party  was  in  power  in  many  of  the  States,  determined  to  thwart  the 
President.  Leading  officers  in  the  army  said  that  "  the  army  and  the 
Government  needed  a  dictator."  The  time  was  near  at  hand  when  the 
final  edict  of  emancipation  would  be  issued.  More  bitterly  than  ever 
was  it  denounced  as  unconstitutional,  unrighteous,  and  wicked  by  those 
who  did  not  want  to  see  slavery  abolished.  Is  it  a  wonder  that  under 
these  circumstances  the  sadness  deepened  upon  the  countenance  of  the 
President,  or  that  he  experienced  unspeakable  anguish  as  he  thought  of 
the  slaughter  at  Fredericksburg  and  looked  into  the  darkness  of  the 
future  ? 

Many  slaves  had  left  their  masters  and  made  their  way  to  Washing- 
ton. The  Government  was  obliged  to  establish  a  "  contraband  camp," 
where  they  were  cared  for.  On  the  last  day  of  December  the  hands  of 
the  clock  stole  on  to  the  midnight  hour,  when,  according  to  the  edict  of 
Abraham  Lincoln,  they  were  to  be  free.  The  thousands  kneeled  and 
began  to  sing : 

"  Oh,  go  down,  Moses, 
Way  down  to  Egypt's  land  ; 
Tell  King  Pharaoh 
To  let  my  people  go. 
Oh,  Pharaoh  said  he  would  not  cross — 

'Let  my  people  go.' 
But  Pharaoh  and  his  hosts  were  lost — 
Let  my  people  go." 

The  song  ceased.     The  church  bell  slowly  tolled  the  hour.     There 


DARKNESS   BEFORE  THE  DAWN.  359 

was  silence  as  of  death,  and  then  "  Glory !   hallelujah !  we  are  free ! 
God  bless  Massa  Linkum  !" 

"  O  dark,  sad  millions,  patiently  and  dumb, 
Waiting  for  God,  your  hour  at  last  has  come, 
And  freedom's  song 
Breaks  the  long  silence  of  your  night  of  wrong." 

So  wrote  John  G.  Whittier  on  hearing  the  consummation  of  the 
event  which  gave  freedom  to  4,000,000  slaves. 

General  Burnside  planned  a  movement  of  the  army.     General  Sum- 

ner  was  to  have  charge  of  it.     General  Averill,  with  a  large  force  of 

cavalry,  was  to  make  a  raid  in  rear  of  the  Confederates  and 

"less1'  destroy  their  communication  with  Richmond.     While  the  church 

bells  were  tolling  out  the  old  year  and  ringing  in  the  new,  with 

its  era  of  freedom,  a  despatch  went  over  the  wires  from  the  President 

to  Burnside : 

"  I  have  good  reason  for  saying  you  must  make  no  movement  without  consulting  me." 

General  Burnside  hastened  to  Washington,  and  learned  that  sev- 
eral of  his  subordinate  officers  had  protested  against  the  movement. 
He  sent  a  letter  to  the  President,  in  which  he  said  that  the  country 
evidently  had  lost  confidence  in  Mr.  Stanton,  General  Halleck,  and 
himself,  and  that  all  three  ought  to  resign.  He  enclosed  his  own  resig- 
nation. He  called  upon  Secretary  Stanton  and  informed  him  of  what 
he  had  done. 

"  If,"  said  Stanton,  "  you  had  as  much  confidence  in  yourself  as  oth- 
ers have  in  you,  things  would  go  through  all  right." 

The  President  sent  the  resignation  back  to  Burnside,  who  returned 
to  the  army. 

Mr.  Raymond,  editor  of  the  New  York  "  Times,"  wishing  to  see  the 
actual  situation,  visited  Falmouth  and  talked  with  many  officers.  (4) 

"  I  think,"  said  General  Wadsworth,  "  that  the  reported  demoraliza- 
tion of  the  army  is  much  exaggerated,  and  that  the  only  trouble  is  in 
the  disaffection  of  some  of  the  officers,  who  had  been  greatly  favored 
by  McClellan,  and  who  were  hoping  for  his  return  to  command."  (5) 

"  There  is,"  said  Colonel  Morrow,  "  a  good  deal  of  dissatisfaction — 
or  rather  of  despondency — among  officers  and  men,  due  mainly,  in  my 
opinion,  to  a  lack  of  military  successes  and  to  a  want  of  confidence  in 
General  Burnside,  because  he  has  no  confidence  in  himself.  He  has  said 
many  times  that  he  did  not  feel  competent  to  command.  He  has  not 


360 


LIFE   OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


only  spoken  of  his  incompetency,  but  has  been  before  a  Congressional 
committee  and  sworn  to  it.  As  an  instance  of  the  feeling  in  the  army, 
one  of  my  lieutenants  has  sent  in  his  resignation  because  he  does  not 
approve  of  the  policy  on  which  the  Government  is  conducting  the  war. 
The  army  must  be  reorganized,  with  a  general  at  its  head  who  has  not 
been  mixed  up  with  rivalries." (6) 

General  Burnside  planned  another  advance.     He  intended  to  send 
a  portion  of  the  army  down  the  river  and  make  a  feint  of  crossing.     At 


HENRY  J.   RAYMOND. 

the  same  time  he  would  make  a  rapid  march  up  the  river  and  gain  a 
foothold  on  the  southern  side.     Generals  Franklin,  Smith,  and  Hooker 
vehemently  opposed  the  plan.     The  orders  were  issued.     The 
'  army  began  its  march.     But  a  storm  came — the  rain  poured  in 
torrents.     Wagons  and  cannon  could  not  be  moved,  and  the  troops  re- 
turned to  their  quarters. 


DARKNESS  BEFORE   THE   DAWN.  361 

The  dissatisfaction  increased.  It  was  promoted  by  officers  rather 
than  by  the  men.  We  need  not  wonder  that  Burnside  keenly  felt  their 
antagonism.  The  command  of  the  army  had  been  thrust  upon  him. 
He  had  been  thwarted  in  his  first  attempt  by  the  inefficiency  or 
neglect  of  Halleck  in  not  having  the  pontoons  at  Fredericksburg. 
Franklin  had  not  done  his  duty  in  battle,  and  together  with  Hooker, 
Smith,  Cochrane,  Woodbury,  Sturgis,  and  Newton  opposed  his  plans. 
The  President  himself  had  interfered  with  one  of  his  projects,  and  yet 
would  not  accept  his  resignation.  He  could  accomplish  nothing,  and 
resolved  to  remove  the  officers  who  were  opposing  him  ;  but  instead  of 
issuing  the  order,  he  went  to  Washington  to  lay  the  matter  before  Mr. 
Lincoln. 

"  You  know,  Mr.  President,"  he  said,  "  that  I  never  sought  any  com- 
mand— and  more  particularly  that  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  You 
know  my  desire  to  return  to  civil  life.  I  have  no  desire  to  place  myself 
in  opposition  to  you  or  to  do  anything  to  weaken  the  Government.  I 
have  written  the  order  removing  those  officers,  but  I  have  no  right  to 
remove  them  without  your  approval.  In  case  you  cannot  approve  it,  I 
must  tender  you  once  more  my  resignation." 

"  General  Burnside,"  replied  the  President,  "  I  think  that  you  are 
correct,  but  I  must  consult  with  some  of  my  advisers  about  this." 

In  addition  to  the  burdens  he  had  to  bear,  the  President,  in  compli- 
ance with  custom,  must  hold  receptions  and  shake  hands  with 
several  thousand  people.  It  was  only  a  minute  that  he  could 
talk  with  Mr.  Raymond  on  such  an  occasion. 

"General  Hooker  is  throwing  obstacles  in  the  way  of  Burnside," 
said  Mr.  Raymond. 

"  It  is  true,"  replied  Mr.  Lincoln ;  "  Hooker  does  talk  badly,  but 
the  trouble  is  he  is  stronger  with  the  country  to-day  than  any  other 
man." 

"  How  long  will  he  retain  that  strength  when  his  real  conduct  and 
character  is  understood  ?" 

"  The  country  would  not  believe  it ;  they  would  say  it  is  a  lie."  (7) 

Mr.  Seward  was  anxious  to  know  what  Mr.  Raymond  thought  of 
affairs  in  the  army  "  The  mass  of  the  soldiers  are  loyal ;  the  demoral- 
ization is  with  the  officers,"  said  Mr.  Raymond. 

In  addition  to  the  jealousies  and  rivalries  among  the  army  officers, 
the  President  was  annoyed  by  the  course  pursued  by  Horace  Greeley, 
who  was  holding  private  interviews  and  correspondence  with  Mercier, 
the  French  Minister,  to  persuade  him  that  the  people  of  the  United 


362  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

States  would  welcome  a  mediation  which  would  put  an  end  to  the 
war.(8) 

Mr.  Seward  was  Secretary  of  State,  and  had  been  intrusted  by  the 
President  with  all  diplomatic  affairs ;  but  Mr.  Greeley,  a  private  citi- 
zen, was  attempting  to  carry  out  a  pet  plan  of  his  own  devising,  in 
violation  of  the  law  which  forbade  all  intercourse  with  foreign  Minis- 
ters. Mr.  Greeley  was  undertaking  to  manage  the  affairs  of  the  nation. 
He  held  intimate  personal  relations  with  the  Secretary  of  State. 

"  He  ought  to  be  arrested,"  said  Mr.  J.  P.  Usher,  who  had  succeeded 
Mr.  Smith  as  Secretary  of  the  Interior.  "  If  you  were  to  have  him  ar- 
rested the  public  would  see  that  the  Government  intended  to  punish 
with  impartial  vigor  all  violations  of  law  and  all  departures  from  loy- 
alty." 

"  Were  I  to  cause  his  arrest,"  replied  Mr.  Seward,  "  it  would  be  re- 
garded as  an  act  of  personal  hostility  to  Mr.  Greeley,  whose  proposition 
is  to  be  ridiculed.  He  proposes  to  make  Switzerland  the  arbiter  of  our 
destiny — a  republic  half  Prussian  and  half  French,  half  Catholic  and 
half  Protestant,  represented  in  Washington  by  a  consul-general  who 
keeps  a  feed-store  near  the  Capitol,  and  who  knows  no  more  of  the  ne- 
cessities and  conditions  of  our  national  existence  than  of  the  politics  of 
the  moon.  The  President  must  be  supported  in  his  conduct  of  the  war. 
The  dream  of  separation  is  idle.  The  South  will  not  rest  content  with 
any  boundary  that  can  be  drawn.  If  it  was  the  Potomac,  they  would 
want  Washington  and  Baltimore ;  if  the  Susquehanna,  they  would  want 
Philadelphia  and  then  New  York.  Permanent  peace  on  such  a  basis 
would  be  impossible.  With  all  his  defects  President  Lincoln  is  just  the 
man  for  the  crisis.  Patient,  capable  of  endurance,  just  and  tolerant  be- 
yond example,  Providence  has  raised  him  up  for  this  emergency  as  He 
raised  up  Washington  for  the  necessities  of  our  struggle  for  independ- 
ence.'^9) 

Once  more  General  Burnside  entered  the  President's  chamber.  "  I 
have  decided,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  to  relieve  you  of  the  command  of 
the  army ;  not  to  accept  your  resignation,  but  to  give  you  a  little  rest, 
and  I  shall  place  General  Hooker  in  command.  I  intend  also  to  relieve 
General  Sumner  and  General  Franklin  of  their  commands.  Sumner 
is  much  older  than  Hooker,  and  ought  not  to  be  asked  to  serve  under 
him." 

"  I  am  content,  Mr.  President,  to  accept  it  as  the  best  solution  of  the 
problem.  Neither  yourself  nor  General  Hooker  will  be  happier  than  I 
will  be  at  any  victory  won  by  him." 


DARKNESS  BEFORE   THE  DAWN.  363 

It  Avas  a  very  frank,  open,  and  earnest  letter  which  the  President 
wrote  to  General  Hooker : 

"  I  have  placed  you  at  the  head  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  Of  course  I  have  done 
this  upon  what  appears  to  me  to  be  sufficient  reasons,  and  yet  I  think  it  best  for  you  to 
know  that  there  are  some  things  in  regard  to  which  I  am  not  quite  satisfied  with  you.  I 
believe  you  to  be  a  brave  and  skilful  soldier,  which,  of  course,  I  like.  I  also  believe  you 
do  not  mix  politics  with  your  profession,  in  which  you  are  right.  You  have  confidence 
in  yourself,  which  is  a  valuable,  if  not  an  indispensable,  quality.  You  are  ambitious, 
which,  within  reasonable  bounds,  does  good  rather  than  harm.  But  I  think  that  during 
General  Burnside's  command  of  the  army  you  have  taken  counsel  of  your  ambitions,  and 
thwarted  him  as  much  as  you  could,  in  which  you  did  a  great  wrong  both  to  the  country 
and  a  most  meritorious  and  honorable  brother-officer.  I  have  heard,  in  such  a  way  as  to 
believe  it,  of  your  recently  saying  that  the  army  and  the  Government  needed  a  dictator. 
Of  course  it  was  not  for  this,  but  in  spite  of  it,  that  I  have  given  you  a  command.  Only 
those  generals  who  gain  success  can  set  up  as  dictators.  What  I  ask  of  you  is  military 
success,  and  I  will  risk  the  dictatorship.  The  Government  will  support  you  to  the  utmost 
of  its  ability,  which  is  neither  more  nor  less  than  it  has  done  and  will  do  for  all  command- 
ers. I  much  fear  that  the  spirit  you  have  aided  to  infuse  into  the  army,  of  criticising 
its  commander  and  withholding  confidence  from  him,  will  now  turn  upon  you.  I  shall 
assist  you,  as  far  as  I  can,  to  put  it  clown.  Neither  you  nor  Napoleon,  if  he  were  alive 
again,  could  get  any  good  out  of  an  army  while  such  a  spirit  prevails  in  it.  And  now, 
beware  of  rashness  !  Beware  of  rashness  !  But  with  energy  and  sleepless  vigilance  go 
forward  and  give  us  victories." 

General  Hooker  found  that  the  soldiers  were  homesick.  The  long- 
ing had  become  a  disease.  The  medical  staff  had  no  medicine  for  its 
cure.  The  sight  of  home  —  of  parents,  wives,  sisters,  children  —  alone 
would  cure  it.  He  proposed  to  furlough  for  several  days  a  specified 
number  of  men  from  each  regiment,  who  must  return  on  the  appoint- 
ed day,  or  their  fellow-soldiers  would  not  be  able  to  go.  President 
Lincoln  at  first  objected,  but  allowed  the  experiment.  The  soldiers  were 
upon  their  honor,  and  promptly  returned.  Homesickness  disappeared, 
and  the  army  took  on  new  vigor  and  moral  strength. 

The  Confederate  cavalry  under  General  Mosby  made  a  daring  and 
successful  raid.  They  eluded  the  Union  pickets  at  Centreville  in  the 
night,  rode  to  Fairfax  Court-house,  surprised  and  captured  Gen- 
'  eral  Stoughton,  who  was  in  command  at  that  point,  also  thirty 
men,  and  fifty -eight  horses  and  mules.  Mosby  and  his  soldiers  were 
Virginians.  They  knew  every  road  and  path,  and  could  make  their  way 
through  the  forest  in  the  darkest  night.  Their  exploits  were  those  of 
marauders  rather  than  of  soldiers.  President  Lincoln  laughed  heartily 
when  he  heard  of  the  capture.  "  So  one  of  my  generals  is  captured," 
he  said.  "  How  fortunate !  I  can  fill  his  place  in  five  minutes  without 
costing  a  cent,  but  those  mules  cost  $200  each."  (10) 


364 


LIFE  OP  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


JOSEPH  HOOKER. 


It  was  the  bubbling  up  of  the  unfailing  spring  of  humor.  A  great 
many  men  wanted  to  be  generals — those  who  had  had  no  military  experi- 
ence. Senators,  Congressmen,  men  of  standing  and  position  were  asking 
him  to  appoint  their  friends.  Colonels  of  regiments  were  looking  for- 
ward to  the  time  when  they  would  wear  a  star  on  each  shoulder,  and 


DARKNESS  BEFORE  THE  DAWN.  365 

were  using  all  possible  means  to  bring  it  about.  There  was  grim  humor 
in  the  expression,  "My  generals."  He  appointed  them,  but  had  no 
means  of  knowing  their  fitness  for  command,  except  the  representations 
of  those  who  sought  the  appointments. 

During  the  first  week  in  May,  General  Hooker  advanced  to  Chan- 
cellorsville,  suffered  defeat,  and  returned  to  Falmouth  Hills.  Nothing 
had  been  gained,  and  the  Confederates  could  justly  boast  that 
jg^'  they  had  won  a  great  victory.  The  strategy  of  Hooker  in  gain- 
ing a  position  south  of  the  Kapidan  must  be  regarded  as  brill- 
iant. His  falling  back  from  Tabernacle  Church  (see  "Marching  to 
Victory,"  battle  of  Chancellorsville)  seemingly  was  a  mistake  in  tactics. 
His  hasty  conclusion  that  the  movement  of  Jackson  across  his  front 
was  a  retreat  of  the  Confederate  army  was  an  error  of  judgment. 

On  the  morning  that  saw  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  once  more  at 
Falmouth,  Professor  Henry  and  Mr.  Brooks,  personal  friends  of  Mr. 
Lincoln,  were  ushered  into  one  of  the  family-rooms  of  the  White  House. 
The  President  entered,  handed  them  a  despatch,  and  tottered  to  a  chair. 
"  Read  it — news  from  the  army."  It  was  all  he  could  say 

"The  army  has  safely  recrossed  the  Rappahannock  !" 

His  face  was  the  color  of  ashes,  as  if  the  fire  of  life  had  gone  out. 

"  Oh,  what  will  the  country  say  ?     "What  will  it  say  ?"  he  gasped. 

No  thought  of  himself.  The  welfare  of  the  country  was  the  fore- 
most thought.  (u) 

A  great  battle  had  been  fought.  The  Confederates,  with  an  infe- 
rior force,  had  attacked  Hooker  and  defeated  him,  compelling  him  to 
recross  the  river.  Thousands  had  been  killed.  Nothing  was  gained. 
The  country  would  hold  the  Administration  responsible. 

The  Abolitionists,  who  had  anticipated  great  and  immediate  results 
from  the  Emancipation  Proclamation,  were  disappointed  because  the 
slaves  did  not  flock  in  crowds  to  the  Union  armies.  A  delegation  vis- 
ited the  White  House  to  see  if  something  could  not  be  done  to  make 
the  proclamation  more  effective.  Senator  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts, 
introduced  them  to  the  President.  They  found  him  laughing  heartily 
as  they  entered. 

"You  find  the  White  House,"  he  said,  "in  a  highly  sensational 
state.  Tad  informed  me  this  morning  that  a  lot  of  kittens  had  been 
added  to  the  household,  and  just  now  a  bulletin  has  been  issued  an- 
nouncing that  we  have  a  family  of  puppies." 

Some  of  the  gentlemen  thought  it  rather  undignified  for  the  Presi- 


306  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

dent  of  a  great  nation  to  receive  a  delegation  of  honorable  gentlemen 
in  so  hilarious  a  manner,  but  they  saw  the  smile  fade  from  his  face,  and 
heard  sober  words  follow  the  gleeful  laughter. 

"  It  gives  me  pleasure  to  introduce  Mr.  Wendell  Phillips,  of  Boston," 
said  Senator  Wilson,  "  and  Mr.  Moncure  Conway,  Mr.  Bird,  Mr.  Wright, 
and  Mr.  Stearns." 

"  Oh,  I  know  you  all,  gentlemen.     Please  be  seated." 

"  We  have  come,  Mr.  President,"  said  Mr.  Phillips,  "  to  express  our 
gratitude  and  joy  for  what  you  have  done  in  issuing  the  Proclamation 
of  Emancipation.  May  we  ask  how,  in  your  judgment,  it  is  working  ?" 

"  Well,  gentlemen,  I  never  have  supposed  that  any  very  great  result 
would  come  at  once,  and  consequently  am  not  disappointed.  I  have 
hoped,  and  still  hope,  that  something  will  come  of  it  after  a  while." 

k<  It  was  to  be  expected,"  said  Mr.  Phillips,  "  that  the  proclamation 
would  arouse  hostility  in  some  quarters,  but  the  people  of  the  North  are 
nearly  satisfied  in  regard  to  it.  But  it  has  seemed  to  us  that  it  is  not 
being  honestly  carried  out  by  all  the  generals  in  command." 

"  It  is  my  impression,"  responded  the  President,  "  that  the  masses 
are  only  dissatisfied  at  our  lack  of  military  successes.  Defeat  and  fail- 
ure make  everything  seem  wrong.  Most  of  us  here  present  have  nearly 
all  our  lives  been  working  in  minorities,  and  many  have  got  into  a  habit 
of  being  dissatisfied." 

Mr.  Phillips  and  those  with  him  understood  the  significance  of  the 
words,  for  they  had  severely  commented  upon  the  President  on  many 
occasions,  but  they  disclaimed  any  dissatisfaction  since  the  proclama- 
tion had  been  issued. 

"  At  any  rate,  gentlemen,  it  has  been  very  rare  that  an  opportunity 
has  been  lost  of  running  this  Administration." 

"  Mr.  President,"  said  Mr.  Phillips,  "  if  we  see  this  Administration 
earnestly  working  to  free  the  country  from  slavery  and  its  rebellion, 
we  will  show  you  how  we  can  run  it  into  another  four  years  of  power." 

"  Oh,  Mr.  Phillips !  I  have  ceased  to  have  any  personal  feeling  or 
expectation  in  that  matter.  I  do  not  say  that  I  never  had  any,  but  I 
have  been  greatly  abused  and  borne  upon.  I  must  bear  this  load  which 
the  country  has  intrusted  to  me  as  well  as  I  can,  and  do  my  best.  I 
am  glad  to  have  met  you,  gentlemen.  I  have  known  of  your  dis- 
tinguished services.  Am  pleased  to  have  met  you  personally." 

He  bows  graciously,  and  they  take  their  departure,  but  they  will 
carry  through  life  the  memory  of  a  countenance  inexpressibly  sad,  and 
burdened  with  care. 


DARKNESS  BEFORE  THE  DAWN.  367 

Visitors  to  the  executive  chamber  saw  maps  suspended  on  the 
walls,  with  the  positions  of  the  armies  of  the  Union  and  Confederacy 
plainly  marked,  and  their  movements  traced  from  time  to  time.  From 
the  outbreak  of  the  Eebellion  the  President  had  pointed  out  to  the 
members  of  the  Cabinet  and  others  what  he  conceived  to  be  the  true 
lines  for  military  operations. 

"  I  see  no  hope  of  success,"  said  the  President,  as  he  stood  looking 
at  the  maps.  "This  movement  towards  Richmond  by  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  is  on  the  same  line  as  that  attempted  by  Burnside.  The 
one  against  Yicksburg  by  the  Yazoo  Pass,  the  movement  of  the 
monitors  against  Charleston,  are  not,  in  my  judgment,  going  to  be  ac- 
complished." 

He  never  had  studied  military  science,  but  he  comprehended  the 
principles  that  must  underlie  successful  strategic  movements. 

"  There  was  not  one  of  his  most  trusted  military  counsellors  in  the 
beginning  of  the  war  who  equalled  him  in  military  sagacity,"  (12)  said 
General  Keyes. 

The  failure  of  Hooker  produced  a  feeling  of  depression  throughout 
the  country.  A  poem  written  by  E.  C.  Stedman,  which  the  President 
read  to  the  members  of  the  Cabinet,  well  expressed  public  sentiment : 

"Give  us  a  man  of  God's  own  mould, 

Born  to  marshal  his  fellow -men  ; 
One  whose  fame  is  not  bought  and  sold 

At  the  stroke  of  the  politician's  pen. 
Give  us  a  man  of  thousands  ten, 

Fit  to  do  as  well  as  to  plan. 
Give  us  a  rallying  cry,  and  then, 

Abraham  Lincoln,  give  us  a  man." 

McClellan,  Burnside,  Hooker,  Buell,  Fremont,  Pope — all  had  failed 
as  commanders.  Grant,  who  had  won  Donelson  and  Pittsburg  Land- 
ing, was  trying  to  capture  Yicksburg.  He  had  not  succeeded  in  his 
attempt  to  turn  the  Mississippi  by  digging  a  canal,  so  as  to  gain  the 
rear  of  Vicksburg  by  the  Yazoo  Pass.  The  Confederates  were  boasting 
that  it  was  a  Gibraltar,  and  that  Grant  would  fail,  no  matter  what  his 
plan  might  be.  General  Halleck  had  shown  no  marked  ability  as  a 
commander  in  the  field.  The  people  were  asking  Mr.  Lincoln  for  what 
he  could  not  give. 

Senators  and  members  of  Congress  were  urging  him  to  remove 
Grant,  who,  they  said,  was  accomplishing  nothing.  "Mr.  President," 
said  Senator  Wade,  of  Ohio, "  I  have  called  to  ask  you  to  relieve  Grant. 


368 


LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 


He  is  doing  nothing.  His  hospitals  are  filled  with  sick.  His  army  is 
wasting  away." 

"  Senator,  that  reminds  me  of  a  story." 

"  Bother  your  stories,  Mr.  President.  That  is  the  way  with  you,  sir. 
It  is  all  story — story.  You  are  the  father  of  every  military  blunder 
that  has  been  made  during  the  war.  You  are  on  the  road  to  h — 1,  sir, 
with  this  Government,  and  you  are  not  a  mile  off  this  minute." 

"  Wade,  that  is  about  the  distance  from  here  to  the  Capitol,"  Mr. 
Lincoln  replied,  his  eyes  twinkling  and  smiles  rippling  his  countenance. 
He  knew  that  a  true  heart  was  beating  in  the  breast  of  the  outspoken 
Senator,  and  was  not  offended  by  the  uncomplimentary  language.  (1S) 

More  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  had  passed  since  the  tragedy  at 
Alton,  111.,  in  which  Kev.  E.  P.  Lovejoy  was  murdered  (see  p.  377). 


BENJAMIN   F.   WADE. 


DARKNESS  BEFORE   THE   DAWN.  369 

Through  many  years  Mr.  Lincoln  had  enjoyed  the  personal  friendship 
of  Owen  Lovejoy,  a  brother,  who  had  given  his  life  in  defence  of  the 
freedom  of  the  Press.  (14)  The  brother  was  member  of  Congress,  and 
was  always  warmly  welcomed  at  the  executive  mansion.  He  thought 
that  national  unity  would  be  promoted  by  a  greater  mingling  of  East- 
ern with  Western  troops.  The  President  saw  that  much  good  might 
come  from  such  action,  and  wrote  a  note  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  which 
Mr.  Lovejoy  handed  to  Mr.  Stanton. 

"  I  will  not  do  it,"  said  the  Secretary. 

"  But  here,  Mr.  Secretary,  is  the  President's  letter." 

"  The  President  is  a  d d  fool." 

Mr.  Lovejoy  returned  to  the  White  House. 

"  Well,  what  now,  Lovejoy  ?"  the  President  asked. 

"  Stanton  says  you  are  a  d d  fool." 

"  Did  he  say  that  ?" 

"Yes." 

"  Well,  if  he  said  so,  I  reckon  I  must  be,  for  he  is  nearly  always 
right.  I'll  step  over  and  see  about  it." 

The  object  which  Mr.  Lovejoy  had  in  view  was  accomplished  a  few 
months  later,  when  a  portion  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  sent 
west  to  share  in  the  movement  which  swept  the  Confederates  from 
Lookout  Mountain  and  Chattanooga,  and  to  take  part  in  the  capture 
of  Atlanta  and  the  March  to  the  Sea. 

In  the  battle  of  Chancellorsville  the  Confederates  lost  the  very  able 
commander,  "Stonewall"  Jackson,  who,  although  fighting  against  the 
Government,  was  highly  esteemed  by  Mr.  Lincoln  for  his  ability  as  a 
commander,  and  for  the  stainless  purity  of  his  character.  A  fitting 
tribute  to  the  fallen  general  in  the  Philadelphia  "Press"  elicited  from 
the  President  a  note,  thanking  the  editor  for  what  he  had  written.  (16) 

General  Burnside  had  been  appointed  commander  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Ohio.  He  issued  an  order  which  announced  that  persons  who 
committed  acts  for  the  benefit  of  the  enemies  of  the  country  would 
be  tried  as  spies  and  traitors,  and  if  convicted  would  suffer  death. 
Instead  of  allaying  discussion,  the  order  aroused  the  hostility  of  those 
who  opposed  the  war. 

The  Democratic  Party  was  emboldened  by  the  results  of  the  fall 
elections.  Clement  L.  Vallandigham,  of  Ohio,  became  very  bitter.  At 
a  political  meeting  held  at  Mount  Vernon  he  inflamed  his  hearers  by 
saying  it  was  the  design  of  those  in  power  to  establish  a  despotism, 
and  they  had  no  intention  of  restoring  the  Union.  If  the  people  sub- 

24 


370  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

mitted  to  the  conscription,  they  were  not  worthy  to  be  called  free  men. 
He  spoke  of  the  President  as  "  King  Lincoln."  The  defiant  attitude  and 
treasonable  speeches  of  Yallandigham  caused  his  arrest  and  trial  by 
court-martial,  and  he  was  sentenced  to  be  placed  in  confinement  during 
the  war.  General  Burnside  approved  the  sentence,  and  selected  Fort 
Warren,  in  Boston  Harbor,  as  the  place  where  he  should  be  imprisoned. 
The  President  did  not  know  of  this.  It  seems  probable  that  had  he 
known  he  would  not  have  allowed  the  trial  to  go  on.  General  Burnside 
possibly  saw  he  had  not  pursued  the  best  course.  He  wrote  that  his 
resignation  was  at  the  disposal  of  the  President. 

"  When  I  wish  to  supersede  you  I  will  let  you  know,"  the  reply. 

The  President  saw  that  if  Vallandigham  were  to  be  kept  in  confine- 
ment he  would  have  the  sympathy  of  the  entire  Democratic  Party. 
There  is  humor  in  his  action  in  changing  the  sentence  of  the  court — 
that  he  -be  sent  "  beyond  our  lines  into  those  of  his  friends." 

Vallandigham  was  accordingly  escorted  to  the  Confederate  lines  in 

Tennessee,  from  whence  he  proceeded  to  Richmond.     It  was  not  a  very 

cordial  reception  that  was  given  him.      "  He  has  no  claim  on 

Mav  25 

our  gratitude,"  said  the  "Richmond  Examiner;"  "he  is  simply 
an  alien  enemy,  a  prisoner  of  war,  a  respectable  enemy." 

Mr.  Vallandigham  assured  Jefferson  Davis  that  if  the  Confederates 
could  hold  out  another  year  the  Peace  Party  of  the  North  would  sweep 
the  Lincoln  dynasty  out  of  political  existence.  After  a  short  stay  in 
Richmond  he  ran  the  blockade  to  Nassau,  and  thence  to  Canada. 

When  the  war  began  more  men  volunteered  than  were  called  for,  but 
the  wave  of  patriotism  had  spent  its  force,  and  Congress  had  ordered  a 
draft  which  was  to  be  made  on  the  first  day  of  July.  The  Democratic 
Party  opposed  it.  The  war  was  declared  to  be  a  failure.  Peace  con- 
ventions were  held;  one  in  New  York  City,  which  declared  that  "  Under 
the  Constitution  there  is  no  power  to  coerce  the  States  by  military 
force."  The  Democratic  convention  of  Pennsylvania  denounced  the 
emancipation  of  the  slaves.  "  The  party  of  fanaticism,''  read  one  of  the 
resolutions,  "  or  crime,  whichever  it  may  be  called,  that  seeks  to  turn 
loose  the  slaves  of  the  Southern  States  to  overrun  the  North,  and  to 
enter  into  competition  with  the  white  laboring  masses,  thus  degrading 
their  manhood  by  placing  them  on  equality  with  the  negroes,  is  insult- 
ing to  our  race  and  merits  our  unqualified  condemnation.  This  is  a 
government  of  white  men,  and  was  established  exclusively  for  white 
men." 

The  Democrats  of  New  York  held  a  "peace  meeting"  at  Albany 


DARKNESS   BEFORE   THE  DAWN. 


371 


OWEN    LOVEJOY. 


(May  16th),  at  which  a  letter  was  read,  written  by  Governor  Seymour. 
Concerning  the  arrest  of  Vallandigham,  he  said : 

"If  it  is  approved  by  the  Government  and  sanctioned  by  the  people,  it  is  not  merely 
a  step  towards  revolution — it  is  revolution.  ...  If  it  is  upheld  our  liberties  are  overthrown. 
.  .  .  The  action  of  the  Administration  will  determine,  in  the  minds  of  more  than  one-half 
of  the  people  of  the  loyal  States,  whether  the  war  is  waged  to  put  down  rebellion  in  the 
South  or  destroy  free  institutions  in  the  North." 

The  convention  passed  a  series  of  resolutions  condemning  arbitrary 
arrests,  and  calling  upon  the  President  to  reverse  the  proceedings  of  the 
military  courts. 


372  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Not  many  State  papers  surpass  in  vigor,  force,  clearness,  and  direct- 
ness  of   statement   the   reply  of    Mr.   Lincoln.      He    referred   to   the 
safety  of  individuals  under  the  Constitution,  and  reviewed  the 
'  state  of  affairs  when  he  was  inaugurated  President — how  forts 
and  arsenals   had  been  seized.      The  men  who  were   fighting   against 
the  lawful  authority  of  government  had  been  long  preparing  for  its 
overthrow.     They  knew  that  if  war  came  habeas  corpus  would  probably 
be  suspended.     The  President  said  : 

"  Civil  courts  were  powerless.  Even  in  times  of  peace  bands  of  horse-thieves  and 
robbers  frequently  grew  too  numerous  and  powerful  for  ordinary  courts  of  justice.  But 
what  comparison  in  number  have  such  bands  ever  borne  to  the  insurgent  sympathizers  in 
many  of  the  loyal  States  ?  A  jury  too  frequently  has  one  member  who  is  more  ready  to 
hang  the  panel  than  to  hang  the  traitor.  He  who  dissuades  one  man  from  volunteering 
or  induces  one  soldier  to  desert  weakens  the  Union  cause  just  as  much  as  he  who  kills  a 
soldier  in  battle.  Yet  this  dissuasion  may  be  so  conducted  as  to  be  no  definite  crime  of 
which  any  civil  court  would  take  cognizance Mr.  Vallandigham  was  not  arrested  be- 
cause he  was  damaging  the  political  prospects  of  the  Administration,  or  the  personal  inter- 
ests of  the  commanding  general,  but  because  he  was  damaging  the  army,  upon  the  exist- 
ence and  vigor  of  which  the  life  of  the  nation  depends.  He  was  warring  upon  the  military, 
and  this  gave  the  military  constitutional  jurisdiction  to  lay  hands  on  him.  .  .  .  Long  experi- 
ence has  shown  that  armies  cannot  be  maintained  unless  desertion  shall  be  punished  by 
the  severe  penalty  of  death.  The  case  requires,  and  the  law  and  Constitution  sustain  this 
punishment.  Must  I  shoot  a  simple-minded  soldier-boy  who  deserts,  and  not  touch  a  hair  of 
the  wily  agitator  who  induces  him  to  desert? 

"  This  is  none  the  less  injurious  when  effected  by  getting  a  father,  brother,  or  friend 
into  a  public  meeting,  and  there  working  upon  his  feelings  until  he  is  persuaded  to  write 
to  the  soldier-boy  that  he  is  fighting  in  a  bad  cause,  for  a  wicked  administration  of  a 
contemptible  government,  too  weak  to  arrest  and  punish  him  if  he  shall  desert.  I  think 
that  in  such  a  case  to  silence  the  agitator  and  save  the  boy  is  not  only  constitutional,  but, 
withal,  a  great  mercy.  ...  I  am  not  able  to  appreciate  the  danger  apprehended  that  the 
American  people  will,  by  means  of  military  arrests  during  the  Rebellion,  lose  the  right  of 
public  discussion,  the  liberty  of  speech  and  the  Press,  the  law  of  evidence,  trial  by  jury, 
habeas  corpus  throughout  the  indefinite,  peaceful  future,  which  I  trust  lies  before  them,  any 
more  than  I  am  able  to  believe  that  a  man  could  contract  so  strong  an  appetite  for  emetics 
during  a  temporary  illness  as  to  persist  in  feeding  upon  them  during  the  remainder  of  his 
healthful  life." 

The  "  Peace  Democrats  "  were  very  angry,  but  the  letter  gave  great 
satisfaction  to  the  loyal  people.  They  saw  in  its  perfect  candor  that 
Abraham  Lincoln  never  would  assume  to  be  a  dictator,  and  that  civil 
liberty  was  safe  in  his  hands. 

Spies  reported  that  the  Confederates  were  preparing  to  invade 
Pennsylvania.  General  Hooker  wrote  to  the  President,  expressing  a 
desire,  in  case  a  large  portion  of  Lee's  army  was  to  leave  Fredericks- 
burg,  to  cross  the  river  and  fall  on  the  remainder.  The  President  replied : 


DARKNESS  BEFORE  THE  DAWN.  373 

"I  have  but  one  idea  which  I  think  worth  suggesting  to  you,  and  that  in  case  you 
find  Lee  coming  north  of  the  Rappahannock,  I  would  by  no  means  cross  south  of  it.  If 
he  should  leave  a  rear  force  at  Fredericksburg,  tempting  you  to  fall  upon  it,  it  would 
fight  in  intrenchments  and  have  you  at  a  disadvantage,  and  so,  man  for  man, worst  you  at 
that  point,  while  his  main  force  would  in  some  way  be  getting  an  advantage  of  you  north- 
ward. In  one  word,  I  would  not  take  any  risk  of  being  entangled  upon  a  river  like  an  ox 
jumped  half  over  a  fence  and  liable  to  be  torn  by  dogs  front  and  rear,  without  a  fair 
chance  to  gore  one  way  or  kick  the  other." 

Again  General  Hooker  sent  a  despatch  : 

"Will  it  not  promote  the  true  interest  of  the  cause  for  me  to  march  to  Richmond  at 
once  ?" 

The  President  answered : 

"I  think  Lee's  army  and  not  Richmond  is  your  true  objective  point.  If  he  comes 
towards  the  upper  Potomac  follow  his  flank,  and  on  the  inside  track,  shortening  your  line 
while  he  lengthens  his.  Fight  him,  too,  when  opportunity  offers.  If  he  stays  where  he  is 
fret  him,  fret  him." 

From  the  beginning  of  the  war  the  cry  had  been  "  Richmond. " 
McClellan  had  made  the  Confederate  capital  his  objective  point.  Hooker 
was  doing  the  same.  They  had  been  educated  in  military  ideas  at 
West  Point ;  but  the  President  understood  that  the  power  of  the  Rebel- 
lion was  in  the  Confederate  Army.  Destroy  that,  and  the  Confederacy 
and  its  "  corner-stone  "  would  crumble. 

A  brigade  of  Confederate  cavalry  entered  Chambersburg,  Pa.  Par- 
ties of  soldiers  went  out  in  all  directions  collecting  what  cattle  and 
horses  they  could  find,  also  negroes,  sending  them  into  Virginia 
to  be  sold  as  slaves.  It  mattered  not  that  they  were  free.  Having 
collected  a  large  amount  of  provisions,  the  Confederates  fell  back  to 
Williamsport.  It  was  known  the  army  under  Lee  was  making  its  way 
northward.  Hooker  was  east  of  the  Bull  Run  Mountain,  ready  to  cross 
the  Potomac  whenever  Lee  indicated  his  chosen  line  of  march.  On 
Maryland  Heights,  at  Harper's  Ferry,  were  10,000  Union  troops,  com- 
manded by  General  French ;  they  were  in  a  military  department  under 
General  Schenck,  whose  headquarters  were  at  Baltimore.  Hooker  want- 
ed to  use  them,  and  asked  that  they  be  transferred  to  his  command. 
Halleck  refused  to  grant  the-  request.  General  Heintzelman  was  in 
command  of  30,000  troops  holding  the  forts  at  Washington.  General 
Lee's  plan  was  soon  discovered  by  the  advance  of  the  Union  cavalry 
westward  to  Aldie,  in  Virginia,  where  it  came  in  collision  with  the 
Confederate  cavalry  under  Stuart.  The  infantry,  artillery,  and  supplies 


374  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

of  the  Confederates  were  all  moving  northward  down  the  Shenan- 
doah  Valley.  Stuart  was  east  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  covering  the  movement. 

The  war  had  divided  families,  especially  in  the  border  States  ;  in  Ken- 
tucky, Maryland,  and  Missouri  brothers  were  fighting  against  brothers. 
Kentucky  had  not  seceded,  but  many  citizens  of  that  State  had  joined 
the  Confederates,  among  them  Major  Todd,  brother  of  Mrs.  Lincoln. 

The  Confederate  corps  leading  the  advance  of  Lee's  army,  command- 
ed by  General  Ewell,  reached  Williamsport,  crossed  the  Potomac,  and 
moved  on  to  Chambersburg.  Major  Todd  was  in  E well's  com- 
'  mand.  He  attempted  to  enter  the  house  of  Dr.  Stevens  unin- 
vited, but  was  confronted  by  Miss  Stevens,  the  doctor's  daughter,  who 
raised  an  axe  and  stood  ready  to  strike.  "  I'll  split  your  head  open," 
she  said.  The  major  thought  it  prudent  to  give  up  the  attempt. 

When  the  Confederates  reached  Chambersburg,  Hooker  compre- 
hended the  meaning  of  the  movement.  The  Union  army  crossed  the 
Potomac.  Again  he  asked  that  the  troops  at  Harper's  Ferry 
'  be  transferred  to  his  command.  He  intended  to  join  them  to  the 
Twelfth  Corps,  under  General  Slocum,  making  a  force  of  25,000  to  close 
upon  the  rear  of  Lee,  and  prevent  his  receiving  supplies.  General  Hal- 
leek  again  refused,  whereupon  Hooker  sent  a  despatch  to  Mr.  Stanton, 
resigning  the  command  of  the  army. 

Mr.  Stanton  was  greatly  depressed.  No  other  officer  knew  what 
plan,  if  any,  General  Hooker  had  in  view.  A  great  battle  must  soon  be 
fought. 

"Will  you  please  come  to  the  War  Office,  at  once?"  the  message 
from  the  Secretary  of  War. 

Mr.  Lincoln  entered  and  read  the  despatch ;  the  blood  for  a  moment 
left  his  face,  as  if  the  heart  had  ceased  to  beat. 

"  What  shall  be  done,  Mr.  President  ?" 

"Accept  his  resignation,"  the  instant  reply.  (") 

Such  prompt  action  warrants  the  conclusion  that  Mr.  Lincoln  had 
anticipated  such  a  possible  contingency,  and  had  decided  the  question  of 
a  successor  to  Hooker.  He  knew  General  George  G.  Meade  had  ren- 
dered efficient  service  as  a  division  commander  on  the  peninsula  and 
at  Fredericksburg.  He  was  a  native  and  citizen  of  Pennsylvania.  The 
Confederate  army  was  about  to  invade  that  State.  The  people  would 
have  confidence  in  him.  He  was  a  Democrat,  but  not  a  partisan.  He 
would  have  the  confidence  of  the  War  Democrats.  (17)  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  in  doubt  whether  he  should  appoint  Meade  or  General  Reynolds. 
The  latter  was  also  from  Pennsylvania,  and  had  shown  marked  qualities 


DARKNESS  BEFORE  THE  DAWK  375 

of  character,  and  was  equally  well  qualified  to  assume  command  of  the 
army. 

A  special  train  came  from  Washington,  bringing  Colonel  Hardie 
with  a  letter  to  General  Hooker  from  the  President,  relieving 
'  him,  and  another  to  General  Meade,  commanding  the  Fifth 
Corps,  appointing  him  commander-in-chief. 

It  was  a  surprise  to  General  Meade  and  to  the  army.  I  saw  him  a 
few  minutes  after  he  received  the  order,  standing  with  bowed  head  and 
downcast  eyes,  his  slouched  hat  drawn  down  and  shading  his  features. 
He  was  lost  in  thought.  His  uniform  was  the  worse  for  wear  during 
hard  service.  As  a  loyal  soldier  he  accepted  the  great  responsibility. 
General  Hooker  bade  good-bye  to  his  officers  with  the  tears  coursing 
down  his  cheeks.  He  issued  a  brief  but  tender,  pathetic,  and  patriotic 
address : 

"  With  the  earnest  prayer  that  the  triumph  of  this  army  may  bring 
successes  worthy  of  it  and  the  nation,  I  bid  it  farewell." 


NOTES  TO  CHAPTER  XIX. 

( ' )  Schucker's  "  Life  of  Salmon  P.  Chase,"  p.  379. 

(2)  Warden's  "Life  of  Salmon  P.  Chase,"  p.  475. 

(3)  Charles  Snmner  was  born  in  Boston,  June  11,  1881.     At  the  age  of  19  he  graduated 
from  Harvard  University,  studied  law,  and  was  appointed  reporter  of  the  United  States 
Circuit  Court.    While  occupying  that  position  he  edited  the  "  American  Jurist,"  and  gave 
lectures  on  constitutional  law  in  Harvard  University.     In  1837  he  visited  Great  Britain 
and  Europe.      Daring  three  years'  sojourn  abroad  he  acquired  several   European   lan- 
guages— was  received  as  a  scholar  in  all  countries.     At  a  civic  banquet,  Jnly  4,  1645,  he 
delivered  an  oration  upon  the  "  True  Grandeur  of  Nations,"  in  which  he  vigorously  as- 
sailed the  attitude  of  the  United  States  towards  Mexico,  maintaining  that  all  differences 
between  the  two  countries  should  be  settled  by  arbitration.    The  oration  attracted  much 
attention  in  the  United  States  and  other  countries.     He  opposed  the  annexation  of  Texas. 
He  saw  that  it  w;is  wholly  in  the  interest  of  slavery.     He  published  a  letter  in  which  he 
commented  severely  upon  the  course  of  Robert  C.  Wiuthrop,  representative  in  Congress, 
for  favoring  the  war.     His  pronounced  position  against  the  extension  of  slavery  led,  in 
1851,  to  his  election  as  Senator  to  succeed  Daniel  Webster.     He  remained  in  the  Senate 
till  his  death,  March  11, 1874.    A  speech  delivered  May  19  and  20, 1856,  upon  "The  Crime 
in  Kansas,"  led  Preston  S.  Brooks,  member  of  Congress  from  South  Carolina,  to  brutally 
assault  Mr.  Snmner  in  the  Senate-chamber,  dealing  a  blow  which  felled  him  to  the  floor, 
and  from  which  he  never  fully  recovered.     Brooks  was  expelled  from  the  House,  but 
was  immediately  re-elected  and   presented  with  a  gold-headed  cane  by  his   constitu- 
ents.    After  the  assault  Mr.  Suraner  visited  Europe  to  obtain  medical  treatment.      Upon 
resuming  his  seat  he  took  an  active  part  in  all  matters  of  legislation.     He  saw,  with 
President  Lincoln  and  Secretary  Seward,  that  the  seizure  of  Mason   and  SHdell  was  a 
violation  of  international  law.    Through  the  War  of  the  Rebellion  he  occupied  an  influ- 
ential position  as  chairman  of  the  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs.    His  speech  upon 


376  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

the  Alabama  Claims  in  1869  caused  much  excitement  in  England,  when  it  was  looked 
upon  as  an  attempt  to  bring  about  a  war  with  that  country.  Mr.  Sumner  opposed  the 
acquisition  of  Santo  Domingo  as  proposed  by  President  Grant.  His  attitude  led  to  his 
deposition  from  the  chairmanship  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs.  The  transaction 
was  regarded  as  unwarranted.  Mr.  Sumner  became  antagonistic  to  President  Grant's 
Administration,  and  in  1872  supported  Horace  «reeley  for  the  Presidency,  and  was  nomi- 
nated by  the  Democratic  Party  of  Massachusetts  for  Governor.  The  nomination  was  de- 
clined. He  advocated  the  removal  from  the  regimental  colors  of  the  army  and  from  the 
army  register  the  names  of  battles  won  by  Union  troops,  and  introduced  a  bill  to  that 
effect.  The  Legislature  of  Massachusetts  passed  a  resolution  censuring  his  course,  which, 
however,  was  rescinded  before  his  death.  Upon  the  assassination  of  President  Lincoln 
Mr.  Sumner  gave  an  oration  beginning  with  a  memorable  sentence  :  "  There  are  no  mis- 
takes in  the  universe  of  God."  As  statesman  and  scholar  Mr.  Sumner  will  ever  occupy 
an  exalted  position. — Author. 

(4)  Henry  J.  Kaymond  was  born  in  New  York  City,  January  24, 1820,  but  was  taken 
to  the  country  by  his  parents.     His  early  years  were  passed  on  a  farm.     He  graduated  at 
the  University  of  Vermont  at  the  age  of  20,  studied  law,  but  became,  in  1841,  associated 
with  Horace  Greeley  as  assistant  editor  of  the  New  York  "  Tribune."    Subsequently  he 
was  connected  with  the  New  York  "  Courier  and  Enquirer,"  and  with  the  publishing 
house  of  Harper  &  Brothers.     In  1849  he  was  elected  to  the  State  Senate,  and  the  fol- 
lowing year  to  the  Assembly,  and  became  Speaker.     In  1851  he  established  the  New  York 
"Times."    He  was  active  in  the  formation  of  the  Republican  Party,  and  became  Lieu- 
teuaut-governor  of  the  State,  1854.     He  was  offered  the  nomination  for  Governor  in  1857, 
but  declined  the  honor.     In  the  memorable  contest  between  Stephen  A.  Douglas  and 
Abraham  Lincoln  in  1858  Mr.  Raymond  advocated  the  election  of  Douglas.     He  warmly 
supported  Mr.  Seward  in  1860  as  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  but  supported  Mr.  Liucoln 
duriug  the  campaign.     He  was  again  elected  to  the  State  Assembly  in  1861,  and  was  a 
candidate  for  Senator  in  1863,  but  was  defeated  by  Edwin  D.  Morgan.     In  1864  he  was 
elected  to  Congress.    Duriug  his  Congressional  term  he  compiled  a  "  History  of  President 
Lincoln's  Administration,"  also  the  "Life  and  Services  of  President  Lincoln."     He  died 
June  18, 1869.— Author. 

(5)  H.  J.  Raymond's  Diary,  "  Scribuer's  Magazine,"  January  1,  1880. 

(6)  Ibid. 

(•>)  Ibid.,  March,  1880. 

(8)  Ibid. 

(9)  Ibid. 

(10)  Schuyler  Colfax,  "Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  339. 
(")  "Every-day  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  592. 

(12)  Ibid.,  498. 

(13)  Benjamin  F.  Wade  was  born  in  Spiingfield,  Mass.,  October  27,  1810.     His  early 
life  was  one  of  great  hardship.     His  boyhood  was  passed  on  a  farm.     When   thirteen 
years  old  he  aided  in  driving  a  herd  of  cattle  from  Massachusetts  to  Philadelphia.     He 
worked  as  a  laborer  in  the  construction  of  the  Erie  Canal,  earning  sufficient  money  to 
begin  the  study  of  medicine,  but  the  legal  profession  being  more  congenial  to  his  taste, 
he  became  an  attorney  when  twenty  years  of  age  at.  Jefferson,  O.,  forming  a  partner- 
ship with  Joshua  R.  Giddings.      In  1835  he  was  elected  prosecuting  attorney  of  Ash- 
tabula  County,  and  in  1837  a  member  of  the  State  Senate.     He  was  elected  to  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States,  1851.    He  was  a  determined  opponent  of  the  aggressions  of  the  slave 
power.     He   made   a  brave  and  resolute  speech  in  the  Senate  after  the  brutal  assault 
upon  Senator  Charles  Sumner  by  Preston  S.  Brooks,  of  South  Carolina.     He  was  made 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  the  Conduct  of  the  War.     After  the  death  of  President 


DARKNESS  BEFORE  THE  DAWN.  377 

Lincoln  he  became,  as  President  of  the  Senate,  acting  Vice-president  of  the  United  States. 
He  was  ever  outspoken  in  his  opinions.  He  died  at  Jefferson,  O.,  1878. — Author. 

(14)  Owen  Lovejoy  was  born  iu  Allison  Me.,  1811.  His  father  was  a  Congregational ist 
minister.  He  worked  on  a  farm  till  eighteen  years  of  age,  and  then  by  his  own  exertions 
paid  his  way  through  Bowdoin  College.  He  was  present  at  Alton,  111.,  when  his  brother, 
Rev.  E.  P.  Lovejoy,  was  murdered  by  a  pro-slavery  mob  in  defence  of  the  liberty  of  the 
Press.  Over  the  dead  body  of  his  brother  he  vowed  eternal  hostility  to  slavery.  He  pre- 
pared himself  for  the  clerical  profession,  and  became  pastor  of  the  Congregational  church, 
Princeton,  111.  The  church  excluded  slave-holders  from  its  fellowship.  Mr.  Lovejoy  was 
active  in  aiding  fugitive  slaves  to  reach  Canada.  He  took  an  active  part  in  political  af- 
fairs and  was  elected  to  the  Legislature  of  Illinois,  where  he  made  the  acquaintance  of 
Mr.  Lincoln,  and  became  his  personal  friend.  He  was  elected  to  Congress,  1858.  He  took  u 
prominent  part  in  debate,  and  was  held  in  high  esteem  by  his  political  opponents  for  no- 
bility of  character  and  uncompromising  fidelity  to  principle.  He  was  a  frequent  visitor 
to  the  White  House,  and  was  greatly  beloved  by  the  President. — Author. 

(16)  J.  W.  Forney,  "  Anecdotes  of  Public  Men,"  vol.  i.,  p.  167. 

(18)  George  S.  Boutwell,  "Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  128. 

(»)  Ibid. 


378  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

GETTYSBURG. 

sun  was  setting  on  the  last  day  of  June  when  a  division  of 
Union  cavalry  under  General  Buford  entered  the  town  of  Gettys- 
burg. The  scouts  had  been  watching  the  roads  leading  through  the 
mountains  towards  the  Cumberland  Valley.  During  the  previous  night 
they  had  seen  the  Confederate  camp-fires  gleaming  in  the  west.  Gen- 
eral Buford  had  been  directed  by  General  Reynolds  to  proceed  to 
Gettysburg  and  hold  that  section  of  the  country.  It  was  known  that 
E well's  corps  of  the  Confederate  army  was  near  Harrisburg,  and  the 
main  body  of  the  army  west  of  Gettysburg.  Reynolds  saw  that  a 
collision  must  soon  take  place.  The  cavalrymen,  as  they  wheeled  into 
the  public  square,  beheld  Pettigrew's  brigade  of  Confederate  infantry 
descending  the  hill  on  the  Chambersburg  turnpike  west  of  the  town. 
They  were  intending  to  help  themselves  to  boots,  shoes,  and  clothing 
from  the  stores,  but,  seeing  the  Union  troops,  they  retraced  their  steps 
to  Herr's  Tavern,  beyond  Willoughby  Run.  The  cavalry  followed  to 
that  stream,  along  which  the  pickets  of  both  armies  watched  through 
the  night. 

From  the  road  in  front  of  the  tavern,  at  seven  o'clock  in  the 
juiyi.  morning,  Pegram's  cannon  sent  a  shell  across  Willoughby  Run, 
1863.  ant[  a  moment  later  the  guns  of  Calefs  battery  made  reply.  The 
battle  of  Gettysburg  had  begun. 

The  scenes  of  that  conflict  are  a  part  of  the  history  of  the  war.  (See 
"  Marching  to  Victory.")  It  has  come  to  be  regarded  as  the  turning- 
point  of  the  Rebellion  —  deciding  the  destiny  of  the  nation  and  of  re- 
publican government. 

Through  the  forenoon  of  the  national  holiday  I  was  riding  over  the 

battle-field.     The  Confederates  were  holding  the  ground  along  the 

woods  from  whence  Pickett's  division  advanced  on  the  preceding; 

July  4 

afternoon,  but  behind  the  outposts  were  unmistakable  signs  that 
Lee  was  preparing  to  retreat.     A  little  later  I  saw  baggage  -  wagons 


GETTYSBURG.  379 

winding  along  the  road  westward.  At  General  Meade's  headquarters 
it  was  believed  that  Lee  was  intending  to  retire  at  nightfall.  The  next 
morning  I  entered  the  Eutaw  House,  in  Baltimore.  The  corridor  was 
filled  with  anxious  men,  among  them  Henry  Winter  Davis  and  Elihu  B. 
Washburne,  members  of  Congress.  They  had  heard  of  the  repulse  of 
Pickett's  division  and  were  anxious  for  further  information. 

"  "Where  are  you  from  ?"  Washburne  asked. 

"  Gettysburg." 

"  What's  the  news  ?" 

"  We  have  won  the  greatest  battle  of  the  war." 

"  Now,  see  here ;  don't  tell  a  lie.  We  have  been  deceived  often 
enough.  Is  it  true  ?" 

"  I  have  been  all  over  the  battle-field,  and  the  rebels  are  in  retreat." 

"  Hurrah  !     Hurrah  !"  the  shout. 

The  next  moment  Washburne  and  Davis  were  hugging  each  other. 
General  Schenck,  commander  of  the  military  department,  seized  me  by 
the  arm,  led  me  to  his  own  room,  closed  the  door,  asked  when  1  had 
left  the  field,  and  what  I  had  seen.  He  telegraphed  the  information  to 
the  President.  It  was  the  first  report  received  in  Washington  of  the 
movement  of  Lee  towards  Virginia. 

At  no  period  of  the  war  did  the  President  exhibit  such  anxiety  as 
during  the  week  succeeding  the  appointment  of  General  Meade  to  com- 
mand the  army. 

"  I  shall  never  forget,"  writes  a  Senator,  "  the  painful  anxiety  of 
those  few  days  when  the  fate  of  the  nation  seemed  to  hang  in  the  bal- 
ance, nor  the  restless  solicitude  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  as  he  paced  up  and 
down  the  room,  reading  despatches,  soliloquizing,  and  often  stopping  to 
trace  the  map  which  hung  against  the  wall ;  nor  the  relief  we  all  felt 
when  the  fact  was  established  that  victory,  though  gained  at  a  fearful 
cost,  was  indeed  on  the  side  of  the  Union."  (') 

After  the  President  received  the  telegram  from  General  Schenck 
that  the  Confederates  were  retreating  from  Gettysburg,  he  proceeded 
to  the  Ebbitt  House  to  call  upon  General  Sickles,  who  was 
'  wounded  during  the  second  day's  engagement,  and  who  had 
arrived  in  Washington.  General  James  B.  Eusling(3)  was  with  Gen- 
eral Sickles  when  Mr.  Lincoln  entered  the  room.  There  was  no  longer 
any  sign  of  anxiety  on  the  face  of  the  President  as  he  shook  hands 
with  the  wounded  commander. 

"  Were  you  not  worried,  Mr.  President,  as  to  what  might  be  the  re- 
sult of  the  battle  ?"  Sickles  asked. 


380  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  Oh  no ;  I  thought  it  would  all  come  out  right." 

"  But  you  must  have  been  the  only  man  who  felt  so,"  replied  Sickles, 
"  for  I  understand  that  there  was  a  deep  feeling  of  anxiety  here  among 
the  heads  of  the  Government." 

"Yes,"  replied  the  President,  "Stan  ton,  Welles,  and  the  rest  were  pret- 
ty badly  rattled.  They  ordered  two  or  three  gunboats  up  to  the  city  and 
placed  some  of  the  Government  archives  aboard,  and  wanted  me  to  go 
aboard;  but  I  told  them  it  wasn't  necessary, and  that  it  would  be  all  right." 

"  But  what  made  you  feel  so  confident,  Mr.  President  ?"  persisted 
General  Sickles. 

"  Oh,  I  had  my  reasons ;  but  I  don't  care  to  mention  them,  for  they 
would  perhaps  be  laughed  at,"  said  Lincoln. 

The  curiosity  of  both  the  other  gentlemen  wras  greatly  excited,  and 
General  Sickles  again  pressed  Mr.  Lincoln  for  the  grounds  of  his  confi- 
dence. Finally,  Lincoln  said : 

"  Well,  I  will  tell  you  why  I  felt  confident  we  should  win  at  Gettys- 
burg. Before  the  battle  I  retired  alone  to  my  room  in  the  White 
House,  and  got  down  on  my  knees  and  prayed  to  the  Almighty  God  to 
give  us  the  victory.  I  said  to  Him  that  this  was  His  war,  and  that  if 
He  would  stand  by  the  nation  now,  I  would  stand  by  Him  the  rest  of 
my  life.  He  gave  us  the  victory,  and  I  propose  to  keep  my  pledge.  I 
arose  from  my  knees  with  a  feeling  of  deep  and  serene  confidence,  and 
had  no  doubt  of  the  result  from  that  hour." 

"  General  Sickles  and  myself,"  said  Kusling,  "  were  both  profoundly 
impressed  by  Lincoln's  words,  and  for  some  minutes  complete  silence 
reigned.  Then  Sickles,  turning  over  on  his  couch,  said : 

"  Well,  Mr.  President,  how  do  you  feel  about  the  Vicksburg  cam- 
paign ?" 

"  Oh,  I  think  that  will  be  all  right,  too.  Grant  is  pegging  away  at 
the  enemy,  and  I  have  great  confidence  in  him.  I  like  Grant.  He 
doesn't  bother  me  or  give  any  trouble.  I  prayed  for  success  there,  too ; 
I  told  the  Lord  about  the  Vicksburg  campaign  ;  that  victory  there  would 
cut  the  Confederacy  in  two,  and  would  be  the  decisive  one  of  the  war. 
I  have  abiding  faith  that  we  shall  come  out  all  right  at  Vicksburg.  If 
Grant  wins  I  shall  stick  to  him  though  the  war." 

In  the  congratulatory  address  issued  by  General  Meade  after  the 
battle,  he  urged  the  soldiers  "  to  drive  the  invaders  from  our  soil."  The 
President  read  it ;  his  hands  fell  upon  his  knees  and  the  old-time  sad- 
ness appeared,  as  he  exclaimed,  "Drive  the  invaders  from  our  soil! 
My  God!  Is  that  all?" (3) 


GETTYSBURG.  381 

"While  the  Confederates  were  retreating  from  Gettysburg,  General 
Pemberton  was  surrendering  Vicksburg  to  General  Grant,  with 
31,000  soldiers  and  172  cannon. 

General  Banks  was  besieging  Port  Hudson.     "  Vicksburg  is  ours !" 
shouted  the  Union  soldiers.     An  officer  with  a  white  flag  came  out 
from  the  Confederate  lines  with  a  letter  from  General  Gardner, 
'  asking  if  it  was  true  that  Vicksburg  had  fallen.      General  Banks 
replied  that  it  was,  and  enclosed  a  copy  of  the  letter  he  had  received 
from  General  Grant.     The  Confederates  were  on  the  point  of  starva- 
tion.    They  had  been  eating  mule  meat.     Their  commander  could  hold 
out  no  longer,  and  surrendered.     The  last  Yestige  of  Confederate  power 
had  disappeared  from  the  Mississippi,  and  once  more  its  waters  were 
free  to  peaceful  commerce. 

We  have  seen  President  Lincoln  standing  before  a  map  in  the  ex- 
ecutive chamber  and  predicting  that  the  proposed  movement  of  Hooker 
towards  Richmond,  the  effort  of  the  monitors  at  Charleston,  the  at- 
tempt of  Grant  to  reach  Vicksburg  by  the  Yazoo  Pass,  would  not  be 
successful.  His  predictions  had  proved  true.  But  the  determination  of 
Grant  to  capture  Vicksburg  was  strengthened  by  his  repeated  failures. 
Gettysburg,  Vicksburg,  and  Port  Hudson  make  a  turning-point  in 
history.  On  July  13th  the  President  wrote  to  General  Grant : 

"  I  do  not  remember  that  you  and  I  ever  met  personally.  I  write  this  now  as  a  grate- 
ful acknowledgment  for  the  almost  inestimable  service  you  have  done  the  country.  I 
write  to  say  a  word  further.  When  you  first  reached  the  vicinity  of  Vicksburg,  I  thought 
you  should  do  what  you  finally  did  :  march  the  troops  across  the  neck,  run  the  batteries 
with  the  transports,  and  thus  go  below.  I  never  had  any  faith,  except  a  general  hope, 
that  you  knew  better  than  I  that  the  Yazoo  Pass  expedition  and  the  like  could  succeed. 
When  you  got  below  and  took  Port  Gibson,  Grand  Gulf,  and  vicinity  I  thought  you 
should  go  down  the  river  and  join  General  Banks.  When  you  turned  northward,  east  of 
the  Big  Black,  I  feared  it  was  a  mistake.  I  now  wish  to  make  the  personal  acknowledg- 
ment that  you  were  right  and  I  was  wrong." 

"  I  guess,"  said  the  President  to  a  friend,  "  I  was  right  in  standing 
by  Grant,  although  there  was  a  great  pressure  made  after  Pittsburg 
Landing  to  have  him  censured.  I  thought  I  saw  enough  in  Grant  to 
convince  me  that  he  was  one  on  whom  the  country  could  depend. 
That  unconditional  message  to  Ruckner  at  Donelson  suited  me.  It  in- 
dicated the  spirit  of  the  man."(4) 

The  victories  won  at  Gettysburg  and  on  the  Mississippi,  instead  of 
kindling  the  patriotism  of  the  Peace  Democrats,  made  them  angry.  On 
July  4th,  while  Lee  was  preparing  to  retreat  from  Pennsylvania,  while 


382  LIFE  OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Pemberton's  troops  were  laying  down  their  arras,  Governor  Seymour, 
of  New  York,  was  addressing  a  Democratic  convention : 

"  I  stand  before  you  on  this  occasion  not  as  one  animated  by  expected  victories,  but 
feeling,  as  all  feel  now  within  sound  of  my  voice,  the  dread  uncertainties  of  the  conflicts 
which  rage  around  us— not  alone  in  Pennsylvania,  but  along  the  whole  course  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi— that  are  carrying  down  to  bloody  graves  so  many  of  our  fellow-countrymen.  .  .  . 
The  doctrine  of  the  suspension  of  the  habeas  corpus  is  unconstitutional,  unsound,  unjust, 
and  treasonable." 

In  New  Hampshire,  at  the  same  hour,  ex-President  Franklin  Pierce, 
one  of  the  "  house-builders,"  said :  "  The  mailed  hand  of  despotism 
strikes  down  the  liberties  of  the  people,  and  its  foot  tramples  a  dese- 
crated Constitution." 

The  draft  was  resisted  in  New  York  City.  The  mob  attacked  the 
office  of  the  provost  marshal.  The  President  was  denounced  as  being 
worse  than  Nero  or  Caligula  of  imperial  Rome.  Negroes  were 
'  seized  and  hanged,  an  asylum  for  colored  children  burned,  the 
office  of  the  "  Tribune  "  assailed.  Many  of  the  rioters  were  killed  be- 
fore order  was  restored. 

In  Ohio  the  Peace  Democrats  had  nominated  Vallandigham  for 
Governor.  A  body  of  Confederate  cavalry  under  John  Morgan  was 
making  a  raid  through  Southern  Indiana  and  Ohio ;  but  their  seizure 
of  horses  and  plundering  of  citizens  did  not  contribute  to  Vallandig- 
ham's  success. 

The  Peace  Democrats  of  Illinois  were  very  bitter  against  the  Presi- 
dent. The  Republicans  were  to  hold  a  convention  in  September,  and 
desired  Mr.  Lincoln  to  be  present.  That  he  would  not  do.  Under  no 
circumstances  would  he  attend  a  political  gathering.  He  wrote : 

"The  signs  look  better.  The  Father  of  Waters  again  goes  un vexed  to  the  sea. 
Thanks  to  the  great  North-west  for  it.  Nor  yet  wholly  to  them.  Three  hundred  miles 
up  they  met  New  England,  Empire,  Keystone,  and  Jersey,  hewing  their  way  right  and 
left.  The  Sunny  South,  too,  in  more  colors  than  one,  also  lent  a  hand.  On  the  spot  their 
part  of  the  history  was  jotted  down  in  black  and  white.  The  job  was  a  great  national 
one,  and  let  none  be  banned  who  bore  an  honorable  part  in  it.  And  while  those  who 
have  cleared  the  river  may  well  be  proud,  even  that  is  not  all.  It  is  hard  to  say  that  any- 
thing has  been  more  bravely  and  well  done  than  at  Antietam,  Murfreesborough,  Gettysburg, 
and  on  many  fields  of  lesser  note.  Nor  must  Uncle  Sam's  web-feet  be  forgotten.  At  all 
the  watery  margins  they  have  been  present.  Not  only  on  the  deep  sea,  the  broad  bay, 
and  the  rapid  river,  but  also  up  the  narrow,  muddy  bayou;  and  wherever  the  ground  was 
a  little  damp  they  have  been  and  made  their  tracks.  Thanks  to  all  !  For  the  great  re- 
public, for  the  principle  it  lives  by  and  keeps  alive,  for  man's  vast  future,  thanks  to  all  ! 


GETTYSBURG.  383 

"  Peace  does  not  appear  so  distant  as  it  did.  I  hope  it  will  come  soon,  and  come  to 
stay;  and  so  come  as  to  be  worth  the  keeping  in  all  future  time.  It  will  then  have  been 
proved  that  among  free  men  there  can  be  no  successful  appeal  from  the  ballot  to  the 
bullet,  and  they  who  take  such  appeal  are  sure  to  lose  their  case  and  pay  the  cost.  And 
there  will  be  some  black  men  who  can  remember  that  with  silent  tongue  and  clinched 
teeth  and  steady  eye  and  well- poised  bayonet  they  have  helped  mankind  on  to  this  great 
consummation;  while  I  fear  there  will  be  some  white  ones  unable  to  forget  that  with  ma- 
lignant heart  and  deceitful  speech  they  strove  to  hinder  it. 

"Still  let  us  not  be  over-sanguine  of  a  speedy,  final  triumph.  Let  us  be  quite  sober. 
Let  us  diligently  apply  the  means,  never  doubting  that  a  just  God,  in  His  own  good  time, 
will  give  us  the  rightful  result." 

General  Kosecrans,  in  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee, 
by  a  strategic  movement  had  forced  General  Bragg  to  evacuate  the 
stronghold  of  Chattanooga.  He  thought  the  Confederates  were 
retreating  towards  Atlanta ;  but  they  were,  instead,  concentrat- 
ing all  their  available  troops  for  an  attack.  Longstreet's  corps  was 
sent  from  Virginia,  and  Eosecrans,  at  Chickamauga,  suddenly  found  him- 
self confronted  by  an  army  larger  than  his  own.  He  suffered  a  defeat. 

Notwithstanding  this  disaster,  and  the  earnest  efforts  made  by  the 
Peace  Democrats  against  the  Administration,  the  loyal  people  of  the 
North  manifested  their  approval  by  increased  majorities  at  the  fall 
election,  every  State  except  New  Jersey  being  carried  by  the  Kepubli- 
cans.  John  Brough,  who  had  been  a  Democrat  before  the  war,  but 
who  was  loyal  to  the  flag,  was  the  candidate  of  the  Republicans  in  Ohio. 

"John  Brough,  what  is  your  majority?"  asked  the  President,  about 
nine  o'clock  on  the  evening  of  the  election. 

"  Over  30,000,  Mr.  President." 

"  What  is  your  majority  now  ?"  the  question  late  in  the  night. 

"  Over  100,000,"  the  reply. 

"Glory  to  God  in  the  highest!  Ohio  has  saved  the  nation!"  the 
fervent  exclamation  of  the  President  as  he  read  the  despatch. 

The  State  of  Pennsylvania  had  purchased  a  portion  of  the  Gettys- 
burg battle-field  as  a  burial-place  for  the  Union  soldiers  killed  in  that 
engagement.  It  was  to  be  consecrated  by  imposing  ceremonies. 
'  President  Lincoln  arrived  at  Gettysburg  on  the  preceding  after- 
noon, and  became  the  guest  of  Judge  Willis.  Mr.  Everett,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, and  other  distinguished  gentlemen,  were  also  entertained  at 
the  same  hospitable  mansion. 

"  What  is  to  be  the  order  of  exercises  to-morrow  ?"  asked  Mr.  Lin- 
coln, just  before  retiring  to  his  chamber,  after  a  delightful  evening  of 
social  intercourse. 


384 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


JOHN  BROTTGH. 

"  The  oration  will  be  given  by  Mr.  Everett,"  said  Judge  Willis,  "and 
then  I  shall  call  upon  the  President  of  the  United  States  for  some  re- 
marks." 

"I  supposed  I  might  be  expected  to  say  something,  and  I  shall  have 


GETTYSBURG.  385 

to  put  some  stray  thoughts  together,"  said  President  Lincoln,  smiling 
pleasantly.  (B) 

In  his  chamber,  after  the  fatiguing  journey  from  Washington,  after 
an  evening  reception,  he  wrote  out  his  "  stray  thoughts." 

On  the  morning  of  July  1st,  when  the  brigade  of  General  "Wads- 
worth  turned  from  the  Emmettsburg  road  by  the  house  of  Nicholas 
Codori  and  marched  across  the  fields,  the  soldiers  saw  a  man  with  a 
gun  running  to  join  them.  It  was  John  Burns,  citizen,  who  stepped 
into  the  ranks  of  the  One  Hundred  and  Fiftieth  Pennsylvania  Regi- 
ment, and,  without  waiting  to  be  enrolled,  went  into  the  fight,  and  was 
severely  wounded. 

"  I  should  like  to  have  Burns  go  with  me  to  the  dedication,"  said  Mr. 
Lincoln.  The  veteran  came  and  accompanied  the  President  to  Ceme- 
tery Hill,  which  during  the  battle  was  swept  by  shot  and  shell  from 
the  Confederate  artillery,  and  where  forty  Union  cannon  thundered  de- 
fiance in  the  heat  of  the  conflict. 

Mr.  Everett  was  an  accomplished  orator.  (fi)  His  rhetoric  was  fault- 
less. For  two  hours  the  great  audience  listened  to  him.  The  applause 
that  followed  his  closing  sentence  died  away. 

"  Lincoln !  Lincoln  !"  shouted  the  people. 

The  President  arose,  stepped  to  the  front  of  the  platform,  put  his 
spectacles  on  his  nose,  took  a  sheet  of  paper  from  his  pocket  and  read 
what  he  had  written,  and  which  will  be  reread  so  long  as  the  United 
States  is  a  nation  : 

"Fourscore  and  seven  years  ago  our  fathers  brought  forth  upon  -this  continent  a 
new  nation,  conceived  in  liberty,  and  dedicated  to  the  proposition  that  all  men  are  created 
equal. 

"Now  we  are  engaged  in  a  great  civil  war,  testing  whether  that  nation,  or  any  nation 
so  conceived  and  so  dedicated,  can  long  endure.  We  are  met  on  a  great  battle-field  of  that 
war.  We  are  met  to  dedicate  a  portion  of  it  as  the  final  resting-place  of  those  who  here 
gave  their  lives  that  that  nation  might  live.  It  is  altogether  fitting  and  proper  that  we 
should  do  this. 

"But  in  a  larger  sense  we  cannot  dedicate,  we  cannot  consecrate,  we  cannot  hallow 
this  ground.  The  brave  men,  living  and  dead,  who  struggled  here  have  consecrated  it 
far  above  our  power  to  add  or  detract.  The  world  will  little  note  nor  long  remember 
what  we  say  here,  but  it  can  never  forget  what  they  did  here.  It  is  for  us,  the  living,  rather 
to  be  dedicated  here  to  the  unfinished  work  that  they  have  thus  far  so  nobly  carried  on. 
It  is  rather  for  us  to  be  here  dedicated  to  the  great  task  remaining  before  us;  that  from 
these  honored  dead  we  take  increased  devotion  to  the  cause  for  which  they  here  gave  the 
last  full  measure  of  devotion;  that  we  here  highly  resolve  that  the  dead  shall  not  have 
died  in  vain;  that  the  nation  shall,  under  God,  have  a  new  birth  of  freedom;  and  that 
government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people  shall  not  perish  from  the 
earth." 
25 


386  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

The  audience  has  loudly  applauded  Mr.  Everett,  but  now  is  hushed 
as  if  it  were  a  prayer  or  a  benediction  falling  from  the  lips  of  the  chief 
magistrate  of  the  nation.  Eyes  unaccustomed  to  weeping  fill  with 
tears. 

"  Mr.  Everett,  allow  me  to  congratulate  you  upon  your  success," 
said  the  President,  reaching  out  his  hand  to  the  orator  of  the  day. 

"  Ah,  Mr.  President,  how  gladly  would  I  exchange  all  my  hundred 
pages  to  have  been  the  author  of  your  twenty  lines !"  Mr.  Everett  replied, 
with  emotion. 

The  beginning  of  November  had  seen  the  defeat  of  the  Peace  Dem- 
ocrats in  the  elections ;  the  month  ended  with  the  Confederates  fleeing 
in  confusion  from  Lookout  Mountain  and  Missionary  Eidge. 
'  The  President  was  dissatisfied  over  the  inaction  of  General 
Meade  (who,  after  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  accomplished  nothing),  but 
was  much  gratified  by  what  General  Grant  had  done.  Some  who 
thought  he  had  made  a  mistake  in  paroling  prisoners  captured  at 
Yicksburg  expressed  to  the  President  their  fears  that  the  soldiers 
would  be  again  conscripted  into  the  Confederate  army. 

"  Did  you  ever  hear  of  what  became  of  Sy lees's  dog  ?"  Mr.  Lincoln 
asked. 

"No." 

"  Well,  I  must  tell  you.  Sykes  had  a  yellow  dog  which  he  thought 
a  great  deal  of,  but  the  boys  in  the  village  didn't  think  the  cur  was  of 
any  good  to  anybody.  The  puppy  was  generally  regarded  as  of  no  ac- 
count. The  boys  thought  they  would  get  rid  of  him  somehow.  They 
didn't  want  to  pound  the  dog  with  clubs,  so  they  put  a  cartridge  into  a 
piece  of  meat  and  attached  a  fuse.  They  saw  the  dog  coming  down 
the  street,  threw  the  meat  on  the  sidewalk,  lighted  the  fuse,  and  waited 
to  see  what  would  happen.  The  dog  swallowed  the  meat,  cartridge, 
and  all,  but  the  next  moment  there  were  several  pieces  of  dog  lying 
round  loose.  Sykes  came  along  and  looked  at  the  pieces.  '  Well,'  he 
said, '  I  reckon  the  puppy  never  will  be  worth  much  hereafter — as  a 
dog  /'  So,  gentlemen,  I  reckon  that  Pemberton's  soldiers  will  never  be 
of  much  account  again — as  an  army" 

General  Milroy,  in  command  of  a  corps  of  Union  troops  at  Winches- 
ter when  Lee  advanced  to  Pennsylvania,  was  brought  before  a  court- 
martial  by  Secretary  Stanton  for  alleged  disobedience  of  orders.  Milroy 
shielded  himself  behind  the  order  of  General  Schenck,  who  was  in  com- 
mand of  the  military  department.  General  Schenck  sent  Donn  Piatt, 
one  of  the  members  of  his  staff,  to  the  President  with  his  protest. 


GETTYSBURG. 


387 


"  Mr.  President,  I  am  directed  to  read  it  to  you,"  said  Piatt. 

"  Let  me  see  it ;  I  can  read,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln. 

"Piatt,  don't  you  think  that  you  and  Schenck  are  squealing,  like 
pigs,  before  you  are  hurt  ?" 

"  No,  Mr.  President." 

"  Why,  am  I  not  the  court  of  appeal  ?  Do  you  think  I  am  going  to 
have  injustice  done  Schenck?" 

"  Mr.  President,  allow  me  to  say  that  before  the  appeal  can  be  heard 
a  soldier's  reputation  will  be  blasted  by  a,  packed  court." 


EDWAUD   EVERETT 


"  Come,  now,  Piatt,  you  and  I  are  lawyers,  and  I  know  the  meaning 
of  the  word  '  packed.'  I  don't  want  to  hear  it  from  your  lips  again. 
What  is  the  matter  with  the  court  ?" 

"  It  is  illegally  organized  by  General  Halleck." 

"  But  General  Halleck's  act  is  mine." 


388  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

"  Mr.  President,  I  beg  your  pardon.  The  '  Kules  and  Eegulations ' 
direct  that  in  cases  of  this  sort  you  shall  select  the  court.  You  cannot 
delegate  that  to  a  subordinate  officer  any  more  than  you  can  the  par- 
doning power.  Here  is  the  article,"  said  Piatt,  opening  the  "Rules  and 
Regulations." 

"  That  is  a  point.  Do  you  know,  Piatt,  that  I  have  been  so  busy 
that  I  never  have  read  the  '  Rules  and  Regulations  ?'  Give  me  the  book, 
and  I  will  read  them  to-night." 

"  Yes,  Mr.  President,  but  in  the  mean  time  General  Schenck  will  be 
put  under  arrest  for  disobedience,  and  the  mischief  will  be  done." 

"  That's  so.     Here,  give  me  a  pencil." 

The  President  tore  off  part  of  a  blank  sheet  from  the  protest  and 
wrote  the  following : 

"  All  proceedings  before  the  court-martial  convened  to  try  General 
Milroy  are  suspended  until  further  orders." (7) 

The  President's  sense  of  justice  and  right  settled  the  question.  He 
was  commander-in-chief.  Stanton  had  overstepped  his  authority. 

The  Confederates  were  in  need  of  percussion-caps ;  they  also  wanted 
quinine,  a  remedy  for  fever- and -ague,  which  commanded  a  very  high 
price.  Among  those  arrested  for  attempting  to  supply  them  with 
articles  contraband  of  war  was  Rev.  Henry  M.  Luckett,  a  Methodist 
minister  past  seventy  years  of  age.  He  was  tried  by  court-martial  and 
sentenced  to  be  shot.  The  day  before  the  one  fixed  for  his  death  his 
daughter,  Mrs.  Bullitt,  of  Kentucky ;  Hon.  Henry  M.  Lane,  Senator  from 
Indiana ;  Daniel  W.  Yoorhees,  member  of  Congress  from  that  State,  and 
several  other  gentlemen,  entered  the  executive  chamber. 

"  "We  have  called,"  said  Senator  Lane,  "  to  ask  you,  Mr.  President, 
to  reprieve  Henry  M.  Luckett,  who  is  sentenced  to  be  shot  to-morrow. 
He  is  an  old  man.  He  has  done  wrong,  but  there  are  extenuating  cir- 
cumstances. He  is  poor.  He  has  been  overpersuaded  by  Confederate 
friends." 

The  President  made  no  reply.  The  daughter  of  the  condemned 
man  approached.  He  turned  to  hear  what  she  had  to  say.  She  plead- 
ed earnestly  for  her  father's  life. 

"  Lane,  what  did  you  say  the  man's  name  was  ?"  said  the  President, 
breaking  in,  seemingly  awakening  from  a  dream. 

"  Luckett." 

"  Not  Henry  M.  Luckett  ?" 

"  Yes ;  that  is  my  father's  name,"  Mrs.  Bullitt  replied. 

"  Didn't  he  preach  in  Springfield  years  ago  ?•" 


GETTYSBURG. 


389 


"  Yes,  sir ;  my  father  preached 
there." 

"Well,  this  is  wonderful!  I 
know  him — have  heard  him  preach. 
He  is  tall  and  angular  like  myself. 
I  have  been  mistaken  for  him  on 
the  streets.  Did  you  say  he  is  to 
be  shot  to-morrow  ?" 

"  Yes,  sir." 

"  No,  no ;  there  will  be  no  shoot- 
ing in  this  case.  Henry  M.  Luckett ! 
There  must  be  something  wrong 
with  him,  or  he  wouldn't  get  into 
such  a  scrape  as  this." 

The  President  dictated  a  de- 
spatch to  General  Hurlburt,  in  com- 
mand of  the  Department  at  Mem- 
phis, directing  him  to  suspend  the 
execution  till  further  orders. 

"No;  we  will  have  no  shoot- 
ing in  this  case,"  he  repeated,  as 
if  in  soliloquy.  The  grateful  peti- 
tioners took  their  departure,  the 
daughter  of  the  reprieved  man 
laughing  and  crying  by  turns  over 
the  joy  that  had  come  to  her.  ( 8 ) 

Congress  was  once  more  in  session,  listening  to  the  annual  message 
of  the  President.     The  year  had  been  marked  by  great  events. 

Dec  7 

Mr.  Lincoln  said : 

"Eleven  months  having  now  passed,  we  are  permitted  to  take  another  review.  The 
rebel  borders  are  pressed  back  still  farther,  and  by  the  complete  opening  of  the  Missis- 
sippi the  country  dominated  by  the  Rebellion  is  divided  into  distinct  parts,  with  no  polit- 
ical communication  between  them.  Tennessee  and  Arkansas  have  been  substantially 
cleared  of  insurgent  control,  and  influential  citizens  in  each— owners  of  slaves  and  advo- 
cates of  slavery  at  the  beginning  of  the  Rebellion — now  declare  openly  for  emancipation 
in  their  respective  States.  Of  those  States  not  included  in  the  Emancipation  Proclama- 
tion— Maryland  and  Missouri — neither  of  which  three  years  ago  would  tolerate  any  re- 
straint upon  the  extension  of  slavery  into  new  Territories,  only  dispute  now  as  to  the  best 
mode  of  removing  it  within  their  own  limits." 


GETTYSBURG   MONUMENT. 


The  proposition  to  employ  negro  troops  had  aroused  much  opposi- 


390  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

tion.  The  President  had  patiently  waited  for  the  time  when  he  could 
use  them  as  soldiers.  General  Butler  had  enlisted  a  regiment  of  free 
negroes  in  New  Orleans  in  September,  1862.  But  negroes  who  had 
been  slaves  were  also  enlisting.  President  Lincoln's  message  on  this 
subject  read : 

"  Of  those  who  were  slaves  at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  fully  one  hundred  thousand 
are  now  in  the  United  States  military  service.  About  one-half  of  these  actually  bear  arms 
in  the  ranks,  thus  giving  the  double  advantage  of  taking  so  much  labor  from  the  insurgent 
cause,  and  supplying  the  places  which  otherwise  must  be  filled  with  so  many  white  men. 
So  far  as  tested,  it  is  difficult  to  say  that  they  are  not  as  good  soldiers  as  any." 

All  the  predictions  that  the  slaves  would  cut  their  masters'  throats ; 
that  they  were  cowards  and  would  run  at  the  sound  of  a  hostile  shot, 
had  been  proven  false.  The  enlistment  of  so  many  negroes  made  the 
men  who  were  opposing  the  war  very  angry,  but  gave  great  satisfaction 
to  the  loyal  people  of  the  country. 

The  President  presented  a  plan  by  which  the  seceded  States  might 
be  restored  to  the  Union.  The  message  was  accompanied  by  a  procla- 
mation which  offered  pardon  and  amnesty. 

"  He  has  struck  another  great  blow,"  said  Senator  Wilson,  of  Massa- 
chusetts. 

"  It  is,"  remarked  Mr.  Boutwell,  from  the  same  State,  "  a  very  able 
and  shrewd  paper.  It  has  great  points  of  popularity,  and  it  is  right." 

"  I  shall  live  to  see  slavery  ended !"  the  gleeful  words  of  Owen 
Lovejoy. 

"  God  bless  old  Abe !  I  am  one  of  the  radicals  who  have  always 
believed  in  him  !"  shouted  Mr  Blow,  member  from  Missouri. 

"  The  message  is  highly  satisfactory,"  the  more  quiet  remark  of 
Senator  Reverdy  Johnson,  of  Maryland. 

There  were  few,  if  any,  dissenting  voices.  Senator  Simmer,  who  had 
been  strenuous  in  maintaining  his  own  theory  of  reconstruction,  mani- 
fested his  pleasure.  Many  members  of  Congress  visited  the  White 
House  to  express  their  thanks  and  appreciation  of  what  the  President 
had  done. 


NOTES  TO   CHAPTER   XX. 

(')  Zachariah  Chandler,  quoted  in  "Every-day  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  598. 

(2)  James  B.  Rusling,  Lecture  before  the  Young  Men's  Christian  Association,  Trenton, 
N.  J.,  1892. 

(3)  James  B.  Fry,  "  Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  402. 


GETTYSBURG.  391 

(4)  "Every-day  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  599. 

(5)  Edward  McPherson  to  Author. 

(6)  Edward  Everett  was  a  native  of  Dorchester,  Mass.,  born  April  11,  1794.      He 
graduated  at  Harvard  University,  1811,  when  but  sixteen  years  old.     He  studied  theology, 
and  became  pastor  of  the  Brattle  Street  Unitarian  Church  at  the  age  of  twenty.     In  1819 
he  became  Professor  of  Greek  in  Harvard  University;  was  member  of  Congress,  1825- 
35 ;  Governor  of  Massachusetts  four  years,  1836-40.     A  law  restricting  the  sale  of  intoxi- 
cating liquors  in  quantities  less  than  fifteen  gallons,  passed  by  the  Whig  Party,  created 
a  revolution  in  public  sentiment  upon  the  question  of  temperance,  which  caused  his  de- 
feat for  a  fifth  term  by  one  vote.     He  was  appointed  President  of  Harvard  University, 
1846,  continuing  till  1849,  when  he  succeeded  Daniel  Webster  as  Secretary  of  State.     He 
became  United  States  Senator,  1853,  remaining  till  May,  1864.     Mr.  Everett  was  renowned 
for  his  scholarship,  erudition,  and  oratory.     An  attempt  was  made  by  the  "  Mount  Veruon 
Association"  of  women  to  purchase  the  estate  of  Washington  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac. 
Funds  were  needed,  and  Mr.  Everett,  with  a  desire  to  promote  so  worthy  an  object,  pre- 
pared a  lecture  upon  Washington,  which  was  given  in  most  of  the  cities  of  the  Union. 
The  proceeds  were  devoted  to  its  purchase.     He  also  contributed  a  series  of  articles  to 
the  New  York  "  Ledger,"  by  which  many  thousand  dollars  were  obtained.     He  wrote 
a  biography  of  Daniel  Webster  and  edited  his  speeches.     Mr.  Everett  was  nominated  as 
candidate  for  Vice-president  in  1860,  on  a  ticket  with  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  as  Presi- 
dent.   He  supported  President  Lincoln  in  1864,  and  was  one  of  the  electors  of  Massachu- 
setts.    He  was  selected  as  orator  at  the  dedication  of  the  Gettysburg  monument.     He 
was  for  many  years  editor  of  the  "North  American  Review."     He  has  been  justly  re- 
garded as  one  of  the  foremost  scholars  and  orators  of  his  time. — Author. 

(T)  Donn  Piatt,  "Memorials  of  Men  who  Saved  the  Nation,"  p.  40. 
(8)  D.  W.  Voorhees,  "  Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  357. 


392  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


CHAPTER    XXI. 

SPRING   OF   1864. 

MR.  LINCOLN  was  entering  upon  the  last  year  of  the  Presidential 
term,  and  people  were  thinking  about  his  renomination.  He  had 
made  enemies.  The  Peace  Democrats  opposed  him  because  he  was  car- 
rying on  the  war  so  persistently  and  for  issuing  the  Proclamation  of 
Emancipation.  Opprobrious  and  insulting  epithets  were  still  applied  to 
him.  Those  aggrieved  at  the  removal  of  General  McClellan  said  the 
President  was  an  autocrat  and  tyrant.  Men  who  had  endeavored  to 
use  him  to  attain  their  own  selfish  ends,  but  whom  he  had  foiled,  said 
he  was  not  fit  to  be  President.  Members  of  Congress  turned  against 
him.  Earnest  and  impulsive  men,  who  wanted  to  see  the  Rebellion 
crushed  at  once,  said  Mr.  Lincoln  was  too  slow.  Conservatives  main- 
tained he  was  going  too  fast.  Mr.  Chase,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
was  ambitious  to  be  President.  He  wrote  a  letter  to  his  friend,  Mr. 
James  C.  Hall,  of  Toledo,  O.,  formally  announcing  himself  as  a 
1864 8>  candidate.  A  committee  of  Senators,  representatives,  and  citi- 
zens was  formed  to  bring  about  his  nomination.  (')  A  circular 
was  issued  by  Senator  Pomeroy  and  others  advocating  the  selection 
of  Mr.  Chase.  Mr.  Thaddeus  Stevens,  of  Pennsylvania,  one  of  the 
most  influential  members  of  Congress,  was  opposed  to  the  renomination 
of  Mr.  Lincoln. (")  A  friend  of  Mr.  Stevens  visited  the  Capitol.  "In- 
troduce me  to  some  of  the  members  who  are  friendly  to  Mr.  Lincoln," 
he  said. 

Mr.  Stevens  took  him  to  Isaac  N.  Arnold,  member  from  Illinois. 

"  You  are  the  only  one  I  know,"  said  Mr.  Stevens,  "  who  favors  the 
renomination  of  Lincoln,  and  I  have  come  to  introduce  my  friend  to 
you."  • 

"  Thank  you,"  replied  Mr.  Arnold ;  "  I  know  many  members  who 
want  him  renominated.  I  will  present  your  friend  to  them."  ( 3) 

"  If  the  question  could  be  submitted  to  the  people,"  said  Mr.  Stevens, 
in  a  speech,  "  the  majority  of  them  would  vote  for  General  Benjamin 
F.  Butler."  (4) 


THADDEXJS   STEVENS. 


SPRING  OF  1864.  395 

People  in  foreign  countries  were  watching  the  conflict  between  free- 
dom and  slavery  with  much  interest.  Count  Gasparin,  of  France,  pub- 
lished a  volume  entitled,  "The  Uprising  of  a  Great  People."  He  ad- 
mired President  Lincoln,  and  wrote  a  letter  to  a  friend  in  the  United 
States,  in  which  the  hope  was  expressed  that  he  would  be  renominated. 
The  letter  was  sent  to  Horace  Greeley,  who  replied  as  follows : 

"Those  who  know  the  least  about  the  way  things  are  managed  in  Washington  want 
Mr.  Lincoln  renominated,  and  I  presume  they  will  have  their  way.  I  match  their  judg- 
ment with  that  of  Congress,  whereof  not  one-third  of  the  Unionists  desire  Mr.  Lincoln's 
renomination,  and  not  half  can  be  constrained  to  seem  to  oppose  it  even  by  the  terror  of 
popular  reprobation.  Count  Gasparin,  3500  miles  away,  is  naturally  even  more  decided 
and  zealous  than  any  one  in  Connecticut.  Well,  10,000  miles  away  he  would  be  still 
more  so.  I  am  not  accustomed  to  allow  majorities  to  dictate  my  opinion  ;  if  I  were,  I 
should  be  among  the  new  converts  to  abolition  and  share  their  choice  of  President.  But 
having  seen  and  felt  too  much  during  the  last  three  mournful  years,  it  seems  my  duty  to 
force  the  nomination  of  some  one  who  will  not  go  through  Baltimore  in  disguise  and  dark- 
ness when  he  goes  to  be  inaugurated,  and  who  will  cause  the  mayor  of  Baltimore  and 
young  Christians  of  that  city  to  be  kicked  out  of  the  White  House  whenever  they  shall 
dare  propose  that  troops  be  forbidden  to  cross  the  territory  of  Maryland  to  defend  the 
federal  metropolis.  Had  the  first  general  that  proved  treacherous  or  cowardly  been  shot 
on  sight  thereafter,  we  should  long  since  have  seen  the  end  of  the  Rebellion."  ( •) 

A  committee  of  the  New  York  Working-men's  Association  visited 
Washington  to  inform  Mr.  Lincoln  he  had  been  elected  honorary  mem- 
ber of  that  organization.  The  President,  thanking  them  for  the  honor, 
said : 

"I  think  your  association  must  comprehend  that  the  existing  Eebel- 
lion  means  more  than  the  perpetuation  of  African  slavery — that  it  is  a 
war  upon  the  rights  of  working  people.  The  most  notable  feature  of 
the  disturbance  in  your  city  last  year  was  the  hanging  of  some  working 
people  by  other  working  people.  It  should  never  be  so.  The  strongest 
bond  of  human  sympathy  outside  the  family  relation  should  be  one 
uniting  all  working  people  of  all  nations,  tongues,  and  kindreds ;  nor 
should  this  lead  to  a  war  on  property  or  owners  of  property.  Property 
is  the  fruit  of  labor.  It  is  desirable.  It  is  a  positive  good  to  the  world. 
That  some  should  be  rich  shows  that  others  may  become  rich,  and  hence 
is  just  encouragement  to  industry  and  enterprise.  Let  not  him  who  is 
houseless  pull  down  the  house  of  another,  but  let  him  labor  diligently 
and  build  one  for  himself,  thus  by  example  assuring  that  his  own  shall 
be  safe  from  violence  when  built."  (") 

Ten  months  had  passed  since  the  battle  of  Chancellorsville  and  the 
publishing  of  the  poem,  "  Abraham  Lincoln,  Give  us  a  Man."  The  man 


396  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

had  been  found,  and  the  President  had  appointed  him  lieutenant-gen- 
eral—  Ulysses  S.  Grant.  He  was  to  command  all  the  troops  in  the 
field.  He  saw  the  country  was  divided  into  nineteen  military  depart- 
ments, each  with  an  independent  commander  who  received  orders 
^rect  from  the  War  Department.  It  was  like  having  a  team 
with  nineteen  horses — liable  to  pull  in  different  directions.  The 
troops  were  widely  scattered;  he  would  concentrate  them  and  consol- 
idate the  departments.  The  theory  of  General  Halleck  had  been  that 
when  a  section  of  the  Confederacy  was  conquered  it  must  be  held  to  re- 
establish the  authority  of  the  United  States.  It  seemed  to  General 
Grant  that  it  would  be  far  better  to  crush  the  Confederate  armies.  When 
all  power  of  resistance  was  gone  it  would  be  an  easy  matter  to  restore 
the  civil  authority. 

General  Grant  never  had  met  the  President,  but  was  on  his  way  to 
"Washington    in  obedience   to  a  summons.      The  Cabinet,  Mr. 
'  Stanton,  and  E.  B.  Washburne  were  in  the  White  House  when 
he  entered. 

"General  Grant,"  said  the  President,  "the  nation's  appreciation, 
of  what  you  have  done,  and  its  reliance  upon  you  for  what  remains 
to  be  done  in  the  existing  struggle,  are  now  presented  with  this  com- 
mission, constituting  you  lieutenant-general  in  the  army  of  the  United 
States.  With  this  high  honor  devolves  upon  you  a  corresponding  re- 
sponsibility. As  the  country  trusts  in  you,  so,  under  God,  it  will  sustain 
you.  I  scarcely  need  add  that  with  what  I  here  speak  for  the  nation 
goes  my  own  hearty  personal  concurrence." 

The  words  were  spoken  with  trembling  lips,  so  deep  the  feeling  of 
Mr.  Lincoln. 

"  Mr.  President,"  General  Grant  replied,  "  I  accept  the  commission 
for  the  high  honor  conferred.  With  the  aid  of  the  noble  armies  that 
have  fought  on  so  many  fields  of  our  common  country,  it  will  be  my 
earnest  endeavor  not  to  disappoint  your  expectations.  I  feel  the  full 
responsibilities  now  devolving  upon  me;  and  I  know  that  if  they  are 
met  it  will  be  due  to  those  armies,"  and,  above  all,  to  the  favor  of  that 
Providence  which  leads  nations  and  men." 

General  Grant  visited  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  at  Culpeper,  and 
made  the  acquaintance  of  General  Meade,  took  a  look  at  the  soldiers 
in  a  quiet  way,  and  returned  to  Washington.  Mrs.  Lincoln  had  pre- 
pared a  grand  dinner  expressly  in  his  honor. 

"  Mrs.  Lincoln  must  excuse  me,"  he  said.  "  I  must  be  in  Tennessee 
at  the  earliest  possible  moment." 


SPRING   OF  1864.  399 

"  But  we  can't  excuse  you,"  said  the  President.  "  "Were  we  to  sit 
down  without  you  it  would  be  ','  Hamlet "  with  Hamlet  left  out." 

"  I  appreciate  the  honor,  Mr.  President,  but  time  is  very  precious 
just  now.  I  ought  to  be  attending  to  affairs.  The  loss  of  a  day  means 
the  loss  of  a  million  dollars  to  the  country." 

"  Well,  then,  we  shall  be  compelled  to  have  the  dinner  without  the 
honor  of  your  presence,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  as  they  parted. 

Never  before  had  a  commander  of  any  of  the  armies  pleaded  public 
necessity  for  declining  a  dinner  at  the  White  House  ;  never  a  command- 
er so  absorbed  as  was  General  Grant  in  the  business  of  the  country. 
Possibly  the  declination  gave  the  President  more  pleasure  than  he 
would  have  had  from  an  acceptance  of  the  invitation. 

A  few  days  before  General  Grant  received  his  commission  F.  B. 
Carpenter,  an  artist,  was  installed  in  the  White  House  to  paint  a  picture 
commemorating  the  signing  of  the  Emancipation  Proclamation.  He 
became  a  member  of  the  household,  and  recorded  scenes  in  the  routine 
of  the  President's  official  life.  Mr.  Lincoln  and  the  artist  were  together 
one  evening  when  the  President  turned  from  his  paper  as  if  weary.  ( ' ) 

"Tad,"  he  said  to  his  youngest  son,  "run  to  the  library  and  get 
'  Shakespeare.' "  He  read  passages  which  had  ever  been  a  delight  to 
him.  "  The  opening  of  'Kichard  III.,'  it  seems  to  me,  is  almost  always 
misapprehended,"  he  said.  "  You  know  the  actor  usually  comes  in 
with  a  flourish,  and,  like  a  college  sophomore,  says : 

"  'Now  is  the  winter  of  our  discontent 

Made  glorious  summer  by  this  suu  of  York.' 

Now  this  is  all  wrong.  Kichard  had  been,  and  was  then,  plotting  the 
destruction  of  his  brothers  to  make  room  for  himself.  Outwardly,  he  is 
most  loyal  to  the  newly  crowned  king ;  secretly,  he  could  scarcely  con- 
tain his  impatience  at  the  obstacles  still  in  the  way  of  his  own  eleva- 
tion. He  is  burning  with  repressed  hate  and  jealousy.  The  prologue 
is  the  utterance  of  the  most  intense  bitterness  and  satire." 

Mr.  Lincoln  assumed  the  character,  and  recited  the  passage  with 
such  force  that  it  became  a  new  creation  to  the  artist. 

"  There  is  a  poem,"  he  said,  "  which  has  been  a  great  favorite  with 
me  for  many  years.  Jason  Duncan  first  called  my  attention  to  it.  I 
cut  it  from  a  newspaper,  and  carried  it  in  my  pocket  and  learned  it.  I 
would  give  a  great  deal  to  know  who  wrote  it." 

Half  closing  his  eyes,  he  repeated  the  poem  "  Oh,  why  should  the 
spirit  of  mortal  be  proud  ?" 


400  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

The  poem  contained  thirteen  stanzas,  but  Mr.  Lincoln  never  recited 
the  third : 

"The  maid  on  whose  cheek,  on  whose  brow,  in  whose  eye 
Shone  beauty  and  pleasure — her  triumphs  are  by  ; 
And  the  memory  of  those  who  loved  her  and  praised 
Are  alike  from  the  minds  of  the  living  erased." 

Neither  did  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  his  many  recitations  of  this  poem  to  his 
friends,  ever  include  the  seventh  stanza  : 

"The  saint  who  enjoyed  the  communion  of  Heaven, 
The  sinner  who  dared  to  remain  unforgiven, 
The  wise  and  the  foolish,  the  guilty  and  just, 
Have  quietly  mingled  their  bones  in  the  dust." 

There  were  tender  and  sacred  memories  connected  with  the  poem 
which  time  never  effaced.  He  recited  once  more  Holmes's  "  Last 
Leaf." 

The  corridors  leading  to  the  executive  chamber  were  daily  crowded 
by  Senators,  members  of  Congress,  officers  of  the  army  and  navy,  vis- 
itors from  foreign  lands,  delegations  from  civic,  religious,  and  political 
organizations — men  with  schemes  for  putting  an  end  to  the  war ;  ap- 
plicants who  wanted  special  permits  to  trade  in  the  South ;  men  and 
women  who  desired  to  get  their  sons  home  from  the  army  or  out  of 
prison.  Mr.  Lincoln  often  recognized  an  old  acquaintance  among  them. 

"  I  presume  you  have  forgotten  me,"  said  one. 

"  No,  your  name  is  Flood.  I  saw  you  twelve  years  ago.  I  am  glad 
to  see  you,  and  it  gives  me  pleasure  to  know  that  the  Flood  still  flows 
on." 

Many  years  before  the  outbreak  of  the  Rebellion,  George  Thompson, 
an  Englishman,  came  to  America  to  promote  the  abolition  of  slavery. 
The  people  resented  the  interference  of  a  foreigner  in  American  af- 
fairs, and  he  was  rudely  treated.  He  was  once  more  in  the  United 
States,  and  called  on  the  President,  accompanied  by  Rev.  John  Pier- 
pont,  of  Boston,  Lewis  Clephane,  publisher,  and  Oliver  Johnson,  editor 
of  an  antislavery  paper,  the  "  New  Era." 

"  The  aristocracy  and  the  moneyed  interests  of  Great  Britain,"  said 
Thompson,  "  would  rejoice  to  see  the  United  States  broken  up ;  but  the 
working  people  know-  that  the  cause  of  liberty  is  at  stake,  and  their 
sympathies  are  with  the  North  and  for  the  extirpation  of  slavery." 

"  Mr.  Thompson,"  said  the  President,  "  the  people  of  Great  Britain 
and  of  other  countries  have  been  in  error  in  regard  to  this  conflict. 


SPRING    OF   1864.  401 

They  seemed  to  think  the  moment  I  became  President  I  had  the  power 
to  abolish  slavery,  forgetting  that  I  had  to  take  an  oath  to  support  the 
Constitution  and  to  execute  the  laws  as  I  found  them.  I  did  not  con- 
sider that  I  had  any  right  to  touch  the  institution  of  slavery  in  the 
States  until  all  other  means  for  maintaining  the  integrity  of  the  Gov- 
ernment had  been  exhausted.  The  time  came  when,  if  the  nation  was 
to  live,  slavery  must  die.  Many  of  my  strongest  supporters  urged 
emancipation  before  I  thought  it  indispensable  and  before  the  country 
was  ready  for  it.  It  is  my  conviction  that  if  it  had  been  issued  six 
months  earlier  public  sentiment  would  not  have  sustained  it.  Just  so 
in  reference  to  enlisting  colored  soldiers.  Had  the  step  been  taken 
sooner  it  could  not  have  been  carried  out.  A  man  watches  his  pear-tree 
day  after  day,  impatient  for  the  ripening  of  the  fruit.  Let  him  attempt 
to  force  the  process,  and  he  may  spoil  both  fruit  and  tree ;  but  let  him 
patiently  wait,  and  he  will  have  the  ripe  pear.  I  can  solemnly  assert 
that  I  have  a  clear  conscience  in  regard  to  my  action.  I  have  done 
what  no  man  could  have  helped  doing,  standing  in  my  place." 

A  lady  from  Alexandria  complained  that  the  medical  director  had 
taken  the  church  where  she  was  accustomed  to  worship  for  a  hospital. 

"  Mr.  President,"  she  said,  "  as  there  are  only  two  or  three  wounded 
soldiers  in  it,  I  came  to  see  if  you  would  not  let  us  have  it,  as  we  want 
it  very  much  to  worship  God  in."  . 

"  Have  you  called  upon  the  post  surgeon  ?" 

"  Yes,  sir,  but  can  do  nothing  with  him." 

"  Well,  madam,  he  is  there  to  attend  to  just  such  business,  and  it  is 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  he  knows  better  than  I  what  should  be  done 
under  the  circumstances.  You  probably  own  property  in  Alexandria. 
How  much  will  you  give  towards  building  a  hospital  ?" 

"  Really,  Mr.  President,  our  property  is  very  much  embarrassed  by 
the  war,  so  I  could  not  give  much  for  such  a  purpose." 

"Well,  madam,  I  expect  there  will  be  a  battle  soon,  and  it  is  my 
opinion  that  God  wants  the  church  for  poor  wounded  Union  soldiers 
quite  as  much  as  he  does  for  secesh  people  to  worship  in.  You  will 
excuse  me.  Good-day,  madam." 

Two  aged  people,  husband  and  wife,  with  much  hesitation  approached 
the  President.  The  severity  upon  his  face  changed  to  a  kindly  look. 

"  Well,  my  good  lady,  what  can  I  do  for  you  ?"  • 

"  Mr.  President,  I  never  spoke  to  a  President  before,  but  I  am  a 
Union  woman,  down  here  in  Maryland.  My  .boy  has  been  wounded  in 
battle.  He  is  in  the  hospital.  I  have  been  trying  to  get  him  out; 

26 


402  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

somehow  I  can't.  They  said  I'd  better  come  and  see  you.  When  the 
war  broke  out  I  gave  my  boy  to  God,  and  then  told  him  he  might  go 
and  fight  the  rebels.  Now,  Mr.  President,  if  you'll  let  me  take  him 
home,  I'll  nurse  him  up,  and  just  as  soon  as  he  gets  well  enough  he'll 
go  right  back  and  fight  again.  He's  a  good  boy ;  he  won't  shirk." 

Tears  glistened  in  the  eyes  of  Mr.  Lincoln  as  he  looked  into  the 
honest  face  and  listened  to  the  pleading  words. 

"  You  shall  have  your  boy.  There,  take  this  scrap  of  paper,  and 
you  will  get  your  boy  if  he  is  able  to  be  moved." 

"  God  bless  you,  Mr.  President !  we  are  so  much  obliged  to  you !" 
said  the  grateful  woman,  stifling  her  sobbing  joy  as  she  received  the 
paper.  (") 

j"The  Attorney-general  came  to  the  President  soliciting  a  favor.  "  A 
friend  of  mine,"  said  Mr.  Bates,  "  over  in  Virginia  is  a  Union  man,  but 
his  boy  enlisted  in  the  rebel  army.  He  has  been  captured  by  our  troops, 
and  the  father  wants  him  paroled.  He  promises  that  the  boy  shall  not 
serve  again.  As  a  personal  favor  I  hope  you  will  see  your  way  to 
grant  it." 

"  Bates,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  I  have  a  case  almost  like  it.  The  son 
of  an  old  friend  in  Illinois  ran  away  from  home  and  enlisted  in  the 
rebel  army.  The  poor  fool  has  been  captured,  and  his  broken-hearted 
father  wants  me  to  send  him  home,  and  he  promises  to  keep  him  there. 
Now,  let  us  unite  our  influence  with  this  Administration,  and  see  if 
we  can't  make  the  two  old  men  happy,  and  at  the  same  time  keep  two 
fools  from  going  back  into  the  rebel  army." 

The  fathers  received  their  sons,  and  the  "fools"  never  again  took 
up  arms  against  their  country.! 

A  fair  was  held  in  Washington  on  March  16th  for  the  benefit  of  the 
sick  and  wounded  soldiers  in  the  hospitals.  It  was  given  under  the 
auspices  of  women.  Mr.  Lincoln  visited  it,  and,  being  called  upon  for  a 
speech,  said : 

"I  have  but  a  few  words  to  utter.  This  extraordinary  war  falls  heavily  upon  all 
classes  of  people,  but  most  heavily  upon  the  soldier.  It  has  been  said,  '  All  that  a  man 
hath  will  he  give  for  his  life  ;'  the  soldier  puts  his  life  at  stake,  and  often  yields  it,  in  his. 
country's  cause.  The  highest  merit  thus  is  due  the  soldier.  ...  I  am  not  accustomed  to 
the  language  of  eulogy  ;  I  have  never  studied  the  art  of  paying  compliments  to  women. 
But  I  must  say  that  if  all  that  has  been  said  by  orators  and  poets  since  the  creation  of  the 
world  in  praise  of  women  were  applied  to  the  women  of  America,  it  would  not  do  them 
justice  for  their  conduct  during  this  war." 

An  entertainment  in  aid  of  the  fair,  consisting  of  poetical  recitations 


SPRING  OF  1864.  403 

and  readings  by  elocutionists,  was  held  in  the  Kepresentatives'  Hall. 
The  President  attended,  and  was  invited  to  a  seat  on  the  platform. 
Among  the  selections  was  a  poem  entitled  "  The  New  Pastoral,"  written 
by  Thomas  Buchanan  Read  in  1850,  after  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise — a  prophetic  poem  containing  a  remarkable  passage: 

"Here  the  great  statesman  from  the  ranks  of  toil 
May  rise  with  judgment  clear,  as  strong  as  wise, 
And  with  a  well-directed  patriot  blow 
Reclinch  the  rivets  in  our  Union  bonds 
Which  tinkering  knaves  have  striven  to  set  ajar." 

Fourteen  years  had  passed  since  the  writing  of  the  poem,  and  the 
prophecy  was  being  fulfilled  in  the  person  of  President  Lincoln.  It  was 
recognized  by  the  audience,  and  the  Capitol  rang  with  applause. 

The  Governor  of  Kentucky,  Mr.  Bramlette,  together  with  Mr.  Dixon 

and  Mr.  A.  G.  Hodges,  visited  Washington  to  see  about  the  draft  for 

soldiers  which  Congress  had  ordered.      They  talked  with  Mr. 

April  4  .  . 

'  Lincoln  about  the  Emancipation  Proclamation.  After  their  re- 
turn to  Kentucky,  Mr.  Hodges  asked  the  President  to  write  out  what  he 
had  said  to  them.  Very  remarkable  the  closing  sentences  : 

"  I  claim  not  to  have  controlled  events,  but  confess  plainly  that  events  have  controlled 
me.  Now,  at  the  end  of  three  years'  struggle,  the  nation's  condition  is  not  what  either 
party  or  any  man  devised  or  expected.  God  alone  can  claim  it.  Whither  it  is  tending 
seems  plain.  If  God  now  wills  the  removal  of  a  great  wrong,  and  wills  also  that  we  of 
the  North  as  well  as  you  of  the  South  shall  pay  fairly  for  our  complicity  in  that  wrong, 
impartial  history  will  find  therein  new  causes  to  attest  and  revere  the  justice  and  goodness 
of  God." 

•  General  Grant  returned  from  the  West  to  take  supreme  command 
of  military  affairs. 

"What  sort  of  a  man  is  General  Grant?"  asked  one  of  the  Pres- 
ident's friends. 

"  Well,  I  hardly  know  what  to  think  of  him,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln. 
"  He  is  the  quietest  fellow  you  ever  saw.  He  don't  make  any  fuss.  I 
believe  two  or  three  times  he  has  been  in  this  room  a  minute  or  so  be- 
fore I  knew  he  was  here.  The  only  evidence  you  have  that  he  is  in  any 
place  is  that  he  makes  things  git.  Grant  is  the  first  general  I  have 
had." 

"  How  is  that  F 

"  You  know  how  it  has  been  with  the  others.  As  soon  as  I  put  a 
man  in  command,  he'd  come  to  me  with  a  plan  of  a  campaign,  as  if  to 


404  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

say,- 'Now,  I  don't  believe  I  can  do  it,  but  if  you  say  so  I'll  try,'  and  so 
put  the  responsibility  of  success  or  failure  on  me.  It  isn't  so  with 
Grant.  He  hasn't  told  me  what  his  plans  are.  I  don't  know,  and  I 
don't  want  to  know.  I  am  glad  to  have  found  a  man  who  can  go 
ahead  without  me." 

The  President  had  been  lying  on  a  lounge,  but  now  sat  upright  and 
talked  more  earnestly,  as  if  it  were  a  congenial  topic. 

"You  see,  when  any  of  the  others  set  out  on  a  campaign,  they'd 
look  over  matters  a,nd  pick  out  some  one  thing  they  were  short  of  and 
which  they  knew  I  couldn't  give  them,  and  tell  me  they  couldn't  win 
unless  they  had  it,  and  it  was  most  generally  cavalry." 

Mr.  Lincoln  laughed  heartily  a  moment,  and  then  went  on : 

•'  Now,  when  Grant  took  hold  I  was  waiting  to  see  what  his  pet  im- 
possibility would  be.  I  reckoned  it  would  be  cavalry,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  for  we  hadn't  horses  enough  to  mount  the  men  we  had.  There 
were  15,000,  or  thereabouts,  up  near  Harper's  Ferry,  and  no  horses  to 
put  them  on.  "Well,  Grant  sent  word  to  me  the  other  day  about  those 
very  men,  just  as  I  expected,  but  he  didn't  ask  for  horses.  He  only 
wanted  to  know  whether  he  should  make  infantry  of  them  or  disband 
them.  He  don't  ask  impossibilities  of  me,  and  he  is  the  first  general 
who  hasn't." 

General  Grant  intended  that  the  army  under  Sherman,  at  Chatta- 
nooga, the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  under  Meade,  and  the  Army  of  the 
James,  under  Butler,  should  move  at  the  same  time.  General  Burnside 
was  at  Annapolis,  in  Maryland,  with  the  Ninth  Corps,  numbering  near- 
ly 30,000  men.  He  was  directed  to  march  to  Washington,  and  from 
there  to  the  Rapidan,  to  co-operate  with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

Down  Pennsylvania  Avenue  comes  Burnside's  troops,  turning  up 

Fourteenth  Street,  where  the  President  stands  upon  a  balcony  to  review 

them.     Some  of  the  veterans  have  fought  at  Bull  Run,  Ball's 

April  25 

'  Bluff,  Roanoke,  Newbern,  in  front  of  Richmond,  Antietam,  Get- 
tysburg, Knoxville.  The  flags  which  they  carry  are  in  tatters,  but  they 
are  the  dearest  things  on  earth  to  the  men  keeping  step  to  the  drum- 
beat. There  is  the  steady  tramping  of  the  men,  the  deep,  heavy  jar  of 
gun-carriages,  clattering  of  horses'  hoofs,  clanking  of  sabres.  General 
Burnside  and  the  President,  standing  side  by  side,  look  down  upon  the 
serried  ranks.  The  lines  are  deepening  in  the  face  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 
He  is  pale  and  care-worn.  The  soldiers  behold  him,  swing  their  hats, 
and  hurrah.  A  division  of  veterans  pass,  and  then,  with  full  ranks, 
the  platoons  extending  the  entire  width  of  the  street,  come  brigades 


SPRING  OF  1864.  405 

\vhich  have  never  been  in  battle — men  who  have  come  at  the  call  of 
their  country  to  lay  down  their  lives  on  the  battle-field.  Their  country  ! 
They  never  had  a  country  till  that  pale  man  on  the  balcony  gave  them 
one.  They  never  were  men  till  he  made  them  such.  They  were  slaves ; 
he  made  them  freemen.  They  have  been  chattels — things;  now  they 
are  owners  of  themselves — citizens — soldiers  of  the  Kepublic.  Never 
before  have  they  beheld  their  benefactor.  "Hurrah  for  Uncle  Abe! 
Hurrah  for  Mars  Linkum  !"  No  cheers  like  theirs.  It  is  the  spontaneous 
outburst  from  grateful  hearts.  Yes  ;  in  return  for  what  he  has  done  for 
them  and  for  their  race  will  they  fight  to  the  death ! 

"Can  you,"  said  the  President  to  Mr.  L.  E.  Chittenden,  "leave  your 

office  and  go  over  to  Annapolis?     A  party  of  about  400  officers  and 

men  out  of  rebel  prisons  at  Belle  Isle,  at  Richmond,  arrived  there 

yesterday.     Their  condition  will  be  investigated  by  Congress; 

but  that  will  take  time.     An  intelligent  lady,  whom  you  know,  has 

given  me  such  an  account  of  their  sad  state  that  I  should  like  to  know 

the  truth  at  once  from  one  who  will  neither  exaggerate  nor  suppress 

any  of  the  facts.    Will  you  go  and  see  them,  and  bring  me  back  your 

report  ?"(") 

Mr.  Chittenden  visited  Annapolis,  beheld  the  men,  returned  to 
Washington,  and  reported  to  Mr.  Lincoln. 

"  All  the  way  from  Annapolis,"  he  said,  "  I  have  been  studying  the 
formula  for  an  answer  to  your  question.  It  is  useless.  You  would  like 
to  know  what  I  have  seen ;  I  cannot  tell  you.  Imagine,  if  you  can, 
strong  men,  robbed  of  their  money,  blankets,  overcoats,  boots,  and  cloth- 
ing, covered  with  rags,  driven  like  foxes  into  holes  on  an  island,  exposed 
to  frost  and  cold  until  their  frozen  extremities  drop  from  their  bleeding 
stumps,  fed  upon  food  such  as  the  swine  would  have  rejected,  until  by 
exhaustion  their  manhood  is  crushed  out,  their  minds  destroyed,  and 
their  bodies,  foul  with  filth  and  disease,  are  brought  to  the  very  borders 
of  the  grave,  which  soon  will  close  upon  half  of  them,  and  you  may  get 
some  faint  conception  of  what  may  be  seen  at  Annapolis.  But  it  will 
be  very  faint.  The  picture  cannot  be  comprehended  even  when  it  is 
seen." 

"  Can  such  things  be  possible !"  the  President  exclaimed.  "  You  are 
the  fourth  person  who  has  given  me  the  same  account.  I  cannot  be- 
lieve it!  There  must  be  some  explanation  for  it.  The  Richmond  peo- 
ple are  Americans— of  the  same  race  as  ourselves.  It  is  incredible !" 

"  No,"  Mr.  President,  "  I  saw  the  poor  unfortunates  last  evening.  I 
went  again  this  morning  to  find  something  which  would  relieve  the 

26* 


406  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

horror  of  the  first  impression.  I  did  not  find  it.  I  have  conversed 
with  men  who  know  they  are  dying.  They  all  tell  the  same  story,  and 
but  one  conclusion  is  possible:  a  frightful  weight  of  responsibility 
and  guilt  rests  upon  the  authorities  at  Richmond  for  these  crimes 
against  humanity." 

"Nothing,"  replied  Mr.  Lincoln,  "has  occurred  in  the  war  which 
causes  me  to  suffer  like  this.  I  know  it  seems  impossible  to  account  for 
the  treatment  of  these  poor  fellows,  except  on  the  theory  that  somebody 
is  guilty.  But  the  world  will  be  slow  to  believe  that  the  Confederate 
authorities  intend  to  destroy  their  prisoners  by  starvation.  We  should 
be  slow  to  believe  it.  It  must  be  that  they  have  some  claim  of  excuse. 
The  Indians  torture  their  prisoners,  but  I  never  heard  that  they  froze 
them  or  starved  them !"  We  may  not  know  all  the  facts,  the  whole 
inside  history.  They  may  have  excuses  of  which  we  know  nothing." 

"  Make  the  case  your  own,  Mr.  President,"  said  Chittenden.  "Wash- 
ington is  larger  than  Richmond.  Your  duties  are  quite  as  absorbing  as 
those  of  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis.  Could  Confederate  prisoners  of  war  be 
dying  by  hundreds  of  exposure  and  starvation  on  an  island  in  the  Po- 
tomac, between  this  city  and  Alexandria,  and  you  not  know  it  ?  Why, 
the  newsboys  in  the  streets  would  publish  it,  and  the  authorities  could 
not  remain  ignorant  of  it,  even  if  they  were  deaf  and  dumb." 

"  Well,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  I  admit  you  have  the  best  of  the  argu- 
ment. But  do  me  a  favor.  Retain  your  opinions,  if  you  must,  but  say 
nothing  about  them  at  present  until  we  are  forced  to  make  the  charge 
—until  there  is  no  alternative,  and  the  world  is  forced  to  think  as  we  do." 

"  I  will  do  as  you  request,  Mr.  President." 

"  Let  us  hope,"  he  replied,  "  for  the  best.  We  shall  have  enough  to 
answer  for  if  we  survive  this  war.  Let  us  hope  at  least  that  the  crime 
of  murdering  prisoners  by  exposure  and  starvation  may  not  be  fastened 
on  any  of  our  people." 

With  fifteen  days'  rations  for  the  army,  General  Grant  cut  loose 
from  all  communication  with  Washington,  crossed  the  Rapidan,  and 
went  on  to  the  Wilderness.  (See  "  Redeeming  the  Republic,"  chap,  iv.) 

A  courier  arrived  at  the  White  House  with  an  account  of  the  two 
days'  struggle  —  an  undecided  battle,  in  which  20,000  men  had 
been  killed  or  Avounded.  The  President  paced  his  chamber,  and 
gave  way  to  uncontrollable  emotion,  exclaiming : 

"  My  God !  my  God !  twenty  thousand !  I  cannot  bear  it !  I  can- 
not bear  it !  Why  do  we  suffer  so  ?  Could  we  not  have  avoided  the 
terrible,  bloody  war  ?  Was  it  not  forced  upon  us  ?  Will  it  ever  end  ?" 


SUNDAY  AFTERNOON. 


SPRING    OF    1864.  409 

In  the  evening  John  W.  Forney,  editor  of  the  Philadelphia  "  Press," 
called  at  the  White  House.  He  found  Mr.  Lincoln  suffering  great  de- 
pression of  spirits.  He  was  ghastly  pale.  There  were  dark  rings 
around  his  deep-set  eyes.  He  was  reading  Shakespeare. 

"  Let  me  read  you  this  from  Shakespeare,"  he  said.  "  I  cannot  read 
it  like  Forest,  who  is  acting  at  the  theatre,  but  it  comes  to  me  to-night 
like  a  consolation  : 

"  'To-morrow,  and  to-morrow,  and  tomorrow, 
Creeps  in  this  petty  pace  from  day  to  day, 
To  the  last  syllable  of  recorded  time; 
And  all  our  yesterdays  have  lighted  fools 
The  way  to  dusty  death.     Out,  out,  brief  candle ! 
Life's  but  a  walking  shadow;  a  poor  player, 
That  struts  and  frets  his  hour  upon  the  stage, 
And  then  is  heard  no  more:  it  is  a  tale 
Told  by  an  idiot,  full  of  sound  and  fury, 
Signifying  nothing.'  "  ( 10 ) 

A  few  days  later  the  wounded  began  to  arrive  from  the  Wilderness 
and  Spottsylvania.  Washington  became  a  vast  hospital.  The  Presi- 
dent visited  the  disabled  soldiers,  speaking  kind  words  and  doing  what 
he  could  for  them.  Day  by  day  his  own  countenance  was  changing, 
the  sadness  becoming  habitual. 

"  He  looked,"  writes  Mr.  Arnold,  member  of  Congress,  "  like  one 
who  had  lost  a  dear  member  of  his  own  family.  I  recall  one  evening 
late  in  May,  when  I  met  the  President  in  his  carriage  driving  slowly 
towards  the  Soldiers'  Home.  He  had  just  parted  from  one  of  those 
long  lines  of  ambulances.  The  sun  was  just  sinking  behind  the  desolate 
and  deserted  hills  of  Virginia ;  the  flags  from  the  forts,  hospitals,  and 
camps  drooped  sadly.  Arlington,  with  its  white  colonnade,  looked  like 
what  it  was — a  hospital.  Far  down  the  Potomac,  towards  Mount  Ver- 
non,  the  haze  of  evening  was  gathering  over  the  landscape,  and  when  I 
met  the  President  his  attitude  and  expression  spoke  the  deepest  sad- 
ness. He  paused  as  we  met,  and  pointing  his  hand  towards  the  line 
of  wounded  men,  he  said :  '  Look  yonder  at  those  poor  fellows.  I  can- 
not bear  it.  This  suffering,  this  loss  of  life,  is  dreadful.'  Recalling  a 
letter  he  had  written  years  before  to  a  suffering  friend  whose  grief 
he  had  sought  to  console,  I  reminded  him  of  the  incident,  and  asked 
him :  '  Do  you  remember  writing  to  your  sorrowing  friend  these  words  : 
"  And  this,  too,  shall  pass  away.  Never  fear,  victory  will  come." : 
'Yes,'  replied  he,  'victory  wrill  come,  but  it  comes  slowly.'" (") 


-tlO  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Sunday  was  ever  a  restful  day.  Public  cares  were  laid  aside.  In 
the  floorless  cabin  on  the  banks  of  Nolin's  Creek  Mr.  Lincoln  had  lis- 
tened to  the  stories  of  Abraham,  Moses,  Joseph,  David,  Daniel — heroes 
of  Biblical  history,  as  narrated  by  his  mother.  There  is  no  more  beau- 
tiful picture  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  life  than  the  scene  often  witnessed  in  the 
White  House  on  Sunday  afternoons — the  chief  executive  of  the  nation 
narrating  the  same  stories  to  his  listening  boy. 


NOTES  TO  CHAPTEE   XXI. 

( ' )  Warden's  "  Life  of  Salmon  P.  Cbase,"  p.  570. 

(a)  Thaddeus  Steveus  \vas  born  at  Peacham,  Vt.,  April  4,  1794.  He  was  educated 
at  Dartmouth  College,  graduating  1814.  He  became  a  school-teacher  at  York,  Pa.  He 
studied  law,  aud  began  practice  as  an  attorney  at  Gettysburg,  where  he  remained  till 
1842 ;  then  became  a  resident  of  Lancaster.  He  served  many  years  as  a  member  of  the 
Legislature,  aud  became  a  political  leader.  He  was  elected  to  Congress,  1848,  and  made 
the  acquaintance  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  then  member  from  Illinois.  Through  life  he  had  been 
ardent  in  his  opposition  to  slavery,  and  took  a  prominent  part  in  debate  upon  the  floor 
of  Congress.  Few  members  surpassed  him  in  attention  to  public  affairs.  His  constitu- 
ents re-elected  him  many  times.  He  was  ever  a  friend  to  the  poor  and  oppressed,  a  de- 
fender of  their  rights.  From  the  beginning  of  the  war  he  urged  President  Lincoln  to 
strike  a  blow  at  slavery.  He  initiated  aud  urged  the  passage  of  the  Fourteenth  Amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution.  During  the  war  he  wielded  great  influence  in  Congress,  and 
though  advocating  extreme  measures  to  put  down  the  Rebellion,  ho  was,  on  the  other 
hand,  a  stauch  supporter  of  the  Administration. — Author 

(3)  Isaac  N.  Arnold,  "Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  3HO. 

(*)  "Congressional  Globe,"  Thirty-eighth  Congress,  Second  Session,  pp.  1,  400. 

(5)  "The  Nation,"  October  2,  1873. 

( 6 )  "  Harper's  Weekly,"  April  2,  1864. 

( 7)  F.  B.  Carpenter,  "  Six  Months  in  the  White  House,"  p.  48. 

( 8)  W.  C.  J.,  in  New  York  "  Times,"  March  16,  1864. 

( » )  L.  E.  Chittendeu,  "  Recollections  of  Lincoln,"  p.  323. 

1 I0 )  J.  W.  Forney,  "  Anecdotes  of  Public  Men,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  180. 

1 ll )  Isaac  N.  Arnold,  "  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  375. 


SUMMER   OF  1864.  411 


CHAPTER    XXII. 

SUMMER   OF   1864. 

THE  political  campaign  for  nominating  candidates  for  the  Presidency 
began  with  the  assembling  of  the  Abolitionists  and  others  at  Cleve- 
land.    General  Fremont  was  nominated.     Wendell  Phillips  in  an  ad- 
dress said : 

"The  Administration  I  regard  as  a  civil  and  military  failure,  and  its  avowed  policy 
ruinous  to  the  North  in  every  point  of  view.  Mr.  Lincoln  may  wish  the  end  peace  and 
freedom,  but  he  is  wholly  unwilling  to  use  the  means  which  can  secure  that  end.  If  Mr. 
Lincoln  is  re-elected,  I  do  not  expect  to  see  the  Union  reconstructed  in  my  day,  unless  on 
terms  more  disastrous  to  liberty  than  ever  disunion  would  be." 

Mr.  Phillips  did  not  state  what  means  the  President  could  use.  The 
Emancipation  Proclamation  had  been  issued  ;  more  than  100,000  negro 
soldiers  were  in  the  army.  What  more  could  be  done  ? 

Mr.  Phillips  also  said  : 

"I  see  in  General  Fremont  one  whose  thorough  loyalty  to  democratic  institutions 
without  regard  to  race,  whose  earnest  and  decisive  character,  whose  clear  sighted  states- 
manship and  rare  military  ability  justifj^  my  confidence  that  in  his  hands  all  will  be  done 
to  save  the  State  that  foresight,  skill,  decision,  and  statesmanship  can  do." 

Instead  of  showing  rare  military  ability,  General  Fremont  had  utterly 
failed  as  a  commander.  The  convention  denounced  corruption  in  office, 
yet  one  of  its  leading  members,  who  had  served  on  Fremont's  staff,  had. 
been  dismissed  from  military  service  on  account  of  his  dishonest  trans- 
actions. It  was  a  gathering  of  a  handful  of  discontented  men — less 
than  four  hundred. 

Mr.  Lincoln  read  the  account  of  the  proceedings,  and  laughed.  It 
reminded  him  of  a  gathering  in  another  age,  and  in  another  country. 
He  took  up  his  Bible  and  read  : 

"And  every  one  that  was  in  distress,  and  every  one  that  was  in  debt,  and  every  one 
that  was  discontented,  gathered  themselves  unto  him;  and  he  became  a  captain  over 
them;  and  there  were  with  him  about  four  hundred  men." 


412  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

The  United  States  under  the  Presidency  of  Abraham  Lincoln  was 
not  just  like  the  Kingdom  of  Israel  under  Saul ;  neither  was  General 
Fremont  the  exact  counterpart  of  David.  But  the  four  hundred  gathered 
at  Cleveland  and  the  four  hundred  in  the  cave  of  Adullam  were  alike 
discontented  and  opposed  to  those  in  authority.  The  President  laughed 
heartily  over  the  similarity.  He  respected  and  honored  the  earnest 
men  who  had  nominated  Fremont,  but  could  not  accept  their  views  as 
to  his  duty  in  administering  the  affairs  of  the  nation. 

From  the  outbreak  of  the  Rebellion  the  people  had  gradually  come 
to  see  that  it  had  been  caused  by  slavery,  and  that  there  could  be  no 
lasting  peace  till  it  was  wholly  eradicated.  President  Lincoln  issued 
his  Proclamation  of  Emancipation  as  a  war  measure  to  cripple  the  ene- 
my, but  it  did  not  wholly  abolish  slavery.  Congress  could  not  do  it  by 
an  enactment.  The  people  must  act  in  their  sovereign  capacity  and 
change  the  Constitution. 

James  M.  Ashley,  of  Ohio ;  James  F.  AVilson,  of  Iowa ;  Senator  Sum- 
ner,  of  Massachusetts,  and  Senator  Henderson,  of  Missouri,  had  sub- 
mitted resolutions  for  amending  the  Constitution,  which  were  referred 
to  a  Joint  Judiciary  Committee,  of  which  Senator  Trumbull  was  chair- 
man. The  months  were  slipping  away,  summer  approaching.  The 
committee  had  taken  no  action.  President  Lincoln  was  solicitous  that 
something  should  be  done.  The  Emancipation  Proclamation  was  of 
little  effect,  save  as  victories  were  won. 

The  National  Convention  of  the  Kepublican  Party  to  nominate  a 
candidate  for  the  Presidency  was  to  meet  in  Baltimore.  It  would  be 
called  to  order  by  Edwin  D.  Morgan,  chairman  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee. "  I  would  like  you,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln  to  him,  "  in  your  address, 
when  you  call  the  convention  to  order,  as  its  key-note,  and  to  put  into 
the  platform,  as  its  key -stone,  the  amendment  to  the  Constitution 
abolishing  and  prohibiting  slavery." 

The  day  arrived  (June  8,  1864).  At  the  outset  the  delegates  mani- 
fested their  determination  to  take  advanced  ground  for  the  maintenance 
of  the  Union. 

The  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  at  Cold  Harbor.  It  had  fought 
its  way  from  the  "Wilderness  to  the  vicinity  of  Richmond.  It  was  so 
near  the  city  that  in  the  stillness  of  night  the  Union  sentinels  could 
hear  the  church  bells  toll  the  passing  hours.  The  army  commanded 
by  Sherman  had  forced  the  Confederates  under  Johnston  from  Buz- 
zard's Roost  to  Kenesaw.  With  victory  upon  their  banners  the  soldiers 
of  the  Union  would  continue  the  struggle  to  the  end. 


SUMMER   OF  1864.  413 

As  he  called  the  convention  to  order,  Mr.  Morgan  said : 

"It  is  a  little  more  than  eight  years  since  it  was  resolved  to  form  a  national  party,  to 
be  conducted  on  the  principles  and  policy  of  Washington  and  Jefferson.  ...  In  view  of 
the  dread  realities  of  the  past  and  what  is  passing  at  this  moment,  the  fact  that  the  bones 
of  our  soldiers  are  bleaching  in  every  State  of  the  Union,  and  with  the  further  knowledge 
of  the  fact  that  this  has  all  been  caused  by  slavery,  we  shall  fail  of  accomplishing  our 
great  mission  unless  we  shall  declare  for  such  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  as  will 
positively  prohibit  African  slavery  in  the  United  States." 

The  delegates  clapped  their  hands,  rose  as  one  man,  and  made  the 
hall  ring  with  cheers.  It  was  significant  of  their  determination  to 
carry  on  the  work  they  had  begun  till  that  which  caused  the  war  should 
be  eradicated  from  the  Constitution. 

Rev.  Robert  J.  Breckinridge,  of  Kentucky,  renowned  as  preacher 
and  scholar,  was  appointed  temporary  chairman.  (')  He  was  uncle  to 
John  C.  Breckinridge,  Vice-president  under  Buchanan,  for  whom  the 
slave-holders  had  voted  in  1860,  and  who  was  a  lieutenant-general  in 
the  Confederate  army.  Though  many  of  his  friends  and  relatives  had 
given  their  sympathies  to  the  Confederacy,  and  were  fighting  against 
the  Government,  Robert  J.  Breckinridge  was  true  to  the  Union.  He 
believed  President  Lincoln  had  been  chosen  by  Almighty  God  to  save 
the  nation  from  ruin.  "  This  nation,"  he  said  to  the  delegates  in  con- 
vention, "  shall  not  be  destroyed.  The  only  enduring  and  imperishable 
cement  of  all  free  institutions  has  been  the  blood  of  traitors.  .  .  .  We 
must  use  all  power  to  exterminate  the  institution  of  slavery,  which  has 
raised  the  sword  against  the  Union." 

The  convention  adopted  a  resolution  demanding  an  amendment  to 
the  Constitution  prohibiting  slavery,  as  had  been  suggested  by  Presi- 
dent Lincoln  and  announced  by  Mr.  Morgan.  Again  the  hall  rang  with 
loud  and  prolonged  cheers.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  renominated  by  acclama- 
tion. Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee,  was  selected  as  candidate  for 
Vice-president. 

The  committee  chosen  to  inform  Mr.  Lincoln  of  his  renomination 
visited  the  White  House. 

"  I  cannot,"  said  the  President,  "  conceal  my  gratification  nor  re- 
strain the  expression  of  my  gratitude  that  the  Union  people,  through 
their  convention,  in  .their  continued  effort  to  save  and  advance  the  na- 
tion, have  deemed  me  not  unworthy  to  remain  in  my  present  position. 
...  I  approve  the  declaration  in  favor  of  so  amending  the  Constitution 
as  to  prohibit  slavery  throughout  the  nation.  Such  an  amendment  is  a 
necessarv  conclusion  to  the  final  success  of  the  Union  cause." 


414: 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


ANDREW  JOHNSON. 


Baltimore  being  so  near  the  capital,  many  delegations  called  upon 
the  President — among  others,  members  of  the  Philadelphia  Union 
League. 

"  I  do  not  allow  myself,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  response  to  the  ad- 
dress of  its  president,  "to  suppose  that  either  the  convention  or  the 
league  have  concluded  that  I  am  the  greatest  or  best  man  in  America, 
but  rather  that  it  is  not  best  to  swap  horses  while  crossing  the  river, 


SUMMER  OF  1864.  415 

and  that  I  am  not  so  poor  a  horse  but  that  they  might  make  a  botch 
of  it  in  trying  to  swap."(2) 

"  Allow  me,"  said  a  gentleman,  "  to  introduce  my  friend.  He  is  an 
artist,  and  has  painted  a  beautiful  portrait  of  yourself  and  presented 
it  to  the  league." 

"  A  beautiful  portrait,  did  you  say  ?  I  think,  sir,"  said  the  Presi- 
dent, addressing  the  artist,  "  that  you  must  have  taken  your  idea  not 
from  my  person,  but  from  my  principles."  (3) 

"William  Lloyd  Garrison,  who  had  severely  criticised  Mr.  Lincoln  for 
setting  aside  Fremont's  and  Hunter's  proclamations,  visited  the  White 
House,  and  was  warmly  welcomed. 

"  I  have  just  come  from  Baltimore,"  said  Mr.  Garrison.  "  I  have 
been  searching  for  the  old  jail  which  I  once  had  the  honor  of  occupy- 
ing, but  have  not  been  able  to  find  it." 

"  "Well,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  times  have  changed.  Then  you  couldn't 
get  out,  now  you  can't  get  in."(4) 

The  National  Democratic  Convention  was  to  meet  in  Chicago,  July 
4th.  The  committee  having  matters  in  charge  selected  the  anniver- 
sary of  national  independence,  hoping  that  the  choice  of  such  a  day 
would  awaken  the  enthusiasm  of  those  who  believed  the  war  was  a 
failure,  who  said  the  South  never  could  be  conquered,  and  who  de- 
manded peace,  no  matter  what  terms  Jefferson  Davis  might  de- 
mand. 

As  narrated,  Mr.  Yallandigham,  of  Ohio,  had  been  sent  to  the  Con- 
federate lines  by  President  Lincoln.  After  a  brief  stay  in  Richmond, 
he  made  his  way  to  Canada.  (6)  He  located  himself  near  Windsor,  op- 
posite Detroit,  and  was  in  constant  communication  with  his  friends  in 
Ohio.  He  was  counselling  with  Jacob  Thompson  and  Clement  C.  Clay, 
Confederate  agents  at  Toronto  and  Montreal. 

At  an  early  period  of  the  Rebellion  a  secret  society  had  been 
formed  in  Southern  Indiana  by  men  who  favored  the  Confederacy. 
The  organization  at  first  was  known  as  the  "  Knights  of  the  Golden 
Circle."  In  1863  it  became  the  "  Sons  of  Liberty."  Its  members  were 
bitterly  opposed  to  the  war.  The  calls  of  President  Lincoln  for  more 
troops  and  the  ordering  of  the  draft  intensified  their  opposition.  They 
were  in  communication  with  the  Confederates.  If  the  Union  wTere  to 
be  restored  at  all,  they  desired  it  to  be  as  it  was  before  the  war,  with 
slavery  unharmed.  They  did  not  comprehend  that  slavery  was  being 
swept  from  the  land  by  the  victories  of  the  Union  armies.  The  mem- 
bers of  the  society  were  most  numerous  in  Indiana,  Illinois,  Missouri, 


4:16-  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

and  Ohio.  The  organization  gradually  extended  eastward  to  New 
York.  Its  meetings  were  held  secretly.  On  Washington's  birthday,  in 
February,  1864,  a  grand  council  of  delegates  assembled  in  New  York 
and  elected  Vallandigham  as  grand  commander.  The  members  of  the 
order  judged,  from  the  discontent  in  the  Western  States,  it  would  be 
easy  to  bring  about  an  uprising  against  the  Government.  The  Con- 
federate commission  in  Canada  had  received  a  large  amount  of  money 
in  gold  coin  from  Richmond,  and  were  supplying  arms  to  the  "  Sons 
of  Liberty."  Captain  Hines,  an  officer  in  the  Confederate  service,  was 
commissioned  to  make  his  way  to  Canada  and  collect  the  soldiers  who 
had  escaped  from  Union  military  prisons.  He  put  himself  in  connection 
with  the  secret  society. 

The  Peace  Democrats  of  south-western  Ohio  while  in  session  were 
surprised  when  Mr.  Vallandigham,  general  commander  of  the  "  Sons 

of  Liberty,"  appeared.     It  was  an  unlooked-for  event.     He  had 
>come  in  the  night  from  Canada.     He  was  greeted  with  a  yell  of 

delight.  President  Lincoln  was  informed  of  his  arrival,  but  had 
no  intention  of  having  him  again  arrested.  Just  what  induced  Val- 
landigham to  suddenly  leave  Canada  and  appear  in  Ohio  is  not  known. 
The  "  Sons  of  Liberty  "  were  not  ready  for  an  uprising.  Probably  it 
was  to  make  his  influence  felt  in  the  approaching  Democratic  Conven- 
tion, to  which  he  was  at  once  elected  a  delegate.  The  managers  were 
greatly  disturbed.  They  feared  Vallandigham  would  be  a  ruling  spirit. 
The  National  Committee  hastily  assembled  in  New  York  and  voted  to 
adjourn  the  meeting  of  the  convention  to  August  29th.  They  gave  as  a 
reason  that  it  would  be  well  for  the  party  to  wait  for  probable  events. 
General  Grant  had  fought  his  way  from  the  Wilderness  to  Petersburg, 
and  had  announced  his  determination  to  fight  on  that  line  if  it  took  all 
summer.  General  Sherman  was  moving  towards  Atlanta.  Every  vic- 
tory won,  every  advance  of  the  armies,  made  the  cause  of  the  Union 
stronger  and  brought  discouragement  to  the  Democratic  Party.  One 
newspaper  frankly  stated  that  the  meeting  of  the  convention  was  post- 
poned that  advantage  might  be  taken  of  any  military  blunder.  The 
Republican  newspapers  said  it  was  the  first  time  in  history  that  a  politi- 
cal party  pretending  to  be  loyal  to  the  Constitution  could  only  hope  for 
success  from  disaster  to  the  armies  of  the  Union. 

Mr.  Chase  had  conducted  the  Treasury  Department  with  great 
ability,  but  he  differed  from  Mr.  Lincoln  on  many  questions.  It  was 
very  natural  that  he  should  want  his  own  way.  Once  he  resigned,  but 
the  President  declined  to  receive  his  resignation.  Accusations  were 


SUMMER   OF   1864. 


417 


coming  to  Mr.  Lincoln  against  a  collector  of  customs  in  Oregon — that 
he  was  not  a  fit  person  to  hold  so  important  an  office. 

"  My  mind  is  made  up,"  wrote  the  President  to  Mr.  Chase,  "  to  re- 
move him.  I  do  not  decide  that  the  charges  against  him  are  true.  I 
only  declare  that  the  degree  of  dissatisfaction  with  him  is  too  great  for 
him  to  be  retained.  But  I  believe  he  is  your  personal  acquaintance  and 
friend,  and,  if  you  desire  it,  I  will  try  and  find  some  other  place  for  him." 

Mr.  Chase  thought  the  President  ought  to  have  consulted  with  him, 


CLEMENT  L.   VALLANDIGHAM. 


418  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

and  was  so  displeased  that  he  again  tendered  his  resignation.  Mr. 
Lincoln  called  upon  him,  put  his  arm  around  the  neck  of  the  Secretary 
and  said,  "  Chase,  here  is  a  paper  with  which  I  have  nothing  to  do. 
Take  it  back  and  be  reasonable." 

Mr.  Chase  did  so,  and  things  went  on  once  more  as  if  nothing  had 
happened. 

When  the  Republican  Party  came  into  power  there  was  a  great 
scramble  for  offices,  especially  in  New  York.  The  strife  between  the 
different  factions  gave  Mr.  Lincoln  a  great  deal  of  trouble.  Mr.  Cisco, 
collector  of  customs,  desired  to  resign  the  office.  A  contest  arose  as  to 
who  should  succeed  him.  Mr.  Chase  desired  the  appointment  of  Mr. 
Field.  Senator  Morgan  opposed  it. 

"  Strained  as  I  am,"  wrote  Mr.  Lincoln  to  the  Secretary,  "  I  do  not 
think  that  I  can  make  this  appointment  in  the  direction  of  a  still  greater 
strain." 

Twice  had  Mr.  Chase  tendered  his  resignation,  and  he  was  so  dis- 
pleased that  he  once  more  asked  to  be  relieved  of  the  Secretaryship. 
Abraham  Lincoln  was  not  the  man  to  go  again  to  the  residence  of  Mr. 
Chase  and  ask  him  to  remain  in  office. 

The  resignation  was  accepted,  and  David  Tod,  of  Ohio,  appointed ; 
but  a  telegram  came  from  him,  declining  the  appointment  on  account 
of  his  health. 

Through  the  night  the  President  had  been  thinking  over  the  situa- 
tion. The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  must  be  a  man  of  marked  ability 
— one  who  would  command  the  confidence  of  the  people.  The 
*lMi'  Government  must  have  money.  Unless  it  was  obtained  the  ar- 
mies could  not  be  kept  in  the  field.  William  P.  Fessenden, 
Senator  from  Maine,  chairman  of  the  Finance  Committee,  commanded 
the  confidence  of  the  country.  (6)  He  would  appoint  him. 

"  Mr.  Fessenden  is  in  the  anteroom  and  would  like  to  see  you,"  said 
one  of  the  secretaries  in  the  morning. 

"  Here,  take  this  to  the  Senate.  Mr.  Fessenden  is  not  to  come  in  till 
after  you  have  started,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln. 

After  the  departure  of  the  secretary,  Mr.  Fessenden  entered  the  ex- 
ecutive chamber.  He  did  not  know  what  the  President  had  done. 

"  Mr.  President,"  said  Mr.  Fessenden,  "  allow  me  to  suggest  Mr. 
McCulloch  as  a  suitable  person  for  the  Treasury  Department.1' 

He  sees  a  smile  upon  Mr.  Lincoln's  face,  and  soon  learns  its  meaning. 

"  Mr.  Senator,  I  have  just  sent  your  name  to  the  Senate." 

Mr.  Fessenden  springs  from  his  chair. 


SUMMER  OF  1864. 


419 


WILLIAM   P.   FES6ENDEN. 


"  Mr.  President,  you  must  withdraw  it.    I  cannot,  I  cannot  accept  it." 
"  No,  Mr.  Fessenden,  I  cannot  withdraw  it.    I  want  you.    You  must 

decline  it  before  the  public  if  you  really  cannot  take  it." 

The  nomination  was  confirmed  without  a  dissenting  voice  in  the 

Senate.    Republicans  and  Democrats  alike  knew,  esteemed,  and  honored 

Mr.  Fessenden. 


420  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  It  is  very  singular,"  Mr.  Lincoln  said,  "  considering  that  this  ap- 
pointment is  so  popular  when  made,  that  no  one  ever  mentioned  his 
name  to  me  for  that  place.  Thinking  over  the  matter,  two  or  three 
points  occurred  to  me :  his  thorough  acquaintance  with  the  business 
— as  chairman  of  the  Senate  Committee  of  Finance  he  knows  as  much 
of  this  special  subject  as  Mr.  Chase;  he  possesses  a  national  reputa- 
tion and  the  confidence  of  the  country ;  he  is  a  radical,  without  the 
petulant  and  vicious  fretfulness  of  many  radicals.  There  are  reasons 
why  this  appointment  ought  to  be  very  agreeable  to  him.  For  some 
time  past  he  has  been  running  in  rather  a  pocket  of  bad  luck;  the  failure 
to  renominate  Mr.  Hamlin  makes  possible  a  contest  between  him  and 
the  Vice-president,  the  most  popular  man  in  Maine,  for  the  election 
which  is  now  imminent.  A  little  while  ago,  in  the  Senate,  you  know 
Trumbull  told  him  his  ill -temper  had  left  him  no  friends,  but  this 
sudden  and  most  gratifying  manifestation  of  good  feeling  over  his  ap- 
pointment, his  instantaneous  confirmation,  the  earnest  entreaties  of 
everybody  that  he  should  accept,  cannot  but  be  grateful  to  his  feelings." 

Congress  was  to  adjourn  at  noon  on  the  anniversary  of  the  birth  of 
the  nation.  Early  in  the  forenoon  the  President  rode  to  the  Capitol  to 
examine  and  sign  the  bills  which  had  been  passed.  A  bill  providing  for 
the  readmission  of  the  seceded  States  to  the  Union  did  not  meet  his 
approval.  It  had  been  drawn  by  Henry  Winter  Davis,  of  Maryland, 
and  vehemently  advocated  by  Senator  Wade,  of  Ohio ;  Senator  Sumner, 
of  Massachusetts ;  Senator  Chandler,  of  Michigan,  and  others. 

"  Are  you.  not  going  to  sign  it  ?"  Chandler  asked.  (7) 

"  This  bill,"  Mr.  Lincoln  replied,  "  has  just  come  to  me.  Congress  is 
about  to  adjourn.  It  is  a  matter  of  too  great  importance  to  be  swal- 
lowed that  way." 

"  If  it  is  vetoed,  Mr.  President,  it  will  damage  us  fearfully  in  the 
coming  elections.  The  bill  prohibits  slavery  in  the  reconstructed  States. 
It  is  a  very  important  point." 

"  I  am  aware  of  it,"  the  President  replied.  "  It  is  a  very  important 
point.  I  doubt  if  Congress  has  authority  under  the  Constitution  to  act 
on  that  point." 

"  Mr.  President,  it  is  no  more  than  you  yourself  have  done." 

"  I  conceive,"  said  the  President,  "  that  in  an  emergensy  I  may  do 
things  on  military  grounds  which  Congress  cannot  do  under  the  Con- 
stitution." 

Senators  and  representatives  who  had  earnestly  advocated  the  pas- 
sage of  the  bill  were  angry. 


SUMMER  OF  1864.  421 

"  Gentlemen,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  it  seems  to  me  in  asserting  that 
the  insurrectionary  States  are  no  longer  in  the  Union  is  to  make  the 
fatal  admission  that  States,  whenever  they  please,  may  dissolve  their 
connection  with  the  Union.  We  cannot  surmise  that  admission.  If 
that  be  true,  then  I  am  not  President.  I  have  earnestly  favored  an 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  abolishing  slavery.  Such  a  bill  passed 
the  Senate,  but  failed  in  the  House." 

"  I  agree  with  you,"  said  Secretary  Fessenden.  "  I  have  had  my 
doubts  as  to  the  constitutional  efficacy  of  your  own  decree  of  emanci- 
pation where  it  has  not  been  carried  into  effect  by  the  advance  of 
the  army." 

The  other  members  of  the  Cabinet  expressed  their  conviction  that 
the  President  had  acted  wisely  in  withholding  his  signature  to  the  bill. 

Mr.  Chase,  no  longer  a  member,  said  the  bill  was  a  condemnation  of 
the  President's  amnesty  proclamation,  and  that  Mr.  Lincoln  put  the  bill 
in  his  pocket  because  he  did  not  dare  to  veto  it. 

"There  is,"  said  Senator  Sumner,  "intense  indignation  against. the 
President." 

While  Mr.  Lincoln  was  signing  bills  in  the  Capitol  an  animated  scene 
was  being  enacted  in  the  grounds  around  the  White  House.  By  his 
special  permission  the  colored  Sunday-school  children  were  holding  a 
festival  upon  the  smoothly-mown  lawn.  A  platform  had  been  erected  for 
the  accommodation  of  those  who  were  to  speak,  and  rows  of  benches  for 
the  audience.  Swings  were  suspended  from  the  trees  and  tilts  erected. 
Men  who  but  a  few  months  before  had  been  sold  upon  the  auction 
block  stood  upon  the  platform,  and  with  religious  fervor  peculiar  to 
their  race  gave  thanks  to  God  for  the  freedom  they  had  received 
from  "  Mars  Linkum."  He  was  their  Moses,  who  had  brought  them  out 
of  bondage.  Never  before  had  there  been  such  a  gathering  in  the 
grounds  around  the  Presidential  mansion.  Never  before  March  4,  1861, 
had  a  colored  person  other  than  as  a  servant  dared  set  his  foot  in  that 
enclosure.  As  the  Saviour  of  the  world  broke  down  the  wall  that  sep- 
arated Jew  and  Gentile  in  the  temple  of  Jerusalem,  so  Abraham  Lin- 
coln, not  only  by  proclamation  but  by  example,  overturned  the  wall  of 
prejudice,  contumely,  and  hatred  which  had  been  erected  between  An- 
glo-Saxon and  African. 

During  the  day  a  delegation  of  three  clergymen  and  two  laymen, 
representing  the  colored  churches  of  Baltimore,  called  upon  the  Presi- 
dent to  present  a  Bible  to  their  benefactor.  It  was  a  large  volume, 
bound  in  velvet,  its  corners  protected  by  solid  golden  bands.  Upon  one 


422 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


ZACHARIAH   CHANDLER. 


cover  was  a  representation  of  the  President  in  a  cotton-field  removing 
shackles  from  the  slaves,  and  invoking  the  blessing  of  God  upon  the 
act.  Upon  the  other  cover  was  the  inscription : 

"  To  Abraham  Lincoln,  President  of  the  United  States,  the  friend  of 
universal  freedom,.     From  the  loyal  colored  people  of  Baltimore,  as  a 
token  of  respect  and  gratitude. 
4,1864." 


SUMMER   OF  1864.  423 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Case,  in  presenting  it,  said : 

"The  loyal  colored  people  of  Baltimore  have  delegated  to  us  the  authority  to  present 
this  Bible  as  a  token  of  their  appreciation  of  your  humane  part  towards  the  people  of  our 
race.  While  all  the  nations  are  offering  tributes  of  respect,  we  cannot  let  the  occasion 
pass  by  without  tendering  ours.  Since  we  have  been  incorporated  in  the  American  fam- 
ily we  have  been  true  and  loyal,  and  we  now  stand  ready  to  defend  the  country.  We  are 
ready  to  be  armed  and  trained  in  military  matters,  in  order  to  protect  and  defend  the 
star-spangled  banner. 

"Our  hearts  will  ever  feel  the  most  unbounded  gratitude  towards  you.  We  present  a 
copy  of  the  Holy  Scriptures  as  a  token  of  respect  to  you  for  your  active  part  in  the  cause 
of  emancipation.  This  great  event  will  be  a  matter  of  history.  In  future,  when  our  race 
shall  ask  what  mean  these  tokens,  they  will  be  told  of  your  mighty  acts,  and  rise  up  and 
call  you  blessed. 

"The  loyal  people  will  remember  your  Excellency  at  the  throne  of  divine  grace. 
May  the  King  Eternal,  an  all-wise  Providence,  protect  and  keep  you  ;  and  when  you  pass 
from  this  world,  may  you  be  borne  to  the  bosom  of  your  Saviour  and  God !" 

Mr.  Lincoln,  much  moved,  replied : 

"It  would  be  a  very  fitting  occasion  to  make  a  response  at  length  to  the  very  appro- 
priate address  which  you  have  just  made.  I  would  do  so  if  I  were  prepared.  I  would 
promise  you  to  make  response  in  writing  had  not  experience  taught  me  that  business  will 
not  allow  me  to  do  so.  I  can  only  say  now,  as  I  have  often  said  before,  it  has  always  been 
a  sentiment  with  me  that  all  mankind  should  be  free. 

"So  far  as  I  have  been  able,  so  far  as  came  within  my  sphere,  I  have  always  acted  as 
I  believed  was  right  and  just,  and  done  all  I  could  for  the  good  of  mankind.  I  have,  in 
letters  and  documents  sent  forth  from  this  office,  expressed  myself  better  than  I  can  now. 

"In  regard  to  the  great  Book,  I  have  only  to  say  it  is  the  best  gift  which  God  has  ever 
given  to  man.  All  the  good  from  the  Saviour  of  the  world  is  communicated  to  us  through 
this  book.  But  for  it  we  could  not  know  right  from  wrong.  All  those  things  desirable 
to  man  are  contained  in  it.  I  return  you  my  sincere  thanks  for  this  very  elegant  copy  of 
the  great  Book  of  God  which  you  present." 

That  the  people  might  know  why  he  did  not  sign  the  Reconstruction 
Bill,  Mr.  Lincoln  issued  a  proclamation.  "  I  am,"  he  said,  "  fully  satis- 
fied with  the  system  of  reconstruction  contained  in  the  bill,  as 
Ji8648'  one  veIT  Pr°Per  f°r  tne  loyal  people  of  any  State  choosing  to 
adopt  it."  Such  a  course  on  the  part  of  a  State  would  be  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  Constitution,  and  he  would  use  his  influence  to  aid 
in  its  restoration ;  but  it  was  needful  for  the  people  to  act  in  their  sov- 
ereign capacity. 

Important  military  events  were  taking  place.  General  Hunter, 
with  18,000  men,  advanced  up  the  Shenandoah  Valley  to  Lexington. 
This  movement  was  so  threatening  to  the  Confederates  that  General 
Lee  sent  General  Early  with  a  large  force  to  stop  them.  Hunter's 
provisions  were  failing.  The  Confederate  cavalry  captured  one  of  his 


424  LIFE  OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

trains  loaded  with  supplies.  Early  occupied  a  position  which  obliged 
Hunter  to  retreat  down  the  Great  Kanawha  to  the  Ohio  Kiver.  Early 
saw  his  opportunity  and  advanced  with  17,000  veteran  soldiers.  A  di- 
vision of  his  cavalry  under  General  Imboden  destroyed  the  Baltimore 
and  Ohio  Railroad. 

General  Sigel  with  a  small  Union  force  held  Maryland  Heights,  near 
Harper's  Ferry.  The  Confederate  cavalry  paid  no  attention  to  this 
force,  but  crossed  the  Potomac,  dashed  into  Hagerstown,  made  requisi- 
tion for  $20,000,  burned  hay  and  grain,  seized  horses  and  cattle.  Early 
followed  to  Boonsboro',  turned  east  over  the  South  Mountain,  and 
entered  Frederick.  It  was  a  very  rapid  movement,  and  a  surprise  to 
General  Halleck,  who  at  first  thought  it  was  only  a  small  raiding  party 
bent  on  obtaining  plunder.  That  Washington  might  be  protected,  Gen- 
eral Grant  sent  Ricketts'  division  of  the  Sixth  Corps  from  the  lines  in 
front  of  Petersburg.  The  troops  marched  to  City  Point  and  embarked 
on  steamboats  en  route  for  Baltimore. 

The  few  Union  troops  in  Maryland,  under  General  Wallace,  were 
stationed  along  the  Monocacy  River,  east  of  Frederick.  They  were  only 
2500.  Many  of  the  soldiers  had  enlisted  for  100  days  and  had  never 
been  in  battle.  Wallace  kept  them  marching  and  countermarching  in 
sight  of  the  Confederate  pickets,  to  make  them  think  they  were  con- 
fronted by  a  large  force. 

General  Early  was  in  Frederick,  demanding  $200,000,  which  was 
paid  him.  He  was  obtaining  boots,  clothing,  and  provisions.  His  cav- 
alrymen were  gathering  horses  and  cattle  from  the  surrounding  country. 

The  morning  dawned  with  the  troops  under  Wallace  and  Ricketts, 
numbering  6000,  posted  along  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Monocacy.  The 
Confederates,  numbering  nearly  20,000,  with  forty  cannon,  ad- 
Ji86t9'  vanced  to  brush  Wallace  aside;  that  done,  they  would  move  on 
to  Washington  or  Baltimore.  The  Union  troops  made  a  stub- 
born resistance.  Nearly  2000  were  killed  or  wounded  and  more  than 
700  taken  prisoners  before  they  yielded  the  field.  The  stand  thus  res- 
olutely taken,  delaying  the  advance  of  Early,  was  of  incalculable  ad- 
vantage in  saving  Washington. 

The  little  handful  of  men  under  Wallace  retreated  towards  Balti- 
more, and  there  were  no  Union  troops  to  retard  Early  in  his  march 
towards  the  nation's  capital.  A  division  of  Confederate  cavalry 
J1864°'  was  sweePm»  around  Baltimore,  destroying  the  railroad  leading 
to  Harrisburg  and  between  Philadelphia  and  Baltimore.  As  at 
the  beginning  of  the  war  it  was  intended  to  prevent  troops  from  arriv- 


SUMMER  OF   1864.  425 

ing  at  "Washington;  but  soldiers  Avere  hastening  to  that  city  from  an- 
other direction. 

The  four  years  of  conflict  were  characterized  by  remarkable  coinci- 
dences. When  General  Grant  assumed  command  of  all  the  armies  he 
determined  to  conduct  the  campaign  on  a  general  principle — he  would 
concentrate  his  forces.  He  saw  that  the  Confederate  army,  under  Lee,  in 
Virginia,  and  the  one  in  Georgia,  under  Johnston,  constituted  the  power 
of  the  Rebellion.  He  would  need  reinforcements,  especially  in  Vir- 
ginia. The  Nineteenth  Corps  in  Louisiana,  under  General  Emory,  was 
holding  that  country,  but  was  not  in  position  to  take  aggressive  action. 
He  therefore  directed  Emory  to  embark  his  troops  and  sail  to  Fortress 
Monroe ;  and  the  steamers,  with  the  veterans  on  board  invigorated  by 
the  sea-voyage,  were  ready  to  drop  anchor  at  Hampton  Roads  on  the 
afternoon  of  the  conflict  at  Monocacy.  The  telegraph  flashed  the  news 
of  the  advance  of  Early  towards  the  capital ;  and  not  only  the  Nine- 
teenth Corps  but  the  second  division  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  by  the  orders 
of  Grant,  were  sent  to  Washington.  There  was  a  scene  of  excitement 
in  that  city  :  a  mustering  of  convalescents  in  the  hospitals,  soldiers  on 
detached  service,  marines  and  sailors  in  the  Navy-yard,  clerks  in  the 
Quartermaster's  Department,  artillerymen  in  the  forts  —  nearly  20,000 
in  all.  But  they  were  undisciplined,  widely  scattered,  unorganized. 
The  chances  were  that  Early,  with  his  20,000  veterans,  would  have  lit- 
tle difficulty  in  entering  the  city. 

Up  the  Potomac  sailed  the  ocean  steamers  from  New  Orleans 
with  the  veterans  from  Louisiana,  and  the  river  steamers  with  those  of 

the  Sixth  Corps.     It  was  nearly  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon 
'isw1'  wnen  tne  President,  looking  from  the  south  windows  of  the 

White  House,  beheld  the  vessels  off  Alexandria,  and  experienced 
a  sense  of  relief  from  the  anxiety  of  the  morning.  When  the  vessels 
came  to  the  wharves  at  the  foot  of  Sixth  Street  the  soldiers  beheld  the 
President  waiting  to  welcome  them.  They  rent  the  air  with  cheers. 
Without  delay  the  column  marched  up  Seventh  Street,  welcomed  by 
hurrahs.  Mingling  with  the  shout  of  welcome  was  the  thunder  of  can- 
non at  Fort  Stevens,  hurling  shells  upon  the  advancing  Confederates. 
The  veterans  had  arrived  just  when  they  were  greatly  needed.  General 
Early's  opportunity  had  gone  by.  Never  was  a  Confederate  flag  to 
wave  over  the  dome  of  the  Capitol ;  never  were  his  soldiers  to  march 
in  triumph  through  Washington.  He  had  determined  to  make  an 
assault,  but  when  he  beheld  the  soldiers  of  the  Sixth  and  Nineteenth 
Corps  confronting  him,  he  hesitated  to  give  the  order. 


426  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

The  Union  troops  were  not  there  to  stand  upon  the  defensive.  Gen- 
eral Wright,  of  the  Sixth  Corps,  in  command,  determined  to  advance. 
The  cannon  of  Fort  Stevens  opened  fire.  Upon  its  rampart  stood  Pres- 
ident Lincoln  surveying  the  scene.  Wheaton's  division  of  the  Sixth 
Corps  began  the  attack,  driving  the  Confederate  skirmishers.  The  rat- 
tling fire  deepened  to  volleys.  The  heavy  cannon  in 'the  forts  sent 
shells  over  the  heads  of  the  advancing  troops.  Early  had  no  intention 
of  fighting  a  battle.  He  had  come  to  seize  the  capital,  but  had  been 
foiled.  He  signalized  his  exploit  by  burning  the  house  of  Mr.  Blair, 
member  of  the  President's  Cabinet,  then  crossed  the  Potomac  with  the 
cattle  and  plunder  collected  in  Maryland,  and  made  his  way  once  more 
to  the  Shenandoah. 

Mr.  Lincoln  had  selected  able  men  as  members  of  his  Cabinet,  but 
they  differed  widely  in  opinion  upon  questions  of  public  policy.  The 
convention  which  renominated  him  passed  a  resolution  calling  for  har- 
mony of  action.  The  Postmaster-general,  Mr.  Montgomery  Blair,  was 
regarded  with  disfavor  by  many  earnest  Republicans.  They  importuned 
the  President  to  remove  him.  It  was  known  that  the  Postmaster-gen- 
eral was  hostile  to  Mr.  Seward  and  Secretary  Stanton.  He  keenly  felt 
the  destruction  of  his  residence  by  the  Confederates,  especially  his  li- 
brary, which  contained  valuable  papers.  He  commented  severely  upon 
the  inefficiency  of  Halleck,  who  wrote  a  letter  to  Stanton. 

"  I  desire  to  know,"  said  Halleck,  "  whether  such  wholesale  de- 
nouncement and  accusation  by  a  member  of  the  Cabinet  receives  the 
sanction  and  support  of  the  President  of  the  United  States  ?  If  so,  the 
names  of  the  officers  accused  should  be  stricken  from  the  rolls  of  the 
army ;  if  not,  it  is  due  to  the  honor  of  the  accused  that  the  slanderer 
be  dismissed  from  the  Cabinet." 

The  Secretary  of  War  sent  the  communication  to  the  President, 
making  no  comment  upon  Halleck's  request.  Plain  the  reply  of  Mr. 
Lincoln : 

"  Whether  the  remarks  were  really  made  I  do  not  know,  nor  do  I 
suppose  such  knowledge  is  necessary  to  a  correct  response.  If  they 
were  made,  I  do  not  approve  them ;  and  yet,  under  the  circumstances, 
I  would  not  dismiss  a  member  of  the  Cabinet  therefor.  I  do  not  con- 
sider what  may  have  been  hastily  said  in  a  moment  of  vexation  at  so 
severe  a  loss  is  sufficient  ground  for  so  grave  a  step.  Besides  this,  truth 
is  generally  the  best  vindication  against  slander.  I  propose  continuing 
to  be  myself  the  judge  as  to  when  a  member  of  the  Cabinet  shall  be 
dismissed."  ( 8 ) 


SUMMER   OF  1864.  427 

The  members  of  the  Cabinet  assembled  in  the  executive  chamber 
to  consult  upon  grave  questions.  They  had  been  invited  by  Mr.  Lin- 
coln to  be  his  advisers,  to  aid  him  in  administering  the  affairs  of  the 
Government.  The  country  was  fighting  for  its  life.  Harmonious  ac- 
tion was  a  duty  they  owed  to  the  nation.  The  people  demanded  it. 
Abraham  Lincoln  was  determined  to  have  it.  Before  proceeding  to 
business  they  heard  him  say : 

"Gentlemen,  I  must  myself  be  the  best  judge  how  long  to  retain  in  and 
when  to  remove  any  of  you  from  his  position.  It  would  greatly  pain  me 
to  discover  any  of  you  endeavoring  to  procure  another's  removal,  or  in  any 
way  to  prejudice  him  before  the  public.  Such  endeavor  would  be  a  wrong 
to  me,  and,  much  more,  a  wrong  to  the  country.  My  wish  is  that  on  this 
subject  no  remark  be  made  nor  question  asked  by  any  of  you,  here  or  else- 
where, now  or  hereafter.  ( 9 ) 

With  firmness  and  dignity  the  head-master  of  the  school  had  made 
known  the  rule  to  his  subordinates.  It  was  not  for  them  to  dictate  his 
course  of  action.  They  were  not  the  words  of  an  autocrat,  but  of  a 
servant  of  the  people. 

While  Early  was  advancing  towards  Washington,  the  President  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  Horace  Greeley,  indorsing  a  communication  from 
William  Cornell  Jewett,  who  was  hobnobbing  with  Thompson  and 
Clay,  Confederate  agents  in  Canada.  Mr.  Jewett  was  an  adventurer, 
a  busybody,  who  imagined  he  was  of  great  importance  to  the  coun- 
try. He  wrote  letters  to  Jefferson  Davis  and  Mr.  Lincoln,  proffering 
advice,  of  which  no  notice  was  taken.  He  also  wrote  letters  to  the 
newspapers.  "  I  am  authorized  to  state,"  he  wrote  to  the  editor  of  the 
"  Tribune,"  "  that  two  ambassadors  of  Davis  &  Co.  are  now  in  Can- 
ada, with  full  and  complete  powers  for  a  peace,  and  Mr.  Saunders  re- 
quests that  you  come  on  immediately  to  me  at  Cataract  House  for  a 
private  interview ;  or,  if  you  will  send  the  President's  protection  for 
him  and  two  friends,  they  will  come  and  meet  you.  He  says  the  whole 
matter  can  be  consummated  by  me,  you,  them,  and  President  Lincoln." 

Mr.  Greeley  was  an  able  editor  and  writer.  He  was  impulsive  and 
earnest.  He  wanted  to  bring  about  peace.  He  knew  that  Jewett 
was  meddling  with  other  people's  affairs.  A  little  reflection  would 
have  led  him  to  doubt  the  statements  of  such  an  adventurer,  but  with 
childish  simplicity  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Lincoln  and  enclosed  that  received 
from  Jewett. 

"  I  venture  to  remind  you,"  he  said,  "  that  our  bleeding,  bankrupt, 
almost  dying  country  longs  for  peace,  shudders  at  the  prospect  of  fresh 


428  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

conscriptions,  of  further  wholesale  devastations,  and  of  new  rivers  of 
human  blood ;  and  a  wide-spread  conviction  that  the  Government  and 
its  supporters  are  not  anxious  for  peace,  and  do  not  improve  proffered 
opportunities  to  achieve  it,  is  doing  great  harm  now,  and  is  morally 
certain,  unless  removed,  to  do  far  greater  harm  in  the  approaching  elec- 
tion." 

Mr.  Greeley  drew  up  a  plan  of  his  own  for  bringing  about  peace. 
The  Union  was  to  be  perpetual.  Slavery  was.  to  be  abolished.  Four 
hundred  million  dollars  were  to  be  paid  to  the  Slave  States.  A  na- 
tional convention  was  to  be  called  to  settle  all  differences. 

"  Mr.  President,"  he  wrote,  "  I  fear  you  do  not  realize  how  intently 
the  people  .desire  any  peace,  consistent  with  national  integrity  and 
honor,  and  how  joyously  they  would  hail  its  achievement  and  bless  its 
authors.  With  United  States  stocks  worth  about  forty  cents  in  gold 
per  dollar,  and  drafting  about  to  commence  on  the  third  million  Union 
soldiers,  can  this  be  wondered  at?  I  do  not  say  a  just  peace  is  now 
attainable,  though  I  believe  it  to  be  so." 

Mr.  Greeley,  accepting  Jewett's  statements  without  question,  had 
jumped  at  a  conclusion.  President  Lincoln  had  no  faith  in  Jewett. 
He  did  not  believe  any  one  had  been  authorized  by  Jefferson  Davis  to 
negotiate  a  peace.  Were  it  so,  it  was  not  probable  that  a  busybody 
would  be  selected  by  the  President  of  the  Confederacy.  The  letter, 
however,  was  not  tossed  into  the  waste-basket.  It  should  not  be  said 
that  the  Administration  did  not  desire  peace.  Mr.  Greeley  had  been 
criticising  the  conduct  of  the  war,  but  the  time  had  come  when  the 
President  could  effectually  demonstrate  to  him  his  sincere  desire  to  end 
the  conflict. 

"  If  you  can  find,"  he  wrote  in  reply,  "  any  person,  anywhere,  pro- 
fessing to  have  any  proposition  of  Jefferson  Davis,  in  writing,  for  peace, 
embracing  the  restoration  of  the  Union  and  abandonment  of  slavery, 
whatever  else  it  embraces,  say  to  him  he  may  come  to  me  with  you." 

Mr.  Greeley  did  not  read  in  the  words  "any  person,  anywhere," 
"  any  proposition,"  the  disbelief  of  Mr.  Lincoln  in  the  honest  intention 
of  Jewett  and  a  quiet  sarcasm  upon  himself. 

Another  meddler,  George  IS".  Saunders,  who  took  part  in  making 
Greeley  a  dupe  of  the  Democratic  Party,  wrote  that  he  was  authorized 
to  say  that  Mr.  Clay,  Professor  Holcombe,  of  Virginia,  and  himself 
were  ready  to  go  to  Washington  to  negotiate  peace. 

"  I  am,"  wrote  Greeley  to  the  President,  "  of  course  quite  other  than 
sanguine  that  peace  can  now  be  made,  but  I  am  quite  sure  that  a  frank, 


SUMMER  OF  1864.  429 

earnest,  anxious  effort  to  terminate  the  war  on  honorable  terms  would 
immensely  strengthen  the  Government  in  case  of  its  failure,  and  would 
help  us  in  the  eyes  of  the  civilized  world." 

The  President  wrote  a  second  letter  to  Greeley.      "I  am  disap- 
pointed," he  said,  "  that  you  have  not  already  reached  here  with  those 
commissioners.     If  they  would  consent  to  come  on  being  shown 

J18645>  my  letter  to  y°u  on  tne  9tn  insti-'  snow  tnis  to  them ;  and  if 
they  will  consent  to  come  on  the  terms  stated  in  the  former,  bring 
them.  I  not  only  intend  a  sincere  effort  for  peace,  but  I  intend  that 
you  shall  be  a  personal  witness  that  it  is  made." 

The  President  manifested  his  sincerity  by  sending  one  of  his  secre- 
taries to  New  York  to  confer  with  Greeley.  He  was  determined  the 
editor  of  the  "Tribune"  should  personally  know  that  he  was  sincere. 

Mr.  Greeley  went  to  Niagara  with  a  paper  which  guaranteed  the 
safety  of  Clay,  Thompson,  Holcombe,  and  Saunders  in  visiting  Wash- 
ington. He  wrote  a  note  to  those  gentlemen,  informing  them  he 
understood  they  were  duly  accredited  from  Eichmond  as  bear- 
ers of  propositions  looking  to  the  establishment  of  peace.  He 
did  not  inform  them  in  regard  to  the  condition  mentioned  by  Mr.  Lin- 
coln— "  a  proposition  in  writing  from  Jefferson  Davis."  . 

They  replied  that  they  were  not  accredited  from  Kichmond  to  ne- 
gotiate peace.  They  had  no  writing  from  Davis.  They  did  not  doubt 
he  might  appoint  them  to  conduct  arrangements  for  peace  if  President 
Lincoln  were  to  move  in  the  matter. 

The  editor  of  the  "  Tribune "  was  perplexed,  and  telegraphed  to 
Washington,  asking  what  should  be  done. 

The  President  concluded  to  send  John  Hay,  one  of  his  secretaries, 
to  Niagara  with  the  following  document,  which  would  be  understood 
by  all : 

"  To  whom  it  may  concern  :  Any  proposition  which  embraces  the  restoration  of  peace, 
the  integrity  of  the  whole  Union,  and  the  abandonment  of  slavery,  and  which  comes  by 
and  with  an  authority  that  can  control  the  armies  now  at  war  with  the  United  States,  will 
be  received  and  considered  by  the  executive  government  of  the  United  States,  and  will  be 
met  by  liberal  terms  and  other  substantial  and  collateral  points,  and  the  bearer  or  bearers 
thereof  shall  have  safe  conduct  both  ways." 

Mr.  Greeley  crossed  to  the  Canada  side,  handed  the  proposition 
to  Mr.  Holcombe,  and  privately  informed  Jewett  he  would  be 

J'11gy6|°' pleased  to  receive  through  him  any  answer  the  Confederates 
might  make.  Mr.  Jewett  saw  an  opportunity  to  help  the  Peace 

Democrats  and  disparage  Mr.  Lincoln. 


430  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

He  informed  the  commissioners  that  he  was  Mr.  Greeley's  confi- 
dential agent.  They  wrote  a  letter  pretending  ignorance  of  any  condi- 
tions attached  to  the  first  letter  of  the  President  to  Greeley,  and  ac- 
cused Mr.  Lincoln  of  having  made  a  withdrawal  of  his  first  overture. 
They  said  the  South  wanted  peace,  and  intimated  that  he  did  not  desire 
it.  They  appealed  to  patriots  and  Christians  in  the  North  to  "recall 
the  abused  authority,  and  vindicate  the  outraged  civilization  of  their 
country." 

The  letter  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  Jewett,  who,  besides  sending 
it  to  Greeley,  sent  copies  to  the  Democratic  newspapers.  Jewett, 
Saunders,  and  the  Confederates  had  used  the  unsuspecting  editor  of  the 
"  Tribune  "  to  discredit  Mr.  Lincoln  before  the  people.  The  President 
had  not  been  deceived.  He  mistrusted  at  the  outset  that  a  trick  was 
intended. 

The  Democratic  newspapers  declared  more  vehemently  than  ever 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  wTas  a  blood-thirsty  tyrant,  who  desired  only  to  see  the 
South  humiliated  and  crushed,  the  country  desolated — all  on  account 
of  the  negroes.  Mr.  Greeley  was  chagrined  at  the  outcome  of  his  ex- 
ploit. The  President,  desiring  to  soothe  his  wounded  sensibilities,  in- 
vited him  to  visit  Washington.  The  invitation  was  not  accepted.  "  I 
fear,"  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  that  my  chance  for  usefulness  has 
passed.  I  know  that  nine-tenths  of  the  whole  American  people,  North 
and  South,  are  anxious  for  peace — peace  on  almost  any  terms — and  ut- 
terly sick  of  human  slaughter  and  devastation.  I  know  that  to  the 
general  eye  it  now  seems  that  the  rebels  are  anxious  to  negotiate,  and 
that  we  refuse  their  advances.  I  know  that  if  this  impression  be  not 
removed  we  shall  be  beaten  out  of  sight  next  November.  I  firmly 
believe  that  were  the  election  to  take  place  to-morrow  the  Democratic 
majority  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  would  amount  to  100,000,  and 
that  we  should  lose  Connecticut  also.  Now,  if  the  Rebellion  can  be 
crushed  before  November  it  will  do  to  go  on ;  if  not,  we  are  rushing  to 
certain  ruin.  ...  I  beg  you,  I  implore  you,  to  inaugurate  or  invite  pro- 
posals for  peace  forthwith.  And  in  case  peace  cannot  now  be  made, 
consent  to  an  armistice  for  one  year,  each  party  to  retain  unmolested 
all  it  now  holds,  but  the  rebel  ports  to  be  opened.  Meantime  let  a  na- 
tional convention  be  held,  and  there  will  surely  be  no  more  war,  at  all 
events." 

Two  prominent  members  of  Congress,  Henry  Winter  Davis  and 
Senator  Wade,  were  chagrined  at  the  action  of  the  President  in  not 
signing  the  bill  for  the  reconstruction  of  the  Rebel  States.  The  Presi- 


SUMMER   OF  1864.  431 

dent  had  set  up  his  opinion  against  a  majority  of  both  Houses.  They 
gave  vent  to  their  anger  by  issuing  a  manifesto. 

"  The  President,"  they  said,  "  by  preventing  this  bill  from  becoming 
a  law,  holds  the  electoral  votes  of  the  Rebel  States  at  the  dictation  of  his 
personal  ambition.  ...  A  more  studied  outrage  on  the  legislative 
Ajf6±'  authority  of  the  people  has  never  been  perpetrated.  ...  If  he 
wishes  our  support,  he  must  confine  himself  to  his  executive  du- 
ties ;  to  obey  and  to  execute,  not  make,  the  laws ;  to  suppress  by  arms 
armed  rebellion,  and  leave  political  reorganization  to  Congress." 

In  their  anger  the  authors  of  the  manifesto  overlooked  the  one  ques- 
tion foremost  in  the  mind  of  the  President :  the  constitutionality  of  the 
act.  They  misjudged  him  in  concluding  he  preferred  his  own  plan  to 
theirs,  whereas  he  was  zealous  only  to  maintain  the  Constitution.  He 
intended  that  every  act  of  his  Administration  should  be  in  accordance 
with  its  provisions.  He  could  make  no  reply  to  the  misstatements  and 
falsehoods.  He  must  bear  calumny  and  misrepresentation  in  silence.  It 
was  hard  to  see  old-time  friends  and  strong  supporters  turning  their 
faces  away  from  him — condemning  his  course,  maligning  his  motives. 
"  Your  re-election,"  wrote  Thurlow  Weed,  "  is  an  impossibility." 

"  The  people,"  said  Henry  J.  Raymond,  of  the  New  York  "  Times," 
"  are  wild  for  peace.  Commissioners  ought  to  be  sent  to  Richmond  on 
the  basis  of  peace." 

"  I  doubt  if  I  shall  be  re-elected,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln  to  his  intimate 
acquaintances.  (10 ) 

Just  before  the  Cabinet  entered  the  executive  chamber  August  23, 
186-t,  the  clay  assigned  for  the  weekly  meeting,  the  President  wrote  the 
following  words : 

"  This  morning,  as  for  several  days  past,  it  seems  probable  that  this 
Administration  will  not  he  re-elected.  Then  it  will  he  my  duty  to  so  co- 
operate with  the  President-elect  to  save  the  Union  between  the  election  and 
the  inauguration,  as  he  will  have  secured  his  election  on  such  grounds  that 
he  cannot  possibly  save  it  qfterwards"(n) 

What  words  are  these!  Where  in  all  history,  or  in  what  biogra- 
phy, is  there  such  a  look  into  the  future  ?  No  forecasting  for  advan- 
tage to  himself !  Everything  for  the  country !  The  nation  must  be 
saved  ! 

The  writing  is  placed  in  an  envelope  and  sealed.  The  members  of  the 
Cabinet  enter  the  room.  Cheerful  as  ever  the  greeting  of  the  President. 

"  Gentlemen,  may  I  ask  a  favor — will  you  please  write  your  names 
upon  this  envelope?"  the  request.  They  do  not  know  why  he  asks  it. 


432  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

• 

He  makes  no  explanation.     They  have  no  knowledge  of  its  contents. 
They  write  their  names,  and  the  package  is  laid  away. 

Why  had  the  President  written  the  remarkable  words?  Why  had 
he  asked  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  to  write  their  names  ?  To  under- 
stand his  action  we  must  remember  that  it  was  one  of  the  gloomiest  hours 
in  the  history  of  the  country.  If  we  take  the  premium  on  gold  as  a 
standard  of  probabilities  it  was  the  darkest  period  of  the  war.  In  Au- 
gust, 1862,  when  the  Union  army  was  drifting  back  to  Washington,  after 
the  disaster  at  Manassas,  gold  could  be  purchased  by  paying  20  per 
cent,  premium.  Very  soon  after  the  battle  of  Fredericksburg,  the  fol- 
lowing December,  specie  disappeared.  People  were  hiding  it  in  safe 
places.  On  that  summer  morning,  1864,  $2.60  in  paper-money  were  re- 
quired to  purchase  $1  in  gold.  The  credit  of  the  Government  was  at 
its  lowest  ebb.  The  country  stood  aghast  at  the  slaughter  on  the 
battle-fields.  The  President  was  about  to  call  for  300,000  men.  Seem- 
ingly the  sentiment  of  the  country  was  for  peace.  McClellan,  if  elected, 
would  succeed  to  the  Presidency  on  such  a  basis.  Mr.  Lincoln,  at  such 
a  gloomy  hour,  called  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  to  witness  that  he 
would  do  all  in  his  power  to  aid  McClellan,  if  possible. 

The  Cabinet  meeting  over,  the  members  departed,  and  R.  E.  Fenton, 
member  of  Congress  from  New  York,  entered  the  chamber  in  response* 
to  a  telegram  sent  by  the  President. 

"  Mr.  Fenton,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln, "  you  are  to  be  nominated  by  our 
folks  for  Governor  of  your  State.  Seymour,  of  course,  will  be  the 
Democratic  nominee.  You  will  have  a  hard  fight.  I  am  very  desirous 
you  should  win  the  battle.  New  York  should  be  on  our  side  by  honest 
possession.  There  is  some  trouble  among  our  folks  over  there  which  we 
must  try  and  manage — or,  rather,  there  is  one  man  who  may  give  us 
trouble  because  of  his  indifference,  if  in  no  other  way.  He  has  great 
.influence,  and  his  feelings  may  be  reflected  in  many  of  his  friends.  We 
must  have  his  counsel  and  co-operation  in  holding  friendly  relations  with 
Mr.  Weed." 

We  have  seen  Mr.  Thurlow  Weed  meeting  defeat  and  disappoint- 
ment by  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Seward  in  the  Chicago  Convention  of  1860. 
He  was  not  heartily  in  sympathy  with  the  Administration,  and  had  not 
been  consulted  in  regard  to  the  appointment  of  the  collector  of  customs 
and  surveyor  in  New  York,  whom  he  regarded  as  hostile  to  himself. 
Political  patronage  was  dear  to  Mr.  Weed ;  in  the  eyes  of  Abraham 
Lincoln  it  was  no  more  than  a  bauble.  If  Mr.  Weed  could  be  brought 
to  wield  his  far-reaching  influence  for  saving  the  nation,  he  would  give 


SUMMER   OF  1864. 


433 


KEUBEN  E.  FENTON. 

him  the  toy.  Mr.  Fenton  was  sent  to  New  York.  He  brought  about 
the  resignation  of  the  surveyor,  and  the  appointment  of  a  gentleman 
who  could  be  of  service  in  saving  the  nation — one  who  was  agreeable  to 
Mr.  Weed.  Such  was  Mr.  Lincoln's  statesmanship. 

No  principle  had  been  sacrificed,  but  harmony  essential  to  the  wel- 
fare of  the  nation  had  been  attained. 

Little  did  the  President  foresee  how  events  beyond  his  control 
would  dissipate  the  gloom ;  how  through  the  obstinacy  of  Jefferson 

28 


434  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN.  . 

Davis,  through  the  blundering  and  malignity  of  the  Peace  Democracy, 
by  the  heroism  and  steadfastness  of  the  great  army  of  the  republic 
the  nation  was  to  be  saved. 

There  were  others  than  William  Cornell  Jewett  and  Horace  Greeley 
who  thought  themselves  called  upon  to  bring  about  peace.  Mr.  John 
R.  Gilmore,  of  New  York,  and  Rev.  Mr.  Jacques,  of  Illinois,  desired  to 
visit  Richmond  on  an  errand  of  peace,  and  were  allowed  by  General 
Grant  to  pass  his  lines.  They  reached  the  Confederate  Capitol  and 
held  a  conference  with  Jefferson  Davis.  They  expressed  a  desire  to 
have  the  war  ended.  The  Northern  people  longed  for  peace,  they  said. 

"  I  desire,"  Mr.  Davis  replied,  "  peace  as  much  as  you  do ;  but  I  feel 
that  not  one  drop  of  blood  is  on  my  hands.  I  can  look  up  to  God  and 
say  this :  I  tried  all  in  my  power  to  avert  this  war.  I  saw  it  coming, 
and  for  twelve  years  I  worked  night  and  day  to  prevent  it ;  but  I  could 
not.  The  North  was  mad  and  blind ;  but  it  would  not  let  us  govern 
ourselves,  and  so  the  war  came ;  and  now  it  must  go  on  till  the  last 
man  of  this  generation  falls  in  his  tracks,  and  his  children  seize  his 
musket  and  fight  our  battle,  unless  you  acknowledge  our  right  to  self- 
government.  We  are  not  fighting  for  slavery.  We  are  fighting  for  in- 
dependence •  and  that  or  extermination  we  will  have.  .  .  .  Say  to  Mr.  Lin- 
coln, from  me,  that  I  shall  at  any  time  he  proud  to  receive  proposals  for 
peace  on  the  basis  of  our  independence.  It  will  he  useless  to  approach  us 
with  any  other" 

The  Peace  Democrats  maintained  that  the  President  was  waging 
war  solely  to  abolish  slavery.  Jefferson  Davis  by  this  declaration  in- 
formed them  that  the  South  was  not  fighting  to  maintain  slavery,  but 
for  independence. 

"  "We  may  lose  much,"  wrote  the  editor  of  a  Southern  newspaper, 
"  by  presenting  a  hostile  movement  to  the  Peace  Democracy.  Live 
with  them  under  the  same  government  we  never  will;  but  if  they  will 
use  the  ballot-box  against  Mr.  Lincoln  while  we  use  the  cartridge-box, 
each  side  will  help  the  other,  and  both  co  -  operate  to  accomplish  the 
grandest  work  which  this  country  has  ever  witnessed." 


NOTES  TO  CHAPTER  XXII. 

(')  Robert  J.  Breckinridge  was  born  in  Kentucky,  March  8,  1800.  He  attended 
Princeton,  Yale,  and  Union  colleges,  graduating  at  the  latter,  1819.  He  studied  law, 
was  elected  to  the  Legislature  four  successive  years,  but  in  1832,  in  obedience  to  religious 
convictions,  studied  theology,  and  became  pastor  of  the  Second  Presbyterian  Church, 


.  SUMMER  OF   1864.  435 

Baltimore,  where  he  remained  till  elected  to  the  presidency  of  Jefferson  College,  1845. 
He  took  great  interest  in  promoting  the  puhlic  schools  of  Kentucky.  In  1853  he  accept- 
ed an  appointment  as  Professor  of  Polemics  in  Danville  Theological  Seminary.  He  pub- 
lished several  volumes  upon  theological  subjects,  and  edited  the  Danville  "  Review."  He 
was  intensely  loyal  to  the  Union.  Although  his  sou  and  nephew,  John  C.  Breokinridge, 
joined  the  Confederacy,  he  denounced  secession  as  an  unpardouable  crime. — Author. 

(2 )  F.  B.  Carpenter,  "  Six  Mouths  in  the  White  House,"  p.  166. 

(3)  Ibid. 

(4)  Theodore  Tilton,  in  New  York  "Independent,"  June  14, 1864. 

(5)  Clement  L.  Vallandigham  was  of  Huguenot  descent.   He  was  born  in  New  Lisbon, 
O.,  1822.     He  taught  an  academy  at  Snow  Hill,  Md.,  studied  law,  and  was  admitted  to 
the  bar,  1842.     He  was  elected  to  the  Legislature  of  Ohio,  and  edited  a  newspaper  at 
Dayton.     He  was  an  intense  Democrat,  and  secured  an  election  to  Congress,  1857.     His 
sympathies  were  with  the  Secessionists  to  an  extent  which  led  him  to  oppose  the  prose- 
cution of  the  war.    On  the  floor  of  Congress,  at  political  gatherings,  and  through  the  Press 
he  wielded  his  influence  against  the  Government,  and  was  arrested  for  treasonable  utter- 
ances by  General  Buruside.     He  was  tried  by  court-martial,  sentenced  to  imprisonment 
in  one  of  the  forts  in  Boston  Harbor ;  but  President  Lincoln  overruled  the  decision  and 
transferred  him  to  the   Confederate  lines.      He  received  scant  courtesy  in  Richmond, 
where  he  remained  but  a  short  time.     He  ran  the   blockade  to  Bermuda,  went  from 
there  to  Canada,  was  nominated  by  the  Democratic  Party  as  candidate  for  Governor,  1863. 
He  was  defeated  by  John  Brough  by  an  overwhelming  majority.     He  returned  to  Ohio, 
was  elected  delegate  to  the  Democratic  National  Convention  at  Chicago,  and  wrote  its 
platform.     While  engaged  in  a  suit  at  court,  and  explaining  the  construction  of  a  pistol, 
he  was  mortally  wounded  by  its  accidental  discharge.      He  was  a  man  of  great  earnest- 
ness and  force — an  intense  partisan. — Author. 

(6)  The  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  William  P.  Fessenden,  appointed  to  succeed  Mr. 
Chase,  was  born  in  Boscawen,  N.  H.,  October  16, 1806.    He  received  his  education  at  Bow- 
doin  College,  studied  law,  began  practice  in  Bridgetou,  and  subsequently  in  Portland.    He 
was  elected  to  the  Legislature,  1832,  but  refused  a  nomination  as  member  of  Congress. 
He  gave  his  attention  wholly  to  his  profession,  attaining  a  high  position  as  member  of 
the  bar.     He  was  elected  Senator,  1854,  and  took  conspicuous  part  in  the  debates  upon  the 
Kansas  troubles.     He  was  re-elected,  1859.     Upon  the  assembling  of  the  Peace  Congress, 
1861,  he  was  appointed  a  member  of  that  body  by  the  Governor  of  Maine.     Upon  the  ac- 
cession of  the  Republican  Party  to  power  he  was  made  chairman  of  the  Committee  oil 
Finance.     His  ability  in  that  position  elicited  a  glowing  eulogy  from  Senator  Sumner, 
who  said,  "  In  the  financial  field  he  is  what  the  best  generals  are  on  the  battle-field." 
Mr.  Lincoln  placed  Senator  Fessenden  in  charge  of  the  finances  at  the*  darkest  period 
of  the  war,  when  viewed  from  the  financial  stand-point.     Mr.  Chase  had  advertised  a 
loan,  but  there  was  no  response  from  the  public,  and  it  had  been  withdrawn.      In  the 
mouth  of  February,  1864,  gold  was  at  a  premium  of  225.     Secretary  Fessendeu  resolved 
that  no  more  treasury  notes  should  be  issued.     He  devised  a  loan  bearing  7^  per  cent, 
interest.     He  believed  that  the  people,  if  appealed  to,  would  subscribe  to  such  a  loan. 
They  had  shown  their  patriotism  in  raising  men,  they  would  be  equally  patriotic  in  fur- 
nishing money.     He  determined  to  appeal  to  the  small  investor  and  issue  $50  bonds.    He 
judged  rightly  ;  and  the  people,  having  confidence  in  the  stability  of  the  Government,  ac- 
cepted the  bonds,  and  gave  the  Government  the  needed  funds  to  carry  on  the  war.     Mr. 
Fesseuden  was  re-elected  to  the  Senate  in  1865,  and  was  made  chairman  of  the  Joint  Com- 
mittee on  Reconstruction.     He  opposed  the  impeachment xof  Andrew  Johnson.     He  died 
in  1869.— Author. 

(7)  Zachariah  Chandler  was  born  in  Bedford,  N.  H.,  1813.     He  attended  the  public 


436  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

schools  of  his  native  town,  and  taught  one  term.  At  the  age  of  twenty  he  became  clerk 
in  a  dry-goods  store ;  removed  to  Detroit,  Mich.,  and  engaged  in  business.  He  was  elect- 
ed mayor  of  that  city,  1851.  He  was  a  Whig,  but  took  an  active  part  in  the  formation  of 
the  Republican  Party.  In  1857  he  succeeded  Lewis  Cass  as  Senator  from  Michigan.  He 
was  eve*  outspoken  in  his  denunciation  of  slavery.  He  vehemently  opposed  the  ad- 
mission of  Kansas  under  the  Lecompton  Constitution.  He  had  the  courage  of  his  con- 
victions. In  a  letter  to  Governor  Blair,  written  February  11, 1861,  he  said  that  "  without 
a  little  blood-letting  the  Union  was  not  worth  a  rush."  When  the  President  called  for 
75,000  troops  to  put  down  the  Rebellion,  Senator  Chandler  regretted  that  he  had  not  called 
for  500,000.  He  reported  in  1861  a  bill  for  the  confiscation  of  the  property  of  those  in  re- 
bellion. In  July,  1862,  he  informed  several  Senators  that  he  intended  to  assail  McClellaii 
in  a  speech  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate.  He  was  informed  that  it  would  be  fatal  to  his  re- 
election to  the  Senate,  then  pending.  He  replied  that  the  good  of  the  country  demanded 
an  exposure  of  the  inefficiency  of  the  commander  of  the  army,  and  delivered  the  speech 
as  contemplated.  It  did  not  imperil  his  re-election.  He  was  plain,  straightforward, 
and  intensely  loyal  to  the  Union. — Author. 

(8)  "  Century  Magazine,"  September,  1889. 

(•)  Ibid. 

(>°)  "Century  Magazine,"  August,  1889. 

(")  Ibid. 


PEACE  DEMOCRACY.  437 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

PEACE   DEMOCRACY. 

JUST  out  from  Chicago,  at  "  Camp  Douglas,"  were  5000  Confederate 
prisoners.  The  officer  in  command  allowed  some  of  the  captives 
to  visit  acquaintances  and  friends  in  the  city  on  their  parole.  He  organ- 
ized them  in  companies  to  keep  the  camp  clean  and  distribute  provisions. 
The  Confederates  were  ready  to  do  all  that  was  required.  The  guards 
were  few  in  number,  and  belonged  largely  to  the  invalid  corps.  They  had 
seen  service,  but  were  not  sufficiently  hardy  to  enter  upon  a  campaign. 

The  War  Department  appointed  Colonel  J.  B.  Sweet  to  command 
the  post.  In  view  of  the  sufferings  of  Union  soldiers  at  Andersonville, 
he  thought  it  wise  to  curtail  the  privileges  that  had  been  enjoyed  by 
the  prisoners.  ISTo  longer  were  they  allowed  to  visit  the  city.  They 
were  permitted  to  write  letters  to  their  friends,  which  were  left  un- 
sealed, that  Colonel  Sweet  might  see  they  contained  nothing  contra- 
band. It  occurred  to  him  it  would  be  well  to  hold  one  of  the  letters 
over  the  flame  of  a  lamp,  when  lo !  and  behold,  writing  between  the 
lines  appeared.  He  read  about  a  "  celebration  "  that  was  to  be  held  in 
Chicago.  (')  He  determined  to  keep  his  own  counsel,  and  make  further 
discoveries  about  any  society  or  organization  planning  a  celebration. 

Detectives,  disguised  as  Confederate  prisoners,  soon  learned  that 
something  was  to  be  done  in  connection  with  the  assembling  of  the 
Democratic  Convention.  It  was  known  that  the  "Sons  of  Liberty" 
were  making  preparations  to  resist  the  Government  in  enforcing  the 
draft  ordered  by  the  President.  The  leaders  were  in  communication 
with  Thompson  and  Clay  in  Canada.  It  was  discovered  that  a  large 
number  of  "  Sons  of  Liberty  "  were  preparing  to  attend  the  convention, 
and  that  an  attempt  was  to  be  made  to  release  the  prisoners.  (2) 

The  railroad  trains  from  Canada,  Ohio,  Southern  Indiana,  and  Illi- 

Aug.  28,  no*8?  entering  Chicago,  were  filled  with  passengers.     Some  were 

1864.  delegates  to  the  Democratic  Convention,  but  the  great  majority 

were  on  their  way  to  the  city  for  a  far  different  purpose — to  act  in 


438  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

concert  with  the  Confederate  prisoners  for  their  release.  The  move- 
ment was  well  understood  in  Richmond.  Among  the  passengers  from 
Canada  were  men  holding  commissions  signed  by  Jefferson  Davis  as 
officers  in  the  Confederate  service,  who  were  to  take  command  of  the 
prisoners.  Their  fare  and  the  expenses  of  the  motley  crowds  of  "  Sons 
of  Liberty"  were  paid  by  Thompson  and  Clay  with  money  from  the 
Confederate  treasury.  "  Men  commanded  by  Mr.  Vallandigham,"  says 
a  Confederate  writer,  "  had  been  intrusted  with  the  necessary  funds  for 
perfecting  county  organizations.  Arms  had  been  purchased  in  the 
North  by  the  aid  of  professed  friends  in  Ne"w  York.(3)  Alliances,  of- 
fensive and  defensive,  had  been  made  with  peace  organizations,  and 
though  we  were  not  misled  by  the  sanguine  promises  of  our  friends,  we 
were  confident  that  with  any  sort  of  co-operation  on  their  part  success 
was  possible.  During  the  excitement  that  always  attends  a  great  po- 
litical convention,  increased,  as  we  supposed  it  would  be,  by  the  spirit 
of  opposition  to  the  Administration,  we  felt  that  we  would  be  free  to 
act  unobserved,  and  that  we  could  move  with  promptness  and  effect 
upon  Camp  Douglas.  "With  5000  prisoners  there,  and  over  7000  at 
Springfield,  joined  by  the  dissatisfied  elements  in  Chicago  and  through 
Illinois,  we  believed  that  we  would  have  a  formidable  force,  which 
might  be  the  nucleus  of  more  important  movements.  .  .  .  Arms  were 
ready,  and  information  had  been  conveyed  to  the  prisoners  of  our  in- 
tention. Chicago -was  thronged  with  people  from,  all  sections  of  the 
country,  and  among  the  vast  crowd  were  many  officers  of  the  secret 
organizations  on  whom  we  relied  for  assistance."  ( 4 ) 

Had  we  been  guests  at  the  Richmond  House,  in  Chicago,  we  should 
have  seen  one  room  carefully  guarded.  All  who  asked  to  be  admitted 
were  closely  scrutinized.  The  Confederate  officers  and  the  "  Sons  of 
Liberty  "  were  holding  a  conference.  A  large  number  of  the  "  Sons  " 
had  arrived,  but  they  were  not  organized  for  action. 

"  As  day  after  day  passed,"  wrote  an  editor  of  one  of  the  Chicago 
newspapers,  "  the  crowd  increased  till  the  whole  city  seemed  alive  with 
a  motley  crew  of  blear-eyed,  whiskey-blotched  vagabonds,  the  very  ex- 
crescence and  sweepings  of  the  slums  and  sinks  of  all  the  cities  of  the 
nation.  I  sat  at  my  window  and  saw  the  filthy  stream  of  degraded  hu- 
manity swagger  along  to  the  wigwam  on  the  lake  shore,  and  wondered 
how  our  city  could  be  saved  from  burning  and  plunder,  and  our  Avives 
and  daughters  from  a  far  more  dreadful  fate.  They  talked  loudly  about 
the  convention,  cursed  Abraham  Lincoln,  and  praised  Vallandigham. 
They  swaggered  through  the  streets,  lounged  at  the  corners,  drank  a 


PEACE  DEMOCRACY.  439 

great  deal  of  whiskey,  and  yelled  with  delight  at  the  mention  of  the 
name  of  Jefferson  Davis." (6) 

The  conspirators  reconnoitred  Camp  Douglas,  and  beheld  vigilant 
sentinels  pacing  their  beats.  Cannon  were  planted  to  sweep  every 
avenue  of  approach.  The  soldiers  guarding  the  prisoners  were  veter- 
ans who  had  faced  death  on  the  battle-field.  The  Confederates  hold- 
ing commissions  from  Jefferson  Davis  saw  that  an  unorganized  mob 
could  accomplish  little  against  a  body  of  disciplined  troops,  and  wisely 
abandoned  an  attempt  to  release  the  prisoners. 

Colonel  Sweet  was  cognizant  of  all  their  plans.  Yery  quietly  he 
increased  the  force  guarding  the  camp,  and  was  prepared  for  whatever 
might  happen. 

The  Democratic  Convention  assembled.     The  delegates  came  with 

high  expectations.     It  was  called  to  order  by  Mr.  August  Belmont,  of 

New  York.     "Four  years  of  misrule,"  he  said,  "by  a  sectional, 

Ai8649'  fanatical,  and  corrupt  party  have  brought  our  country  to  the 

verge  of  ruin.  .  .  .  The  inevitable  result  of  the  re-election  of  Mr. 

Lincoln  must  be  the  utter  disintegration  of  our  whole  political  and 

social  system  and  bloodshed  and  anarchy,  with  the  great  problem  of 

liberal  progress  and  self-government  jeopardized  for  generations   to 

come." 

Horatio  Seymour,  Governor  of  New  York,  was  elected  president  of 
the  convention.  "  The  Administration,"  he  said,  "  will  not  let  the  shed- 
ding of  blood  cease,  even  for  a  little  time,  to  see  if  Christian  charity  or 
the  wisdom  of  statesmanship  may  not  work  to  save  the  country.  They 
will  not  listen  to  a  proposal  of  peace  which  does  not  offer  that  which  the 
Government  has  no  right  to  ask.  .  .  .  We  are  determined  that  the  party 
whjch  has  made  the  history  of  our  country,  since  its  advent  to  power, 
seem  like  some  unnatural  and  terrible  dream,  shall  be  overthrown." 

The  platform  of  the  party  was  prepared  by  Mr.  Yallandigham. 
"  The  Constitution,"  it  read,  "  has  been  disregarded  in  every  part,  and 
public  liberty  and  private  right  alike  trodden  down,  and  the  material 
prosperity  of  the  country  injured.  Justice,  humanity,  liberty,  and  the 
public  welfare  demand  that  immediate  efforts  be  made  for  a  cessation 
of  hostilities,  with  a  view  to  an  ultimate  convention  of  all  the  States, 
that  at  the  earliest  possible  moment  peace  may  be  restored." 

The  name  of  George  B.  McClellan  was  presented  as  a  candidate  for 
the  Presidency.  From  the  hour  of  his  removal  as  commander  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  a  portion  of  the  Democratic  Party  had  selected 
him  as  the  man  Avho  would  be  most  likely  to  defeat  the  re-election 


440 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


HORATIO   SEYMOUR. 


of  Mr.  Lincoln.  The  peace  wing  of  the  party  opposed  his  nomina- 
tion. "  He  is  a  tyrant !"  shouted  Mr.  Harris,  delegate  from  Maryland. 
"He  it  was  who  initiated  the  policy  by  which  our  liberties  were 
stricken  down.  He  is  the  assassin  of  State  rights,  the  usurper  of  liberty  ; 
and  if  nominated  will  be  beaten,  as  he  was  at  Antietam." 

"You  have  arraigned  Lincoln,"  said  Mr.  Long,  of  Ohio,  "for  inter- 
fering with  the  freedom  of  speech,  the  freedom  of  elections,  and  of  ar- 
bitrary arrests ;  and  yet  you  propose  to  nominate  a  man  who  has  been 
guilty  of  the  arrest  of  the  Legislature  of  a  sovereign  State.  He  has 
suspended  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  and  helped  to  enforce  the  odious 


PEACE  DEMOCRACY.  441 

Emancipation  Proclamation  of  Lincoln,  the  instrument  of  a  corrupt  and 
tyrannical  administration." 

McClellan  was  almost  unanimously  nominated.  George  H.  Pendle- 
ton,  of  Ohio,  was  selected  as  candidate  for  Vice-president.  While  the 
convention  was  resolving  that  the  war  was  a  failure,  the  troops  under 
General  Sherman  were  making  the  movement  which  compelled  the  Con- 
federates to  evacuate  Atlanta,  and  the  flag  of  the  Confederacy,  which 
had  waved  above  Fort  Morgan  in  Mobile  Bay,  was  giving  place  to  the 
Stars  and  Stripes.  No  cheers  rent  the  air  when  the  delegates  heard  the 
news.  The  convention  adjourned,  not  sine  die,  but  to  meet  again,  if 
need  be,  to  act  in  relation  to  whatever  might  happen. 

The  events  of  the  hour  were  dissipating  the  gloom  which  a  few  days 
before  had  settled  over  the  country.  The  flashing  of  Sherman's  guns 
at  Atlanta  and  Farragut's  in  Mobile  Bay,  like  lightning  on  a  sultry  even- 
ing in  midsummer,  cleared  the  atmosphere.  The  invincible  host  enter- 
ing the  Confederate  stronghold  in  Georgia  was  the  promise  of  final  vic- 
tory. At  Petersburg,  upon  the  receipt  of  the  news,  the  cannon  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  hurled  a  salute  of  shot  and  shell  into  the  Confed- 
erate trenches.  President  Lincoln  issued  a  proclamation  to  the  country. 
"  The  signal  successes,"  he  said,  "  that  divine  Providence  has  vouchsafed 
call  for  a  devout  acknowledgment  to  the  supreme  Being  in  whose  hands 
are  the  destinies  of  nations."  He  recommended  the  following  Sunday 
as  a  day  of  thanksgiving  to  God.  In  behalf  of  the  people  he  tendered 
the  thanks  of  the  nation  to  Farragut  and  Sherman,  and  all  the  officers, 
soldiers,  and  sailors  who  had  achieved  the  victories.  He  directed  that 
national  salutes  should  be  fired  from  all  arsenals  and  navy-yards.  So  it 
came  about  that  at  the  hour  jof  noon  the  Peace  Democrats  of  Boston, 
New  York,  and  Philadelphia,  who  were  saying  the  War  had  failed,  were 
compelled  to  hear  in  the  thunder  of  the  salutes  the  reply  of  loyal  peo- 
ple to  the  Chicago  declaration. 

The  first  important  speech  of  the  campaign  on  the  Republican  side 

was  made  by  Secretary  Seward  to  the  citizens  of  Auburn,  N.  Y. 

Si864S'  "Who  can  vouch,"  he  asked,  "for  the  safety  of  the  country 

against  the  rebels  during  the  interval  which  must  elapse  before 

the  new  Administration  can  constitutionally  come  into  power?" 

He  was  talking  of  the  possibility  of  McClellan's  election.  It  was  a 
simple  and  natural  inquiry,  but  the  Peace  Democrats  distorted  the  ut- 
terance into  a  threat.  They  said  Mr.  Seward  represented  the  Presi- 
dent, and  it  was  the  intention  of  Mr.  Lincoln  to  hold  on  to  the  office. 

"  It  is  a  threat,"  said  Governor  Parker,  of  New  Jersey,  "  that  in  case 


442  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

Mr.  Lincoln  should  be  defeated  at  the  polls,  he  would  resort  to  the 
means  usually  adopted  by  despots,  and  endeavor  to  perpetuate  his  reign 
by  force  of  bayonets." 

"  The  usurper,"  said  Judge  Comstock,  of  New  York,  "  now  has  his 
heel  upon  the  free  suffrage  of  the  people ;  yet  if  the  people  be  defraud- 
ed by  military  intervention  at  the  polls,  the  people  must  and  will  take 
George  B.  McClellan  in  their  arms  and  carry  him  to  the  Presidency." 

Little  did  the  Democrats  know  what  was  in  the  heart  of  Abraham 
Lincoln,  or  what  was  in  the  sealed  envelope  witnessed  by  the  members 
of  the  Cabinet — his  last  will  and  testament,  as  it  were,  bequeathing  un- 
impaired to  McClellan,  if  elected,  the  country — the  government  of  the 
people. 

The  newspapers  of  the  South  hailed  with  exultation  the  action  of 
the  Democratic  Party. 

"  A  new  party,"  said  the  Kichmond  "  Examiner,"  "  will  succeed  to 
power,  which  will  sheathe  the  sword  and  hold  out  the  olive-branch.  .  .  . 
The  Democratic  Party  would  have  been  forever  obliged  to  General 
Hood  if  he  had  managed  to  hold  Atlanta  another  fortnight." 

The  political  campaign  began  with  vigor  and  intense  feeling.  Mr. 
Lincoln  took  no  part  in  it.  He  thought  he  had  no  right  to  make 
speeches  favoring  his  re-election.  A  regiment  from  Ohio,  which  had 
served  three  years,  was  returning  home.  The  veterans  wanted  to  see 
the  man  whom  they  loved  and  honored.  They  marched  into  the 
grounds  of  the  "White  House.  The  President  came  to  the  window  and 
welcomed  them.  They  beheld  a  kindly,  care-worn  face. 

"  I  wish,"  he  said,  "  that  the  country  understood  the  meaning  of  this 
struggle.  We  have  a  free  government,  under  which  every  man  has  a 
right  to  be  the  equal  of  every  other  man. ...  In  this  struggle  is  involved 
the  question  whether  your  children  and  my  children  shall  enjoy  the 
privileges  we  have  enjoyed.  .  .  .  "When  you  return  to  your  homes  rise 
to  the  heights  of  a  generation  of  men  worthy  of  a  free  government,  and 
we  will  carry  out  the  great  work  we  have  commenced." 

The  Assistant  Secretary  of  War,  Charles  A.  Dana,  accompanied  by 

Rev.  Joseph  P.  Thompson,  a  distinguished  clergyman  of  New  York, 

called  upon  the  President.     "  I  congratulate  you,  Mr.  President," 

'  said  Mr.  Thompson,  "  on  the  capture  of  Atlanta.     I  thank  you 

for  issuing  a  proclamation  for  the  observance  of  next  Sunday  as  a  day 

for  devout  thanksgiving  to  God  for  the  victory." 

"  I  would  be  glad,"  the  President  replied,  "  if  I  coukj  issue  such  a 
proclamation  every  week." 


PEACE   DEMOCRACY. 


443 


"The  victory  at  Atlanta,"  continued  Mr.  Thompson,  "has  wiped 
out  half  the  Chicago  platform,  and  if  Grant  will  wipe  out  the  other 
half  we  shall  re-elect  you  by  acclamation." 

"  I  think,"  said  Mr.  Dana,  "  the  Union  revival  of  feeling  in  the  coun- 
try is  quite  as  much  due  to  the  platform  as  to  the  victory." 

"  I  guess,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  it  is  due  to  the  victory.  At  any  rate, 
it  will  bear  repetition." 

"The  platform,"  Mr.  Thompson  remarked,  "has  not  yet  been  ac- 
cepted by  McClellan.  He  seems  to  be  as  slow  as  he  was  in  taking 
Richmond." 

"  Perhaps  he  is  intrenching"  said  the  President,  laughingly. 

"It  is  rumored,"  Mr.  Thompson  added,  "that  he  will  decline  the 
nomination  on  that  platform." 

"  Well,"  Mr.  Lincoln  replied,  "  he  does  not  seem  to  know  whether 
he  will  accept  or  decline.  And  he  never  will.  Somebody  must  do  it 
for  him.  Of  all  the  men  I  have  had  to  do  with  in  my  life,  indecision  is 


GEORGE   II.    PENDLETON. 


4:4:4:  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

most  strongly  marked  in  McClellan,  if  that  can  ~be  said  to  be  strong  which 
is  the  essence  of  weakness" 

There  was  no  trace  of  personal  rivalry  or  animosity  in  the  tone.  It 
was  the  utterance  of  deliberate  judgment. 

"  Have  you  heard,  Mr.  President,"  said  Dana,  "  of  the  death  of  John 
Morgan  ?" 

"  Is  he  dead  ?  I  would  not  desire  the  death  of  any  man,  but  I  as- 
sure you  that  I  take  his  death  resignedly,  as  a  dispensation  of  divine 
Providence.  Morgan  was  a  nigger-driver  before  the  war.  You  North- 
ern men  don't  know  anything  about  such  mean,  low  creatures.  South- 
ern slave-holders  despise  them.  But  such  a  wretch  has  been  used  to 
carry  on  the  Rebellion." 

The  President  uttered  the  words  with  an  emphasis  which  manifested 
his  abhorrence  of  that  phase  of  the  institution  of  slavery. 

Mr.  Thompson  alluded  to  his  renomination. 

"  The  churches,  Mr.  President,  throughout  the  North  desire  your 
re-election." 

"It  gratifies  me  to  be  assured  of  it.  I  rely  much  upon  them.  I 
would  like  to  be  re-elected,  that  I  may  carry  out  the  policy  of  the  Ad- 
ministration." 

"  Several  prominent  ministers,"  said  Mr.  Thompson,  "  are  exerting 
their  influence  in  your  behalf.  Among  them  is  Eev.  Leonard  Bacon,  of 
New  Haven,  who  is  earnestly  advocating  your  re-election."  „ 

"  Bacon  !  Let  me  see.  "What  do  I  know  of  him  ?  Didn't  he  once 
write  a  book  on  slavery,  which  some  of  the  abolitionists  did  not  agree 
with  2" 

"  Yes." 

""Well,  I  read  that  book  some  years  ago,  and  at  first  did  not  know 
exactly  what  to  make  of  it,  but  I  afterwards  read  it  more  carefully,  and 
got  hold  of  Dr.  Bacon's  distinctions,  and  it  had  much  to  do  with  shap- 
ing my  own  way  of  thinking  on  the  subject'  of  slavery.  He  is  quite  a 
man." 

"  There  is  a  distinction,"  said  Mr.  Thompson,  "  between  what  might 
be  termed  domiciliary  subjection  of  captives  taken  in  Avar,  and  the  bond- 
service of  paupers,  as  allowed  under  the  Mosaic  economy,  and  chattel 
slavery  in  our  own  country." 

"  Yes,"  replied  the  President,  "  there  is  a  distinction.  However,  / 
have  somehow  thought  that  Moses  didn't  quite  understand  the  Z,ord  along 
there" 

"With  a  warm  grasp  of  the  hand  he  bade  Mr.  Thompson  good-bye. 


PEACE   DEMOCRACY.  445 

"  ~No  description,"  writes  the  latter,  "  can  be  given  of  the  brilliancy  of 
his  repartee,  the  readiness  of  his  wit,  or  the  affability  of  his  manner."  (') 

The  month  of  September  marks  the  beginning  of  the  closing  period 
of  the  war.  General  Early  with  his  army  was  at  Winchester,  in  the 
Shenandoah.  He  intended  to  prevent  the  opening  of  the  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  Eailroad.  He  desired  to  hold  the  valley  till  the  harvests  were 
gathered.  His  presence  so  near  Maryland  was  a  constant  menace  to 
that  State.  The  Union  troops  at  Harper's  Ferry  consisted  of  the  Sixth, 
Eighth,  and  Nineteenth  Corps,  and  a  large  force  of  cavalry.  General 
Sheridan  was  in  command.  General  Grant,  at  Petersburg,  extended  his 
lines  and  took  possession  of  the  Weldon  Railroad.  "  I  think,"  he  said 
to  Sheridan,  "  that  Lee  will  order  all  troops  back  from  the  valley  except 
what  he  believes  will  be  sufficient  to  detain  you.  Watch  closely,  and  if 
you  find  the  thing  correct,  push  with  all  vigor.  Give  the  enemy  no  rest, 
and,  if  possible,  follow  to  the  Virginia  Central  Railroad.  Do  all  the  dam- 
age to  railroad  and  crops  you  can,  carry  off  stock  of  all  descriptions  and 
negroes,  so  as  to  prevent  further  planting.  If  the  war  is  to  go  on  an- 
other year,  we  want  the  Shenandoah  Valley  to  remain  a  barren  waste." 

General  Lee  did  what  Grant  supposed  he  would.  He  ordered  Early 
to  send  Anderson's  division  of  troops  to  Richmond.  Sheridan,  finding 
they  had  started,  advanced  a  portion  of  his  force  to  Berry ville.  Early, 
thinking  he  was  to  be  attacked,  caused  Anderson  to  return.  In  the 
West,  General  Sherman  was  resting  his  army  in  Atlanta.  Such  the 
position  of  troops  the  first  week  in  September. 

General  Grant  was  studying  the  situation.  He  saw  it  would  not  do 
for  Sheridan  to  risk  a  battle  with  a  prospect  of  being  defeated.  Such 
a  result  would  encourage  the  Confederates  to  continue  the  struggle,  but 
a  decisive  victory  would  have  a  powerful  influence  upon  the  political 
campaign  in  favor  of  the  re-election  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  If  Sheridan  were 
defeated,  the  Confederates  and  their  allies  in  the  Democratic  Party 
would  push  the  advantage  to  the  utmost.  He  did  not  send  his  instruc- 
tions by  telegraph  or  letter,  but  visited  Harper's  Ferry.  "  I  knew,"  he 
said,  "it  was  impossible  for  me  to  get  orders  through  Washington  to 
Sheridan  to  make  a  move,  because  they  would  be  stopped  there,  and 
such  orders  as  Halleck's  caution  would  suggest  (and  that  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  War)  would  be  given  instead,  and  would  no  doubt  be  contra- 
dictory to  mine.  I  therefore,  without  stopping  at  Washington,  went 
directly  through  to  Charlestown,  some  ten  miles  from  Harper's  Ferry, 
and  waited  there  to  see  General  Sheridan,  having  sent  a  courier  in  ad- 
vance to  inform  him  where  to  meet  me." 


446  .  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

The  two  commanders  met.  Through  Miss  Rebecca  Wright,  a  loyal 
young  lady  in  Winchester,  Sheridan  had  ascertained  that  Anderson's 
division  was  on  its  way  to  Richmond. 

"  Anderson  has  gone,  and  I  propose  to  fight  a  battle,"  said  Sheridan. 

"  Your  teams  and  supplies  are  at  Plarper's  Ferry.  How  soon  can 
you  get  them  up  ?"  Grant  asked. 

"  This  is  Friday  evening.  I  can  be  ready  by  daylight  next  Monday 
morning." 

"  Go  in !" 

The  two  words  comprised  all  the  instructions  Grant  had  to  give. 

On  a  bright  autumnal  day  Sheridan  crossed  the  Opequan  River  and 
fought  the  battle  of  Winchester.  When  the  sun  went  down  the 
'  Confederates  were  fleeing  from  the  field,  retiring  to'a  very  strong 
position  at  Fisher's  Hill. 

Two  days  later  the  Confederates  were  again  routed,  with  a  loss  in 
the  two  battles  of  twenty-one  cannon  and  several  thousand  men. 
'  (See  "  Freedom  Triumphant.") 

"  God  bless  3rou  all,  officers  and  men !  I  am  strongly  inclined  to 
come  and  see  you,"  the  message  sent  by  the  President  to  Sheridan. 
In  cities  and  villages  throughout  the  North  bells  were  ringing  and 
bonfires  blazing.  The  people  comprehended  the  significance  of  the 
victories. 

The  malaria  of  the  Potomac  marshes  affected  the  health  of  the  in- 
mates of  the  White  House,  necessitating  the  removal  of  the  President's 
family  to  the  Soldier's  Home,  three  miles  distant.  Mr.  Lincoln  rode  to 
the  executive  mansion  every  morning  to  attend  to  the  affairs  of  the 
nation.  A  citizen  of  Washington  thus  pictures  the  daily  scene :  (7) 

"He  always  has  a  company  of  twenty-five  or  thirty  cavalrymen, 
with  sabres  drawn  and  held  upright  over  their  shoulders.  The  party 
makes  no  great  show  in  uniforms  or  horses.  Mr.  Lincoln,  in  the  sad- 
dle, generally  rides  a  good-sized,  easy-going  gray  horse.  He  is  dressed 
in  plain  black,  somewhat  rusty  or  dusty ;  wears  a  black  stiff  hat,  and 
looks  about  as  ordinary  in  attire  as  the  commonest  man.  A  lieutenant, 
with  yellow  straps,  rides  at  his  left,  and  following  behind,  two  by  two, 
come  the  cavalrymen,  in  their  yellow  striped  jackets.  They  are  gener- 
ally going  at  a  slow  trot,  as  that  is  the  pace  set  them  by  the  one  they 
wait  upon.  The  sabres  and  accoutrements  clank,  and  the  entirely  unor- 
namented  cortege,  as  it  trots  towards  Lafayette  Square,  arouses  no  sen- 
sation, only  some  curious  stranger  stops  and  gazes.  I  see  plainly  Abra- 
ham Lincoln's  dark  brown  face,  with  the  deep -cut  lines  and  deep -set 


PHIUP    SHERIDAN. 


PEACE   DEMOCRACY.  449 

eyes.  There  is  always  a  latent  expression  of  sadness.  We  have  got  so 
that  we  exchange  bows,  and  very  cordial  ones. 

"  Sometimes  the  President  comes  and  goes  in  an  open  barouche. 
The  cavalry  always  accompany  him  with  drawn  sabres.  Often  I  notice 
he  halts  at  the  residence  of  the  Secretary  of  War  and  holds  conferences 
there.  He  does  not  alight,  but  sits  in  the  carriage,  and  Mr.  Stanton 
comes  out  to  attend  him.  Sometimes  his  son,  a  boy  of  ten  or  twelve, 
accompanies  him,  riding  at  his  right  on  a  pony.  Earlier  in  the  summer 
I  occasionally  saw  the  President  and  his  wife,  towards  the  latter  part 
of  the  afternoon,  out  in  a  barouche  on  a  pleasure  ride.  Mrs.  Lincoln 
was  dressed  in  complete  black,  with  a  long  crape  veil.  The  equipage  is 
of  the  plainest  kind — only  two  horses,  and  they  nothing  extra.  They 
passed  me  once  very  close,  and  his  look,  though  abstracted,  happened 
to  be  directed  steadily  in  my  eye.  He  bowed  and  smiled,  but  beneath 
his  smile  I  noticed  the  sadness.  None  of  the  artists  or  pictures  have 
caught  the  subtle  and  indirect  expression  of  this  man's  face.  One  of 
the  great  portrait-painters  of  two  or  three  centuries  ago  is  needed." 

Many  letters  threatening  violence  had  been  received  by  Mr.  Lincoln. 
He  usually  referred  to  them  jocosely,  and  often  said  that  the  people  of 
Washington  might  find  him  some  morning  decorating  a  lamp-post  or 
dangling  from  the  limb  of  a  tree.  So  many  had  been  received  that  Mr. 
Stanton,  as  a  matter  of  precaution,  detailed  the  cavalrymen  as  an  escort. 
Their  riding  with  drawn  sabres  was  not  to  repel  any  apprehended 
assault,  but  in  accordance  with  military  discipline. 

In  the  quiet  and  healthful  retreat  of  the  Soldier's  Home,  after  the 
labors  of  the  day,  Mr.  Lincoln  gave  himself  to  recreation.  He  looked 
out  upon  a  lovely  landscape  —  hill,  dale,  meadow,  forest,  field,  the 
Capitol,  the  spires  of  the  city,  the  white  headstones  of  the  soldiers' 
cemetery. 

On  a  calm  summer  evening  Mr.  Lincoln  sat  upon  the  veranda  of  the 
Home,  surrounded  by  friends,  and  as  he  beheld  the  newly-made  graves 
recited  with  tender  pathos  the  stanzas  written  by  the  poet  Collins :  (8) 

"How  sleep  the  brave,  who  sink  to  rest 
By  all  the  country's  wishes  blest, 
When  Spring,  with  dewy  ringers  cold, 
Returns  to  deck  their  hallowed  mold? 
She  then  shall  dress  a  sweeter  sod 
Than  Fancy's  feet  have  ever  trod. 

"By  fairy  hands  their  knell  is  rung, 

By  forms  unseen  their  dirge  is  sung ; 
29 


450  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Then  Honor  comes,  a  pilgrim  gray, 
To  bless  the  turf  that  wraps  their  clay  ; 
And  Freedom  shall  awhile  repair 
To  dwell  a  weeping  hermit  there  !" 

The  grounds  of  the  Home  were  adorned  with  a  great  variety  of  trees 
and  shrubs.  A  lady  plucked  a  fragrant  evergreen.  She  thought  it  a 
species  of  cedar.  Another  declared  it  spruce.  A  third  thought  it  a 
variety  of  pine. 

"  I  know  a  little  about  trees,"  said  the  President.  "  I  lived  in  the 
woods  once.  This  is  neither  cedar,  spruce,  nor  pine,  but  a  sort  of  ille- 
gitimate cypress.  Trees  are  as  deceptive  as  certain  classes  of  men, 
among  Avhom  none  but  the  eye  of  a  physiognomist  can  detect  dissimilar 
moral  features  until  events  have  developed  them.  Do  you  know  I  think 
we  ought  to  have  a  school  of  events  ?" 

"  A  school  of  events,  Mr.  President !"  exclaimed  one  of  the  ladies. 

"  Yes,"  he  continued ;  "  for  it  is  only  by  active  development  that 
character  or  ability  can  be  tested.  Understand  me.  I  mean  men,  not 
trees.  The  latter  can  be  tested,  and  an  analysis  of  their  strength  ob- 
tained at  less  expense  to  life  and  human  interests  than  any  estimate  of 
the  strength  and  value  of  men.  Call  it  a  whimsey,  if  you  will.  I  mean 
that  students,  before  entering  public  life,  might  pass  through  mimic  vi- 
cissitudes to  bring  out  their  strength  and  calibre.  You  might  ascertain 
who  was  fitted  to  be  a  soldier  or  a  martyr  or  a  cunning  politician. 
These  things  have  to  be  ascertained  later  in  life.  There  is  no  more 
dangerous  or  expensive  analysis  than  that  which  consists  in  trying  a 
man." 

"  Do  you  think,  Mr.  President,  that  all  men  are  tried  ?" 

"  Scarcely ;  for  if  they  were,  so  many  would  not  fit  their  places  so 
badly.  Our  friend  Henry  Ward  Beecher  explains  this  in  his  quaint 
illustrations  of  men  who  are  out  of  their  proper  sphere.  He  meets  cler- 
ical faces  in  gay,  rollicking  life,  and  finds  natural  wits  wearing  ascetic 
robes." 

"  Some  men,  Mr.  President,  seem  to  be  able  to  do  anything,"  said 
the  lady. 

"  Versatility,"  Mr.  Lincoln  replied,  "  is  an  injurious  possession,  since 
it  never  can  be  greatness.  It  misleads  you  in  your  calculations,  and  it 
inevitably  disappoints  you  in  any  great  trust,  from  its  want  of  depth. 
A  versatile  man,  to  be  safe,  should  never  soar.  Mediocrity  is  sure  of 
detection." 

We  have  seen  Mr.  Lincoln  turning  for  recreation  to  the  humor  of 


PEACE   DEMOCRACY. 


451 


"  Artemas  Ward,"  but  he  read  with  greater  zest  the  letters  of  "  Rev- 
erend Petroleum  Y.  Nasby,"  written  by  David  R.  Locke,  editor  of  the 
"  Toledo  Blade."  Mr.  Locke  saw,  in  1861,  the  false  position  assumed 
by  the  Democratic  Party  by  its  sympathy  with  the  Confederacy,  its 
readiness  to  defend  slavery,  its  hatred  of  the  negro,  and  its  opposition 
to  the  war.  He  also  comprehended  that  irony,  sarcasm,  and  ridicule 
might  be  made  far  more  effective  than  logical  argument  in  an  exposure 
of  the  attitude  of  that  party. 
There  was  irony  in  the  title  "  Rev- 
erend." It  was  expressive  of  the 
position  assumed  by  the  Southern 
churches  in  their  defence  of  slav- 
ery. "Reverend  Mr.  Nasby,"  at 
the  outbreak  of  the  war,  represent- 
ed himself  as  a  citizen  of  Kentucky 
(a  neutral  State),  residing  at "  Con- 
federate Cross  Roads ;"  but  when 
the  people  of  that  section  declared 
for  the  Union,  he  moved  into  south- 
ern Ohio,  and  took  up  his  residence 
among  the  Peace  Democrats,  who 
had  established  a  church,  the  mem- 
bers of  which  were  wholly  of  that 
political  faith.  "Reverend  Mr. 
ISTasby"  was  not  a  member  of  a  To-  DAVID  ».  LOCKE  ("PETROLEUM  v.  NASBY.") 
tal  Abstinence  Society,  but  drank 

whiskey  quite  freely.  He  not  only  kept  a  private  demijohn,  but  never 
declined  to  drink  when  invited  by  any  of  his  parishioners,  who  often  met 
at  Bascom's  grocery  to  discuss  public  affairs  and  denounce  President  Lin- 
coln. They  were  very  bitter  in  their  denunciation  of  the  Emancipation 
Proclamation,  the  call  for  troops,  and  the  enlistment  of  negroes.  "When 
President  Lincoln  issued  a  proclamation  for  drafting  soldiers,  "  Reverend 
Mr.  Nasby  "  fled  to  Windsor,  Canada.  He  found  many  negroes  there, 
who  had  escaped  from  slavery  before  the  war ;  also  many  white  men- 
citizens  of  Ohio  and  Indiana  who,  like  himself,  had  accepted  voluntary 
exile  to  escape  the  draft.  "  Mr.  Nasby  "  thus  described  the  situation  of 
himself  and  fellow-exiles  :(9) 

"  200  Peece  men  are  here,  and  I  must  acknowledge  that  we  are  not  treeted  with  that 
distinguished  consideration  usually  accorded  political  eggsiles.  Fer  instance,  at  the  tav- 
ern where  I  board  the  parler  is  partikelerly  plesent,  and  I  wus  a  settiu  into  it.  In  trips  a 


452  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

girl,  purty  enuff  fer  a  man,  whose  taste  was  not  vishiated,  2  eat.  '  Shel  I  shet  down  this 
window,  sir?'  sez  she.  'Why  shet  it  down,  jentle  maid  ?'  retorts  I,  lookin  sweet  onto  her. 
'Because,'  replide  she,  'I  thot,  perhaps,  the  draft -was  too  much  fer  ye.'  A  few  slavish 
Kanajens  who  set  there  laft.  The  landlord  required  a  months  pay  in  advance,  and  a  fur- 
ther deposit  uv  25  cents  per  eggsile,  as  sekoority  fer  the  pewter  spoons,  wich  we  hev  at 
table.  To  cap  the  climacks,  last  nite  a  big  nigger  was  put  into  each  uv  our  rooms,  and  we 
were  forced  to  sleep  with  em,  or  okkepy  the  floor,  wich  I  did.  The  cussid  nigger  laft  all 
nite,  in  a  manner  trooly  aggravatin  to  hear. 

"P.  S.  Tell  my  wife  to  send  sich  money  as  she  earns  to  me,  as  livin  is  high,  and  ther 
aint  no  tick.  The  township  kin  support  her  and  the  children." 

Mr.  JSTasby  returned  to  Ohio,  and  was  drafted  into  the  service,  but 
took  an  early  opportunity  to  desert  to  the  Confederates.  He  had  vari- 
ous experiences  in  the  "  Loozeaner  Felikin  "  regiment.  He  writes : 

"  I  endoord  hunger  and  cold  —  I  saw  the  rags  drop  off  my  muskeler  limbs  wun  by 
wun — I  murmered  not.  But  wen  the  pantaloons  wuz  awl  gone — wen  my  costoom  wus 
a  blanket  and  wun  shoe — I  applide  fer  new  pants,  and  the  Quartermaster  onfeelingly  re- 
markt  that  my  dress  was  all  rite  ;  that  hereafter  my  costoom  wuz  to  be  adoptid  ez  the 
uniform  uv  the  rejyment— I  felt  that  desershun  wuz  no  longer  a  crime,  and  I  deserted. 
It  is  entirely  onnessary  to  rekount  awl  I  endoored  in  makin  my  eskaip.  Suffice  it  to  say 
that  at  Columbus  I  stript  the  klose  off  uv  an  innebryated  solger  and  maid  my  way  to 
Amanda  township.  My  old  Demokratic  friends  did  not  kno  me,  and  ez  I  expected  to 
borry  money  uv  them  I  deemed  it  best  not  to  make  myself  knone. 

"They  were  suspishus  uv  my  bloo  kote,  at  fust,  until  wun  uv  them  remarkt  how  I 
liked  the  serviss  ? 

"To  wich  I  anserd,  ' Dam  the  serviss  !' 

"  'Don't  admire  fitin  fer  the  nigger,  eh  ?' 

"  'Not  any,'  sez  I. 

"  '  Why  not  desert  ?'  sez  he. 

"  '  I  have  deserted,'  sez  I. 

"In  a  instant  the  aspeck  uv  things  wuz  changd.  A  jug  wuz  prodoost,  and  they  awl 
shook  hands.  Wun,  more  richer  nor  the  rest,  handed  me  a  treasury  note  uv  $10,  sayin, 
'  You  may  need  it.' 

"I  replide  that,  as  a  general  thing,  I  wood  endoor  it  until  I  cood  get  it  changd  into 
Injeany  munny.  They  took  up  a  kollekshun  to  wunst,  fer  my  benefit,  wich  amounted 
to  $43.  Jest  at  this  pint  wun  uv  em  asked  me  to  what  rejyment  I  belonged. 

"I  replide  the  Loozeaner  Pelikins. 

"  '  Loozeaner!'  sed  another;  '  why,  that's  a  Confedracy  rejyment,  aint  it?' 

"' To  be  sure,'  sez  I. 

"  '  And  air  yoo  a  deserter  frum  a  Suthrin  rejyment?'  sez  the  benevolent  old  butternut 
who  hed  invested  $10  in  the  deserter  biznis. 

"  '  Sartin,'  sez  I. 

"  Seezin  me  by  the  throte,  he  ejackelated, '  Give  me  my  money,  you  swindler !'  And 
with  a  unanimity  trooly  surprisin  they  awl  yelled,  '  Give  me  my  money,  you  swindler;  you 
got  it  under  false  pretences!' 

"Hevin  the  munny  safe  in  my  pokkit,  I  took  these  compliments  with  ekanimity, 
sidlin  out  and  gettin  away  ez  soon  ez  possible. 


PEACE   DEMOCRACY.  453 

"  I  am  disappointed  in  Amandy.  Frum  what  I  had  heard  I  hed  supposed  they  were 
kind  to  deserters.  I  found  that  it  makes  a  diffrense  wich  side  you  desert  from." 

Among  the  allies  of  slavery  in  the  North,  use  was  made  of  the 
Bible  to  prove  that  slavery  was  divinely  ordained  for  the  well-being  of 
the  race.  Churches  were  organized  in  some  of  the  Western  States  on 
this  basis.  "  Reverend  Mr.  Nasby,"  in  consequence,  was  invited  to  be- 
come the  pastor  of  the  "Church  uv  St.  Vallandygum."  The  letters 
written  by  the  pastor  were  greatly  enjoyed  by  Mr.  Lincoln.  One  of 
them  read : 

"We  hed  a  blessid  and  improvin  time  yisterday.  My  little  flock  staggered  in  at 
the  usual  hour  in  the  mornin,  every  man  in  a  heavenly  frame  uv  mind,  hevin  bin  ingaged 
all  nite  in  a  work  uv  mercy,  to  wit :  2  mobbin  uv  2  enrdllin  officers.  One  uv  em  resisted 
and  they  smote  him  hip  and  thigh,  even  ez  Bohash  smote  Jaheel.  (Skriptooral,  wich  is 
nessary,  bein  in  the  ministry.)  He  wuz  left  fer  dead. 

"We  opened  servis  by  singin  a  hym,  wich  I  writ,  commencin  es  follows: 

"Shall  niggers  black  this  land  possess, 

And  mix  with  us  up  here? 
Oh  no,  my  friends,  we  rayther  guess, 
We'll  never  stand  that  'ere. 

"I  then  held  forth  from  this  text-.  '  Whar  hev  ye  laid  him?'  I  statid  that  the  person 
I  referred  to  wuz  the  marterd  Vallandygum,  and  I,  in  behaff  uv  a  outraged  Dimocrisy, 
demanded  uv  the  tyrant  Linkin,  'Whar  hev  yoo  laid  him?'  A  unconvertid  individooal 
sed,  '  He's  laid  him  out !'  wich  remark  cost  him  a  broken  head.  I  went  on  to  show  why 
our  saint  hed  bin  martered.  It  wuz  becoz  he  wuz  a  Dimocrat — becoz  he  dared  to  exercise 
the  rites  garanteed  to  every  American,  exceptin  Ablishnists  and  niggers,  aboosin  the  Guv- 
erment.  Fer  this  and  nuthin  else  wuz  he  eggsiled.  'My  friends, ''sez  I,  drawin  myself 
up  to  my  full  hite,  and  looking  ez  much  like  Fernandy  Wood  ez  possible,  '  I  am  willin 
to  be  martered.  I  denounce  this  war  as  unholy,  unconstooshnel,  unrighteous  and  unmit- 
tygated.  It  is  nuthin  less  than  a  invashen  uv  Dimocratik  States,  fer  the  sole  purpus  uv 
freein  niggers.  Linkin  is  a  tyrant,  Burnside  a  tool,  order  38  a  relik  uv  barberism,  and  I 
will  resist  the  enrollment,  the  conskripshen,  and  the  tax.  Hooray  fer  Jeff  Davis!' 

"Our  class  meetin  wuz  more  interestiner  than  ever.  One  old  whiteheaded  brother 
sed  at  times  his  way  was  dark  and  his  pathway  gloomy.  Wunst  he  wuz  very  near  be- 
comin  a  infiddle.  He  reely  believed  at  one  time  that  the  nigger  was  human,  and  wunst 
he  voted  fer  a  Republican  road  Supervisor.  But  he  hed  repented,  and  was,  he  trusted, 
forgiven.  His  mind  wuz  now  easy,  and  he  should  vote  the  whole  Dimocratic  ticket. 

"Two  backsliders  who  scratched  their  tickets  last  fall  confest  their  sin  publicly.  I 
exhorted  em  two  hours,  fined  em  a  gallen  uv  whisky  apeece,  and  took  em  into  full  com- 
munion. The  whisky  will  be  devoted  to  the  missionary  service,  wich  is  me." 

It  was  unspeakable  relief  to  President  Lincoln  to  turn  from  the  ar- 
duous and  wearying  duties  of  the  day  to  the  Wasby  letters.  He  read 
them  aloud  to  those  who  called  upon  him,  laughing  till  the  tears  ran 
down  his  cheeks,  and  making  sententious  comments  upon  the  position 


454  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

assumed  by  the  Democratic  Party.     He  expressed  his  appreciation  of 
the  Nasby  letters  by  personally  writing  a  letter  to  Mr.  Locke.   He  said  : 

"  For  the  genius  to  write  such  things  I  would  gladly  give  up  my  office.  Why  don't 
you  come  to  Washington  and  see  me?  Is  there  no  place  you  want?  Come  on,  and  I  will 
give  you  any  place  you  ask  for—t7tat  you  are  capable  of  filling  and  are  fit  to  fill.  "(lc ) 

The  editor  of  the  "  Toledo  Blade  "  did  not  desire  any  official  position. 
His  genius  was  making  his  paper  a  political  power.  The  letters  were 
widely  read. 

"  It  is  impossible,"  said  Senator  Charles  Sumner,  "  to  measure  their 
value.  Of  publications  during  the  war  none  had  such  a  charm  for  Abra- 
ham Lincoln.  He  read  every  letter  as  it  appeared.  He  kept  them  all 
within  reach  for  refreshment." 

Statesmanship  under  a  government  of  the  people  is  far  different  from 
statecraft  under  monarchical  institutions.  He  who  would  successfully 
administer  the  affairs  of  a  nation  for  its  well-being  and  continuance 
must  be  actuated  by  lofty  motives.  Abraham  Lincoln,  in  the  political 
campaigns  of  1864,  thought  not  of  himself,  but  ever  of  the  needs  of  the 
nation.  He  knew,  by  a  divine  instinct,  that  justice  and  righteousness 
are  eternal  principles.  From  that  day,  in  1857,  when,  against  the  pro- 
tests of  all  his  friends,  he  gave  utterance  to  the  words  "A  house  divided 
against  itself  cannot  stand,"  he  had  been  obedient  to  the  heavenly  vis- 
ion. He  believed  in  God,  in  the  ultimate  triumph  of  right  over  wrong, 
in  the  future  greatness  of  the  country.  He  trusted  the  people. 


NOTES  TO  CHAPTEE  XXIII. 

(')  "Atlantic  Monthly,"  July,  1865,  p.  109. 

(2)  T.  Henry  Hines,  "Southern  Bivouac,"  February,  1887. 

(3)  Ibid. 

(4)  "Atlantic  Monthly,"  July,  1865. 

(5)  William  Bross,  "Biographical  Sketch  of  B.  J.  Sweet,"  p.  18. 

(6)  "  Congregationalist,"  March  30,  1866. 

(7)  Walt  Whitman,  "Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  469,  note. 

( 8 )  The  Nasby  Papers,  "  Toledo  Blade,"  1864. 

(9)  Ibid. 

(10)  D.  R.  Locke,  "Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  459. 


RE-ELECTED   PRESIDENT.  455 


CHAPTEE  XXIV. 

RE-ELECTED    PRESIDENT. 

ABEAHAM  LINCOLN",  when  a  member  of  the  Illinois  Legislature, 
-£*  declared  himself  in  favor  of  extending  the  franchise  to  women. 
Public  sentiment  did  not  favor  the  movement.  Woman's  Eights  con- 
ventions were  held  up  to  ridicule.  "Women  who  desired  to  vote  were 
regarded  as  going  beyond  their  proper  sphere  in  life.  A  meeting  was 
held  in  a  church  at  Akron,  O.,  1851.  It  was  attended  by  those  who 
favored  and  by  those  opposed  to  the  movement.  Several  clergymen 
were  present.  The  attention  of  the  audience  was  directed  to  a  tall, 
gaunt  colored  woman  wearing  a  sun-bonnet,  who  marched  up  the  aisle, 
looking  for  a  seat.  No  one  offered  her  any  civility,  and  she  planted 
herself  upon  the  steps  leading  to  the  pulpit.  A  buzz  of  disapprobation 
was  heard.  "  An  abolition  affair  !"  "  Woman's  Eights  and  niggers  !" 
the  exclamations  from  opponents. 

The  colored  woman  was  known  throughout  Michigan  and  Ohio  as 
Sojourner  Truth,  preacher  and  exhorter  in  the  religious  assemblies  of 
her  race.  She  had  been  a  slave.  She  did  not  know  a  letter  of  the 
alphabet,  but  was  endowed  with  a  commanding  intellect  and  a  deep 
religious  nature. 

The  clergymen  present  opposed  granting  the  franchise  to  women. 
One  claimed  superior  rights  for  men,  because  of  superior  intellect.  An- 
other because  Christ  was  a  man.  If  God  had  desired  the  equality  of 
woman  with  man,  He  would  have  given  some  token  of  His  will  through 
the  birth,  life,  and  death  of  the  Saviour.  Still  another  gave  a  theolog- 
ical review  of  the  sin  of  Eve  in  the  garden  of  Eden.  The  audience  ap- 
plauded the  arguments. 

The  old  colored  woman  arose,  walked  up  the  steps  and  stood  upon 
the  platform,  stepped  to  its  front,  removed  her  bonnet  and  laid  it  delib- 
erately at  her  feet.  Hisses  greeted  her. 

"  Sojourner  Truth  will  address  you.  I  ask  that  you  give  her  a  re- 
spectful hearing,"  said  the  president,  Mrs.  Frances  Gage,  appealing  to 
their  sense  of  fair  play.  ( ' ) 


456  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  Well,  chillen,"  she  said  slowly,  distinctly,  and  with  resonant  tones, 
that  hushed  the  audience  upon  the  instant,  "  whar  dar's  so  much  racket 
dar  must  be  somet'ing  out  o'  kilter.  I  t'ink  dat  twixt  de  niggers  of  de 
Souf  an'  de  women  of  de  Norf,  all  a-talking  about  de  rights,  de  white 
men  will  be  in  a  fix  pretty  soon.  Dat  man  ober  dar  says  dat  woman 
needs  to  be  helped  into  carriages,  and  .lifted  ober  ditches,  and  to  hab  de 
best  place  eberywhar.  Nobody  eber  helps  me  into  carriages,  or  ober 
mud-puddles,  or  gives  me  de  best  place.  Ar'n't  I  a  woman?  I  have 
ploughed,  planted,  gathered,  and  no  man  could  head  me.  Ar'n't  I  a 
woman?  I've  borne  thirteen  chillen,  and  seen  most  of  'em  sold;  and 
when  I  cried,  none  but  Jesus  heard.  Ar'n't  I  a  woman?  Den  dey 
talks  about  dis  t'ing  in  de  head  —  intellect.  What's  dat  got  to  do  wid 
woman's  rights  or  nigger's  rights  ?  If  my  cup  holds  a  pint,  and  yours 
holds  a  quart,  wouldn't  you  be  mean  not  to  let  me  have  my  half-meas- 
ure full?" 

She  pointed  her  finger  towards  the  minister  who  had  made  the  ar- 
gument in  regard  to  the  manhood  of  Jesus  Christ.  All  eyes  turned 
towards  him. 

"  Dat  little  man  in  black,  dar,  he  say  woman  can't  have  as  much 
right  as  man,  'cause  Christ  wasn't  a  woman.  Whar  did  your  Christ 
come  from  f  Frou  God  and  woman.  Man  hadn't  anything  to  do  wid 


The  building  shook  with  applause.  Those  who  a  moment  before 
were  ready  to  hustle  her  out-of-doors  shook  hands  with  her.  An  unlet- 
tered woman,  once  a  slave,  had  discomfited  learned  graduates  of  colleges 
and  theological  schools. 

On  a  morning  in  October,  1864,  Sojourner  Truth,  past  eighty  years 
of  age,  entered  the  White  House.  She  had  travelled  from  Battle  Creek, 
Mich.,  to  Washington  to  see  the  man  who  had  given  freedom  to  her 
race.  President  Lincoln  had  heard  of  her. 

"  This  is  Sojourner  Truth,"  said  the  attendant  at  the  White  House, 
introducing  her.  The  President  rose  and  gave  her  a  kindly  welcome. 

"  Mr.  President,"  said  Sojourner,  "  when  you  fust  took  your  seat  I 
feared  you'd  be  torn  in  pieces.  You  was  like  Daniel  'mong  de  lions. 
If  de  lions  did  not  tear  you,  I  knew  it  would  be  God  who  would  shut 
their  moufs.  I  tol'  Him,  if  He  spared  me,  I'd  come  and  see  you,  and 
here  I  is." 

"  I  am  pleased  to  see  you,  Sojourner,  and  it  seems  that  a  good  Prov- 
idence has  spared  me." 

"  You  are  de  best  President  we  eber  had." 


RE-ELECTED   PRESIDENT.  45T 

"  I  suppose  you  refer  to  my  giving  freedom  to  the  slaves ;  but,  So- 
journer,  the  men  who  have  preceded  me — Washington,  Adams,  Jeffer- 
son, and  others — would  have  done  just  as  I  have,  had  the  time  called 
for  such  action.  If  the  people  over  the  other  side  of  the  Potomac  had 
behaved  themselves,  I  would  not  have  done  what  I  have ;  but  they  did 
not,  and  I  was  compelled  to  do  those  things." 

"  I  t'ank  God,  Mr.  President,  dat  He  s'lected  you  to  do  it." 

"  Here  is  what  the  colored  people  of  Baltimore  gave  me  the  other 
day,"  said  the  President,  taking  up  the  Bible  presented  on  the  Fourth 
of  July.  "  Isn't  it  beautiful  ?  They  have  given  it  to  the  Head  of  the 
Government.  And  yet,  only  a  little  while  ago,  the  laws  would  not  per- 
mit the  colored  people  to  read  it." 

"  Will  you  write  your  name  for  me,  Mr.  President  ?"  she  asked. 

"  Certainly."     His  autograph  was  written  : 

For  Aunty  Sojourner  Truth. 
October  29, 1864.  -4.  Lincoln. 

"  I  shall  be  pleased  to  see  you  again,  aunty,"  said  the  President,  as 
she  departed. 

Frederick  Douglas,  who  had  also  been  a  slave,  was  once  more  in 
Washington.  The  President,  desiring  to  talk  with  him  upon  some 
points  concerning  the  welfare  of  the  colored  people,  invited  him  to  the 
White  House. 

"  Come  and  take  tea  with  me,"  read  the  note. 

The  citizens  of  Washington  were  astonished  to  see  Mr.  Douglas  rid- 
ing to  the  executive  mansion  in  the  President's  own  carriage,  and  still 
more  amazed  to  learn  that  a  colored  man  had  been  a  guest  at  Mr.  Lin- 
coln's table. 

"  The  President,"  said  Mr.  Douglas,  "  is  one  of  the  few  men  with 
whom  I  have  passed  an  hour  who  did  not  remind  me  in  some  way  that 
I  am  a  negro." 

In  several  of  the  Northern  States  elections  for  State  officers  were  to 
be  held  during  the  months  of  September  and  October.  The  Republi- 
cans feared  the  draft  for  500,000  men,  ordered  by  the  President,  would 
influence  the  people  to  vote  the  Democratic  ticket.  They  visited  Wash- 
ington and  importuned  Mr.  Lincoln  to  withdraw  the  call,  or  at  least  to 
suspend  it  till  after  the  elections.  A  committee  from  Ohio  came,  asking 
for  its  suspension.  Very  plain,  patriotic,  and  pertinent  the  President's 
question : 


458  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  What  is  the  Presidency  worth  to  me  if  I  have  no  country  ?"(2) 

He  comprehended  what  the  frightened  politicians  could  not  see : 
that  the  soldiers  under  Grant  and  Sherman  would  lose  confidence  in 
him  were  he  to  suspend  the  draft.  He  never  had  deceived  them. 
They  trusted  him.  To  suspend  the  draft  in  order  to  gain  political  ad- 
vantage would  be  a  fatal  mistake. 

"  If  the  President,"  said  General  Sherman,  "  modifies  the  draft  to 
the  extent  of  one  man,  or  wavers  in  its  execution,  he  is  gone  forever. 
The  army  would  vote  against  him." 

Nearly  all  the  Northern  States  had  statutes  enabling  the  soldiers 
to  vote  in  the  field.  Indiana  had  failed  to  enact  such  a  law.  The 
"  Sons  of  Liberty  "  and  the  Democratic  Party  opposed  such  legislation. 
The  draft  was  proceeding.  The  President  was  being  denounced  as  a 
"tyrant,"  "butcher,"  who  cared  nothing  for  the  soldiers.  The  In- 
diana soldiers  desired  to  show  their  patriotism  and  loyalty  by  their 
ballots.  Atlanta  had  been  taken,  and  Sherman  was  preparing  for  his 
next  movement.  He  would  not  be  hampered  if  they  were  allowed  to 
return  to  Indiana  for  a  few  days. 

"  Anything,"  wrote  the  President,  "  that  you  can  safely  do  to  let  the 
soldiers,  or  any  part  of  them,  go  home  to  vote,  will  be  greatly  to  the 
point.  They  need  not  remain  for  the  Presidential  election,  but  may 
return  to  you  at  once.  This  is  in  no  sense  an  order,  but  is  merely  in- 
tended to  impress  you  with  the  importance  to  the  army  itself  of  your 
doing  all  you  safely  can,  yourself  being  the  judge  of  what  you  can 
safely  do." 

The  cars  rolling  northward  from  Atlanta  during  the  first  week  in 
October  were  filled  with  veterans  who  had  won  the  victories  of  Resaca, 
Kenesaw,  and  Atlanta.  They  were  having  a  furlough,  and  were  going 
home  to  Indiana  to  vote  once  more  for  Oliver  P.  Morton,  governor. 
He  had  displayed  great  energy  in  carrying  on  the  affairs  of  State  dur- 
ing the  war.  He  had  been  solicitous  for  their  welfare.  They  trusted 
him.  They  had  no  sympathy  with  the  "  Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle," 
or  "  Sons  of  Liberty,"  allied  with  the  Democratic  Party. 

Yery  few  ballots  were  cast  for  the  Democratic  candidates  by  the 
soldiers.  On  the  evening  of  the  election  the  President  visited  the  War 
Department,  and  sat  by  the  side  of  the  telegraph  operator  to 
'  learn  the  results.  Gratifying  the  intelligence  that  Morton  was 
re-elected  by  20,000  majority.  Pennsylvania  had  gained  four  Repub- 
lican members  of  Congress.  The  majority  in  the  State  was  more  than 
10,000.  Maryland  had  adopted  an  amendment  to  the  State  Constitu- 


RE-ELECTED   PRESIDENT.  461 

tion  putting-  an  end  to  slavery.  Very  cheering  the  news  from  Ohio, 
where  the  Republicans  had  a  majority  of  54,000.  The  Democrats  had 
elected  two  members  of  Congress,  the  Republicans  seventeen — a  gain 
of  twelve. 

Notwithstanding  the  results  were  so  favorable  to  the  Republicans, 
Mr.  Washburne,  member  of  Congress,  was  afraid  the  President's  own 
State  would  vote  against  him  in  November. 

"  It  is  no  use  to  deceive  ourselves  about  Illinois,"  he  wrote.  "  Ev- 
erything is  at  sixes  and  sevens ;  no  head  or  tail  to  anything.  There  is 
imminent  danger  of  our  losing  the  State." 

Mr.  Lincoln  read  the  letter,  smiled,  and  wrote  on  the  envelope : 
«  Stampeded  !"(') 

Mr.  Locke  ("Reverend  Petroleum  V.  Nasby")  visited  Washington 
in  behalf  of  a  young  soldier  sentence^  to  be  shot  for  desertion.  He  was 
warmly  welcomed  by  the  President,  who  kindly  listened  to  his  story. 
The  soldier  had  given  his  affections  to  a  young  girl  before  he  enlisted, 
and  they  were  engaged  to  be  married.  Word  came  to  him  that  another 
was  paying  her  especial  attention.  He  applied  for  a  furlough,  but  it 
not  being  granted,  deserted,  made  his  way  home,  to  find  the  reports  in 
a  measure  true.  Once  more  the  lady  plighted  her  troth  to  him,  and 
they  were  married.  The  honey-moon  was  suddenly  interrupted  by  his 
arrest,  trial,  and  sentence.  Mr.  Lincoln  heard  the  story,  and  without 
solicitation  signed  the  pardon. 

"  I'll  punish  him  another  way,"  he  said,  his  face  wreathed  with 
smiles.  "  Probably  in  less  than  a  year  he  will  wish  I  had  withheld  the 
pardon.  We  can't  tell,  though.  I  suppose  when  I  was  a  young  man  I 
should  have  done  the  same  foolish  thing."  (6) 

He  turned  the  conversation  upon  the  political  situation  and  the  con- 
fidence of  the  people  in  his  administration. 

"  Do  the  masses  of  the  people,"  he  asked,  "  hold  me  in  any  way  re- 
sponsible for  the  loss  of  their  friends  in  the  army  ?  It  is  a  good  thing," 
he  added,  "  that  there  is  a  Government  to  shoulder  the  acts.  The  shoul- 
ders of  no  one  man  are  broad  enough  to  bear  what  must  be." 

Two  prominent  members  were  striving  each  to  obtain  a  foremost 
position  in  the  Republican  Party. 

"You  do  not,"  said  Mr.  Locke,  "take  any  pronounced  position  in 
relation  to  the  controversy." 

"  No.  I  learned  a  great  many  years  ago  that  in  a  fight  between 
man  and  wife  a  third  party  should  never  get  between  the  woman's  skil- 
let and  the  man's  axe-helve." 


462 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 


A  member  of  Congress  who  had  been  drinking  whiskey  entered  the 
room.  He  was  in  the  maudttn  stage  of  intoxication,  and,  hiccoughing, 
said : 

"Oh,  -why  should  the  spirit  of  mortal  be  proud?" 

"  I  see  no  reason  whatever,"  the  President  replied. 
The  conversation  with  Mr.  Locke  turned  upon  the  avarice  of  those 
who  were  accumulating  fortunes.     A  man  who  had  been  prominent  in 

political  aifairs  was  accused 
of  attempting  to  swindle  the 
Government  out  of  a  large 
sum  of  money. 

"  I  cannot  understand," 
said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  why  men 
should  be  so  eager  after 
money.  Wealth  is  simply  a 
superfluity  of  what  we  don't 
need."(') 

Although  the  October 
elections  indicated  the  re- 
election of  Mr.  Lincoln,  the 
presidential  campaign  was 
vigorously  contested  by  the 
Democratic  Party.  General 
McClellan  was  greatly  be- 
loved by  many  of  the  offi- 
cers and  soldiers  of  the  Army 

of  the  Potomac.  General  E.  W.  Andrews,  stationed  at  Baltimore,  being- 
present  at  a  Democratic  meeting,  expressed  his  high  regard  for  General 
McClellan,  and  declared  his  intention  of  voting  for  him.  Greatly  to  his 
surprise,  he  received  notice  from  the  War  Department  the  following 
morning  that  he  was  mustered  out  of  service  by  the  Secretary  of  War. 
A  gentleman  laid  the  matter  before  Mr.  Lincoln. 

"Was  the  revocation  of  General  Andrews's  commission  by  your 
order  ?"  he  asked. 

"  I  know  nothing  about  it,"  the  President  replied.  "  Of  course,  Stan- 
ton  does  a  thousand  things  of  which  I  know  nothing.  What  has  Gen- 
eral Andrews  done  ?" 

"  He  attended  a  Democratic  meeting,  and  was  called  up  for  a  speech. 
He  declared  himself  in  favor  of  General  McClellan." 


OLIVER   P.   MORTON. 


RE-ELECTED   PRESIDENT.  463 

"Well,"  replied  Mr.  Lincoln,  "that's  no  reason  why  he  should  be 
dismissed.  Andrews  has  just  as  good  a  right  to  hold  on  to  his  Democ- 
racy, if  he  chooses,  as  Stanton  had  to  throw  his  overboard.  If  I  should 
muster  out  all  my  generals  who  avow  themselves  Democrats,  there 
would  be  a  sad  thinning  out  of  commanding  officers  of  the  army.  No ! 
when  the  military  duties  of  a  soldier  are  faithfully  performed,  he  can 
manage  his  politics  in  his  own  way ;  we've  no  more  to  do  with  them 
than  with  his  religion.  Tell  this  officer  he  can  return  to  his  post ;  and 
if  there  is  no  better  reason  for  the  order  of  Stanton  than  the  one  he 
suspects,  it  shall  do  him  no  harm.  The  commission  he  holds  will  re- 
main as  good  as  new.  Supporting  General  McClellan  for  the  Presi- 
dency is  no  violation  of  army  regulations ;  and  as  a  question  of  taste,  of 
choosing  between  him  and  me — well,  I'm  the  longest,  but  he  is  the  best 
looking."  (7) 

Of  all  the  battles  of  the  war,  that  of  Cedar  Creek  was  the  most  dra- 
matic. The  Union  troops  in  that  engagement  were  surprised  and 
driven,  losing  many  prisoners  and  several  cannon  in  the  morn- 
ing ;  but  when  night  came  the  Confederate  army  was  fleeing  in 
confusion.  All  the  lost  cannon  were  recaptured,  together  with  twenty- 
four  others,  and  1200  prisoners.  Sheridan  was  at  Winchester  when  the 
battle  began,  but  reached  the  field,  re-formed  the  scattered  troops, 
aroused  their  enthusiasm,  and  won  the  victory.  President  Lincoln  sent 
this  despatch  to  him : 

"  With  great  pleasure  I  tender  to  you  and  your  brave  army  the  thanks  of  the  nation 
and  my  own  personal  admiration  and  gratitude  for  the  month's  operations  in  the  Shenan- 
doah  Valley,  and  especially  for  the  splendid  work  of  October  19,  1864. " 

The  cannon  captured  in  this  battle  were  taken  to  Washington  and 
presented  to  the  Government  in  the  grounds  of  the  War  Department. 
The  President,  members  of  the  Cabinet,  and  a  great  gathering  of  people 
witnessed  the  ceremony.  The  country  rang  with  praises  of  Sheridan 
and  his  men. 

The  victory  had  great  influence  upon  the  political  campaign.  The 
people  saw  that  the  Confederates  were  rapidly  losing  ground — that  the 
time  would  come  when  the  authority  of  the  nation  would  once  more  be 
established  throughout  the  South.  They  knew  slavery  was  doomed. 
The  policy  adopted  by  President  Lincoln  in  due  time  would  bring  peace 
to  the  country.  As  the  prospects  for  the  re-election  of  Mr.  Lincoln 
brightened,  those  who  hated  him  became  more  virulent.  More  bitter 
and  insulting  were  their  epithets. 


464  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

The  day  of  election  was  bright  and  beautiful  throughout  the  coun- 
try. Troops  were  stationed  in  New  York  to  preserve  order. 
''  They  were  commanded  by  General  Butler,  who  issued  an  ad- 
dress to  the  people. 

"  Let  every  citizen,''  he  said,  "  having  the  right  to  vote,  act  accord- 
ing to  the  inspiration  of  his  own  judgment.  He  will  be  protected  in 
that  right  by  the  whole  power  of  the  Government,  if  it  shall  become 
necessary." 

No  troops  were  seen  at  the  polling  places  in  that  city.  There  was 
no  rioting  or  disorder  anywhere. 

"  To  Mr.  Lincoln,"  writes  one  of  his  secretaries,  "  this  was  one  of  the 
most  solemn  days  of  his  life.  Assured  of  his  personal  success,  and  de- 
voutly confident  that  the  day  of  peace  was  not  far  off,  he  felt  no  ela- 
tion and  no  sense  of  triumph  over  his  opponents.  His  mind  seemed 
filled  with  mingled  feelings  of  deep  and  humble  gratitude  to  the  vast 
majority  of  his  fellow-citizens  who  were  this  day  testifying  to  him  their 
heart-felt  confidence  and  affection,  and  of  a  keen  and  somewhat  sur- 
prised regret  that  he  should  be  an  object  in  so  many  quarters  of  so  bit- 
ter and  vindictive  an  opposition.  He  said  :  '  It  is  singular  that  I,  who 
am  not  a  vindictive  man,  should  always,  except  once,  have  been  before 
the  people  for  election  in  canvasses  marked  for  their  bitterness.  When 
I  came  to  Congress  it  was  a  quiet  time;  but  always,  except  that,  the 
contests  in  which  I  have  been  prominent  have  been  marked  with  great 
rancor.'"  (8) 

Once  more  Mr.  Lincoln  was  sitting  with  the  telegraph  operator  dur- 
ing the  evening  to  receive  despatches  regarding  the  Presidential  elec- 
tion. 

"  The  Union  majority  in  Philadelphia  will  be  10,000,"  the  message 
from  Mr.  Forney.  This  was  much  beyond  what  Mr.  Lincoln  had  an- 
ticipated. "  I  reckon  Forney  is  a  little  excited,"  he  said. 

"  We  shall  have,"  telegraphed  Mr.  Felton,  "  15,000  majority  in  Bal- 
timore, and  5000  in  the  State.  All  hail,  free  Maryland !" 

It  came  from  the  city  where,  in  1861,  the  President  -  elect  was  to 
have  been  assassinated.  Mr.  Henry  Winter  Davis,  of  Baltimore,  was 
an  ardent  Eepublican,  but  had  opposed  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  had  failed  of 
a  re-election  to  Congress. 

"  I  am  glad,"  said  Mr.  Fox,  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  "  that 
he  has  been  defeated.  He  has  maliciously  assailed  the  navy  for  the 
last  two  years." 

"  I  cannot  quite  agree  with  you,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln.     "  You  have 


RE-ELECTED    PRESIDENT.  467 

more  of  the  feeling  of  personal  resentment  than  I.  Perhaps  I  have  too 
little  of  it ;  but  I  never  thought  it  paid.  A  man  has  no  time  to  spend 
half  his  life  in  quarrels.  If  any  man  ceases  to  attack  me  I  never  re- 
member the  past  against  him."(9) 

Mr.  Stanton,  Mr.  Dana,  Assistant  Secretary  of  War,  and  Mr.  Eckert, 
who  had  charge  of  the  telegraph,  were  present. 

"  Dana,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  have  you  ever  read  any  of  Reverend 
Petroleum  V.  Nasby's  letters  ?" 

"No,  Mr.  President,  I  have  only  had  time  to  glance  at  them,  but 
they  seem  to  be  quite  funny." 

"  Well,  let  me  read  a  specimen."  The  President  thereupon  took  a 
yellow-covered  pamphlet  from  his  pocket  and  read  one  of  ISTasby's  let- 
ters, written  some  weeks  before  the  election.  Mr.  Stanton  viewed  the 
proceeding  with  an  impatience  which  he  did  not  try  to  conceal ;  but 
Mr.  Lincoln  went  on  reading  and  laughing,  stopping  long  enough  to 
listen  to  the  reading  of  the  election  returns,  and  then  resuming  Nasby. 
Mr.  Chase  and  Mr.  Whitelaw  Reid  entered  the  apartment.  The  Pres- 
ident greeted  them.  Mr.  Stanton  left  the  room  and  beckoned  Dana 
to  follow  him. 

"  I  shall,"  writes  Mr.  Dana,  "  never  forget  the  fire  of  his  indignation 
at  what  seemed  to  Mr.  Stanton  to  be  mere  nonsense.  The  idea  that 
when  the  safety  of  the  republic  was  thus  at  issue,  when  the  control  of 
an  empire  was  to  be  determined  by  a  few  figures  brought  in  by  the  tel- 
egraph, the  leader,  the  man  most  deeply  concerned,  not  merely  for  him- 
self but  for  his  country,  could  turn  aside  to  read  such  balderdash  and  to 
laugh  at  such  frivolous  jests,  was  to  his  mind  indescribably  repugnant. 
He  could  not  understand,  apparently,  that  it  was  by  the  relief  which 
these  jests  afforded  to  the  strain  of  mind  under  which  Mr.  Lincoln  had 
so  long  been  living,  and  to  the  natural  gloom  of  a  melancholy  and  de- 
sponding temperament,  that  the  safety  and  sanity  of  his  intelligence  was 
maintained  and  preserved."  (10) 

There  was  more  than  this.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  so  solicitous  in 
regard  to  the  election  as  were  Chase,  Fox,  Dana,  and  Stanton.  He  had 
forecast  the  result  with  unerring  vision.  They  were  not  so  far-seeing. 
His  belief  in  the  people,  his  trust  in  God,  his  unswerving  faith  in  the 
ultimate  triumph  of  eternal  principles,  his  knowledge  of  passing  events, 
had  enabled  him  to  determine  the  probable  verdict  of  the  people  upon 
his  administration.  Weeks  before  the  election  he  had  comprehended 
the  trend  of  events.  He  profoundly  believed  divine  Providence  was  di- 
recting the  aifairs  of  the  nation,  and  ceased  to  be  solicitous  as  to  results. 


4:68  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

Before  midnight  he  became  satisfied  that  the  great  State  of  New 
York  had  voted  in  his  favor,  though  by  a  small  majority,  not  exceed- 
ing 7000.  Yery  wisely  had  he  brought  about  harmony  among  the  lead- 
ing Republicans  in  that  State.  Two  hundred  and  twelve  electoral  votes 
had  been  secured  for  him,  and  twenty-one  for  McClellan. 

It  was  nearly  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  when  he  left  the  War  De- 
partment. At  the  door  he  encountered  a  brass-band  and  a  crowd  of 
people,  who  called  for  a  speech. 

"  I  earnestly  believe,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  that  the  consequences  of 
this  day's  work  will  be  of  lasting  advantage,  if  not  the  salvation  of  the 
country.  All  who  have  labored  to-day  in  behalf  of  the  Union  organi- 
zation have  wrought  for  the  best  interests  of  their  country  and  the 
world,  not  only  for  the  present,  but  for  all  future  ages.  I  am  thankful 
to  God  for  this  approval  of  the  people ;  but  while  deeply  grateful  for 
this  mark  of  their  confidence  in  me,  if  I  know  my  heart,  my  gratitude 
is  free  from  any  taint  of  personal  triumph.  I  do  not  impugn  the  mo- 
tives of  any  one  opposed  to  me.  It  is  no  pleasure  to  me  to  triumph 
over  any  one ;  but  I  give  thanks  to  the  Almighty  for  this  evidence  of 
the  people's  resolution  to  stand  by  free  government  and  the  rights  of 
humanity."  (n) 

From  the  day  of  his  retirement  as  commander  of  the  army,  Gen- 
eral McClellan  had  been  residing  in  New  Jersey.  The  election  re- 
turns indicating  his  defeat,  he  resigned  his  commission  as  major-general 
in  the  regular  army  and  became  once  more  a  private  citizen.  His  resig- 
nation was  accepted  by  the  President,  and  the  place  thus  made  vacant 
was  filled  by  the  appointment  of  Philip  H.  Sheridan. 

On  the  evening  of  November  10th  the  various  Eepublican  clubs  of 

Washington  marched  to  the  White  House  with  banners  and  torches  to 

pay  their  respects  to  the  President.     He  had  been  informed  of 

'  their  intentions,  and  wrote  a  brief  address.      He  stood  by  an 

open  window  to  read  it,  one  of  his  secretaries  holding  a  candle.     "  It  is 

not  very  graceful,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  but  I  am  growing  old  enough 

not  to  care  much  for  the  manner  of  doing  things." 

Mr.  Lincoln  said  in  his  address  : 

"It  is  demonstrated  that  a  people's  government  can  sustain  a  national  election  in  the 
midst  of  a  great  civil  war.  Until  now  it  has  not  been  known  to  the  world  that  this  was 
a  possibility.  It  shows  also  how  sound  and  strong  we  still  are.  It  shows  that,  even 
among  the  candidates  of  the  same  party,  he  who  is  most  devoted  to  the  Union  and  most 
opposed  to  treason  can  receive  most  of  the  people's  vote.  It  shows  also  to  an  extent  yet 
unknown  that  we  have  more  men  than  we  had  when  the  war  began.  Gold  is  good  in  its 
place,  but  brave,  patriotic  men  are  better  than  gold.  ...  So  long  as  I  have  been  here  I 


RE-ELECTED   PRESIDENT.  469 

have  not  willingly  planted  a  thorn  in  any  man's  bosom.  While  I  am  sensible  to  the  high 
compliment  of  a  re-election,  and  duly  grateful,  as  I  trust,  to  Almighty  God  for  having  di- 
rected my  countrymen  to  a  right  conclusion,  as  I  think,  for  their  own  good,  it  adds  noth- 
ing to  my  satisfaction  that  any  other  man  may  be  disappointed  or  pained  by  the  result." 

Many  delegations  called  to  congratulate  the  President. 

"  Those  who  differ  from  us,"  he  remarked  to  one,  "  will  yet  see  that 
defeat  was  better  for  their  own  good  than  if  they  had  been  successful." 

A  quarter  of  a  century  has  passed  since  the  words  were  spoken,  and 
people  in  the  Southern  as  well  as  in  the  Northern  States  rejoice  in  the 
fulfilment  of  the  prophecy. 

The  result  of  the  election  was  an  announcement  to  the  world  that 
the  war  was  to  go  on  till  the  last  rebel  had  laid  down  his  arms. 

Congress  reassembled  on  December  6th.  In  his  message  Mr.  Lin- 
coln said : 

"The  public  purpose  to  re-establish  and  maintain  the  national  authority  is  un- 
changed, and,  as  we  believe,  unchangeable.  It  seems  to  me  that  no  attempt  at  negotia- 
tion with  the  insurgent  leader  could  result  in  any  good.  He  would  accept  nothing  short 
of  severance  of  the  Union — precisely  what  we  will  not  and  cannot  give.  His  declarations 
to  this  effect  are  explicit  and  oft  repeated.  He  does  not  attempt  to  deceive  us.  He  affords 
us  no  excuse  to  deceive  ourselves.  Between  him  and  us  the  issue  is  distinct,  simple,  and 
inflexible.  It  is  an  issue  that  can  only  be  tried  by  war  and  decided  by  victory.  If  we 
yield,  we  are  beaten.  If  the  Southern  people  fail  him,  he  is  beaten.  But  what  is  true  of 
him  who  heads  the  insurgent  cause  is  not  necessarily  true  of  those  who  follow.  Although 
he  cannot  reaccept  the  Union,  they  can.  Some  of  them  we  know  already  desire  peace 
and  reunion.  They  can  at  any  moment  have  peace  simply  by  laying  down  their  arms 
and  submitting  to  national  authority  under  the  Constitution.  ...  I  mean  simply  to  say 
that  the  war  will  cease  on  the  part  of  the  Government  whenever  it  shall  have  ceased  on 
the  part  of  those  who  began  it." 

The  Chief-justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  Roger 
B.  Taney,  died.  We  have  seen  Mr.  Lincoln  referring  to  him,  in  con- 
nection with  the  passage  of  the  Kansas -Nebraska  Bill,  as  a  "house 
builder"  working  in  conjunction  with  Franklin  Pierce  and  Stephen  A. 
Douglas.  His  private  life  had  been  without  reproach,  but  his  sympa- 
thies had  been  with  the  slave  propaganda  for  the  extension  of  that  in- 
stitution of  servitude.  His  decisions  upon  the  bench  had  been  antago- 
nistic to  the  spirit  of  the  age.  Instead  of  going  to  his  grave  beloved, 
honored,  and  reverenced,  his  death  was  regarded  as  a  beneficent  dispen- 
sation of  divine  Providence,  in  view  of  the  great  questions  growing  out 
of  the  war,  which  must  be  decided  by  the  Supreme  Court.  The  future 
welfare  of  the  nation  demanded  decisions  in  correspondence  with  its 
new  charter  of  liberty.  Whom  should  the  President  appoint  to  such  a 
responsible  position  ?  The  friends  of  Mr.  Chase  presented  his  name. 


470  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  A  chief-justice  is  needed,"  wrote  Senator  Charles  Sunnier,  "  whose 
position  on  the  slavery  question  is  already  fixed,  and  who  will  not  need 
argument  of  counsel  to  convert  him." 

Mr.  Fessenden,  who  had  succeeded  Mr.  Chase  as  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  and  Mr.  Stanton  thought  Mr.  Chase  should  be  appointed. 

"I  shall  be  very  shut  pan  about  this  matter,"  ( ia )  said  Mr.  Lincoln, 
using  an  obsolete  military  term  in  connection  with  a  flintlock  musket, 
such  as  he  carried  in  the  Black  Hawk  War.  In  loading  a  musket,  the 
pan  was  first  opened,  "  primed "  with  powder,  then  shut.  The  friends 
of  Mr.  Chase  and  the  friends  of  other  able  jurists  had  "  primed "  Mr. 
Lincoln,  but  the  "  pan "  would  remain  shut  until  he  was  ready  to  an- 
nounce his  choice.  Mr.  Chase  had  endeavored  to  secure  the  nomination 
as  President,  but  Abraham  Lincoln  had  no  personal  resentments.  He 
gave  him  the  appointment. 

"While  General  Sherman  was  planning  a  movement  from  Atlanta, 
General  Hood,  commanding  the  Confederate  army  in  the  West,  was 
making  arrangements  to  invade  Tennessee.  He  thought  Sherman  would 
be  compelled  to  hasten  northward.  One  started  eastward  in  the  di- 
rection of  Savannah ;  the  other  at  the  same  time  moved  northward 
towards  Nashville,  held  by  Thomas.  It  was  a  remarkable  spectacle — 
two  great  armies  marching  in  opposite  directions. 

On  December  16th  Hood  suffered  a  disastrous  defeat.  His  troops 
were  disheartened  and  scattered.  Many  of  his  soldiers  deserted  to  their 
homes,  never  again  to  be  marshalled  for  battle. 

The  army  under  Sherman  reached  the  sea  and  opened  communica- 
tion with  the  war-ships.  On  the  morning  of  December  23d  it  entered 
Savannah.  Inspiring  the  message  sent  by  Sherman  to  President  Lin- 
coln: 

'•  I  beg  to  present  you  a  Christmas  gift — the  City  of  Savannah,  with  150  heavy  guns 
and  plenty  of  ammunition,  also  about  25,000  bales  of  cotton." 

There  was  joy  in  the  White  House  on  Christmas  Eve.  The  news- 
papers throughout  the  country  on  Christmas  morning  contained  the 
thrilling  news.  As  the  dawn  betokens  the  coming  day,  so  the  defeat 
of  Hood,  the  march  of  Sherman,  the  possession  of  Savannah,  heralded 
approaching  peace. 


RE-ELECTED   PRESIDENT.  471 

NOTES   TO    CHAPTER  XXIV. 

( ' )  Mrs.  Frances  D.  Gage  to  Author,  1863. 

(2)  Ibid. 

(3)  "Century  Magazine,"  September,  1889. 

(4)  Ibid. 

(&)  D.  R.  Locke,  "Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  450. 

( 6 )  Ibid.,  p.  452. 

(7)  E.  W.  Andrews,  "  Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  507. 

( 8 )  "  Century  Magazine,"  September.  1889. 

(9)  Ibid. 

(10)  Charles  A.  Dana,  "  Reminiscences  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  372. 
( " )  "  Century  Magazine,"  September,  1889. 

(12)  Ibid. 


472  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


CHAPTER  XXY. 

THE    END     OF     SLAVERY. 

/CONGRESS  was  in  session.  The  time  had  come  for  carrying  out 
V-V  the  verdict  of  the  people  in  regard  to  slavery.  Senator  Trumbull, 
jan.  e,  from  the  Joint  Judiciary  Committee,  reported  the  Thirteenth 
1865.  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  : 

"Section  I.  Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a 
punishment  for  crime,  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted, 
shall  exist  within  the  United  States,  or  any  place  subject  to  their  juris- 
diction. 

"  Section  II.  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article  by 
appropriate  legislation." 

Mr.  Voorhees,  member  from  Indiana,  thought  the  time  had  not  come 
for  such  an  amendment,  and  opposed  it.  "  When  the  sky,"  he  said, 
"  shall  again  be  clear  over  our  heads,  a  peaceful  sun  illuminating  the 
land,  and  our  great  household  of  States  all  at  home  in  harmony  once 
more,  then  will  be  the  time  to  consider  what  changes,  if  any,  this  gen- 
eration desires  to  make  in  the  work  of  Washington  and  Madison,  and 
the  several  sages  of  our  antiquity." 

Such  was  not  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Rollins,  of  Missouri.  "  I  have  been 
a  slave-holder,"  he  said, "  but  I  am  no  longer  an  owner  of  slaves,  and  I 
thank  God  for  it.  Missouri  has  adopted  an  amendment  to  her  Constitu- 
tion for  the  immediate  emancipation  of  all  slaves  in  the  State.  If  the 
giving  up  of  my  slaves  without  complaint  shall  be  a  contribution  upon 
my  part  to  promote  the  public  good,  to  uphold  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  to  restore  peace  and  preserve  the  Union,  if  I  had  owned 
a  thousand  slaves  they  would  cheerfully  have  been  given  up.  We  never 
can  have  entire  peace  as  long  as  slavery  remains  as  one  of  the  recog- 
nized institutions  of  the  country." 

"We  have,"  said  Thaddeus  Stevens,  who  had  the  amendment  in 
charge,  "suffered  for  slavery  more  than  all  the  plagues  of  Egypt. 
More  than  the  first-born  of  every  household  has  been  taken.  We  still 


THE  END  OF   SLAVERY.  473 

harden  our  hearts  and  refuse  to  let  the  people  go.  The  scourge  still 
continues ;  nor  do  I  expect  it  to  cease  till  we  obey  the  behests  of  the 
Father  of  men.  "We  are  about  to  ascertain  the  national  will  by  an 
amendment  to  the  Constitution.  If  the  gentlemen  opposite  will  yield  to 
the  voice  of  God  and  humanity,  and  vote  for  it,  I  verily  believe  the 
sword  of  the  destroying  angel  will  be  stayed,  and  this  people  be  re- 
united. If  we  harden  our  hearts,  and  blood  must  still  flow,  may  the 
ghosts  of  the  slaughtered  victims  sit  heavily  upon  the  souls  of  those 
who  cause  it." 

Two -thirds  of  those  voting  must  favor  the  amendment  to  secure 
its  passage.  It  was  known  that  some  of  the  Democratic  members  of 
the  House  were  ready  to  vote  for  so  beneficent  a  measure ;  but  would 
there  be  a  sufficient  number  ? 

Breathless  the  silence  as  the  clerk  called  the  roll — broken  by  a  low 
murmur  of  approval  when  Mr.  English,  Democratic  member  from  Con- 
necticut, responded  "Aye."  The  applause  was  repeated  with  increasing 
emphasis  as  other  Democrats  followed  his  example.  The  last  name  was 
called.  One  hundred  and  nineteen  Ayes,  fifty-six  Noes — two  more  than 
the  requisite  number !  The  great  transaction  was  accomplished.  The 
hall  rang  with  cheers.  Members  stood  upon  their  seats,  mounted  their 
desks,  shouted  their  huzzas.  The  great  audience  in  the  galleries  and 
crowding  the  doorways  thundered  its  applause.  Outside  the  Capitol 
cannon  announced  to  President  Lincoln,  to  the  soldiers  wasting  away 
in  the  hospitals,  to  the  people  of  Washington,  that  there  was  to  be  no 
more  slavery  in  the  land.  In  the  evening  a  great  crowd  gathered 
around  the  White  House.  The  President,  responding  to  their  call, 
said: 

"I  cannot  but  congratulate  you,  myself,  the  country,  the  whole 
world,  upon  this  great  moral  victory." 

In  God's  time  and  way  the  blow  had  been  given,  and  slavery 
abolished. 

President  Lincoln,  in  1860,  cheerfully  surrendered  to  Great  Britain 
the  two  Confederate  agents — Mason  and  Slidell,  wrongfully  seized  by 
Commodore  Wilkes.  Mr.  Mason  had  been  courteously  received  in  Lon- 
don by  Lord  John  Kussell  as  a  private  citizen,  but  England  was  not 
ready  to  recognize  him  as  an  agent  of  the  Confederacy.  Mr.  Slidell, 
in  Paris,  had  been  accorded  several  interviews  with  Louis  Napoleon, 
who  said  that  his  sympathies  were  with  the  South.  He  considered  the 
re-establishment  of  the  Union  impossible,  and  final  separation  a  mere 
question  of  time.  The  difficulty  before  him  was  to  find  a  way  to  ex- 


474 


LIFE    OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 


PASSAGE  OF  THE   AMENDMENT  TO  THE   CONSTITUTION  PROHIBITING   SLAVERY. 

press  his  sympathies.  He  desired  to  preserve  friendly  relations  with 
England,  but  was  not  willing  to  act  without  the  co-operation  of  that 
country. 

Through  the  war  the  Emperor  had  keenly  watched  every  movement 
of  the  conflict.  He  was  dreaming  of  empire  and  power.  He  longed  to 
have  his  name  known  in  future  ages.  He  desired  to  see  the  great  re- 


THE  END  OF  SLAVERY.  475 

public  of  the  West  divided,  the  government  of  the  people  overthrown. 
Its  example  and  influence  were  threatening  the  stability  of  European 
governments.  The  United  States,  during  the  administration  of  Presi- 
dent Monroe,  declared  to  the  world  that  there  must  be  no  interference 
on  the  part  of  European  governments  with  affairs  in  the  Western  hemi- 
sphere. Each  government  must  be  left  to  itself  in  working  out  its  well- 
being  and  destiny.  Just  before  the  secession  of  the  Southern  States  the 
"Clerical"  Party  in  the  Republic  of  Mexico  annulled  the  Constitution 
of  that  country  and  elected  Miramon  dictator,  who  seized  $660,000, 
which  had  been  set  aside  for  the  payment  of  interest  on  bonds  held 
in  England.  The  dictator  issued  $15,000,000  in  bonds,  which  were  sold 
to  French  brokers  for  $700,000  in  gold.  The  Liberal  Party  elected 
Juarez  President,  who  defeated  Miramon  in  battle,  and  compelled  him 
to  flee  the  country.  The  Liberals,  having  obtained  possession  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, confiscated  a  portion  of  the  estates  of  the  Church.  Some  of 
the  bishops,  who  had  made  themselves  very  obnoxious,  also  the  Papal 
Nuncio,  were  ordered  to  leave  Mexico.  The  people  had  been  plundered 
by  the  Clerical  Party.  The  country  was  poor.  Miramon  had  taken  the 
last  dollar  from  the  national  treasury.  A  law  was  passed  suspending 
for  two  years  payment  of  interest  on  the  bonds  held  in  England  and 
in  Europe.  The  ministers  of  England,  France,  and  Spain  informed 
President  Juarez  that  unless  it  was  annulled  in  twenty-four  hours  they 
would  haul  down  their  flags  and  suspend  all  intercourse.  A  convention 
was  held  in  London  by  agents  of  the  three  countries,  and  it  was  agreed 
that  each  country  should  send  a  fleet  and  troops  to  Vera  Cruz  to  hold 
that  port,  and  collect  the  custom  dues. 

It  probably  never  will  be  known  just  what  inducements  were  brought 
to  bear  upon  Emperor  Louis  Napoleon  to  induce  him  to  enter  upon  a 
grand  scheme  for  the  extension  of  the  influence  and  power  of  France  in 
Mexico,  but  on  February  14,  1862,  Mr.  Charles  Francis  Adams,  at  Lon- 
don, informed  Secretary  Seward  that  the  Emperor  of  France  intended 
to  establish  a  monarchy  in  Mexico,  with  Maximilian,  brother  of  the 
Emperor  of  Austria,  and  Carlotta,  daughter  of  the  King  of  Belgium, 
upon  the  throne. 

The  fleets  of  France  crossed  the  Atlantic  with  several  thousand 
troops,  which  landed  at  Vera  Cruz,  marched  inland,  but  were  con- 
fronted and  defeated  by  the  Mexicans.  England  and  Spain,  seeing 
Louis  Napoleon  had  ulterior  designs  in  Mexico,  withdrew  their  troops. 
A  form  of  election  was  held  by  the  French  commander,  and  Maximil- 
ian declared  to  be  the  choice  of  the  Mexicans  as  ruler  of  the  na- 


476  LIFE    OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

tion.      The  Monroe  Doctrine  had  been  set  aside  by  the  Emperor  of 
France. 

.  At  this  juncture  Mr.  Francis  P.  Blair  thought  he  could  render  great 
service  to  the  United  States.  He  was  a  venerable  gentleman,  who  had 
been  influential  in  political  affairs  during  the  administrations  of  Jackson 
and  Van  Buren.  He  was  intimately  acquainted  with  Jefferson  Davis 
and  men  holding  high  positions  in  the  Confederate  Government.  Mr. 
Blair  undoubtedly  believed  that  he  could  bring  about  peace.  He  applied 
to  President  Lincoln  for  a  pass  beyond  the  lines  of  the  army,  which  was 
granted.  Mr.  Blair  addressed  a  letter  to  Mr.  Davis,  stating  that  when 
General  Early's  army  was  in  the  vicinity  of  Washington,  the  soldiers 
had  access  to  his  home  in  the  suburbs  of  the  city,  and  doubtless  carried 
away  some  papers  which  were  of  value  to  himself,  and  he  would  like  to 
visit  Richmond  to  recover  them.  The  letter  furnished  a  reason  to  an 
inquiring  public.  Far  different  a  personal  letter  to  Mr.  Davis,  which 
set  forth  his  true  desire.  He  wished  to  explain  his  views  upon  the  state 
of  the  country — to  promote  its  welfare.  He  was  not  an  accredited 
agent  from  President  Lincoln,  but  desired,  as  an  individual  and  a  pri- 
vate citizen,  to  "unbosom  his  heart  frankly  and  without  reserve."  (') 

By  flag  of  truce  Mr.  Blair  reached  Richmond,  January  12,  1865,  and 
was  kindly  received.  He  submitted  a  long  communication  to  President 
Davis. 

"Slavery,"  Mr.  Blair  said,  "no  longer  remains  an  insurmountable 
obstruction  to  pacification.  .  .  .  The  North  and  South  speak  one  lan- 
guage, are  educated  in  the  same  common  law.  .  .  .  They  were  coming 
together  again.  .  .  .  The  few  States  remaining  in  arms  against  the  Gov- 
ernment were  ready  to  surrender  slavery.  .  .  .  Louis  Napoleon  had  de- 
clared he  intended  to  make  the  Latin  race  supreme  in  the  southern  sec- 
tion of  the  continent." 

Mr.  Blair  told  Mr.  Davis  he  was  in  a  position  to  drive  Maximilian 
from  his  American  throne  and  baffle  the  designs  of  Napoleon.  (") 

Mr.  Blair's  plan  was  for  the  Confederacy  to  give  up  the  struggle, 
unite  with  the  North,  and  drive  the  French  out  of  Mexico. 

President  Davis  addressed  a  note  to  Mr.  Blair,  which  he  was  at 
liberty  to  read  to  President  Lincoln. 

"  I  have  no  disposition,"  said  Davis,  "  to  find  obstacles  in  forms,  and 
am  willing  now,  as  heretofore,  to  enter  into  negotiations  for  the  resto- 
ration of  peace.  I  am  ready  to  send  a  commission  whenever  I  have 
reason  to  suppose  it  will  be  received,  and  to  receive  a  commission  if  the 
United  States  Government  shall  choose  to  send  one." 


THE  END  OF  SLAVERY.  4T7 

Mr.  Blair  reached  Washington,  January  18th,  and  laid  the  letter  from 
Davis  before  the  President,  who  in  turn  wrote : 

"You  may  say  to  Mr.  Davis  that  I  have  constantly  been  and  am  now  and  shall  con- 
tinue ready  to  receive  any  agent  whom  he  or  any  other  influential  persons  now  resisting 
the  national  authority  may  informally  send  to  me  with  the  view  of  securing  peace  to  the 
people  of  our  common  country." 

Mr.  Blair  returned  to  Richmond,  and  informed  President  Davis  that 
President  Lincoln  would  not  be  able  to  make  any  direct  movement 
towards  peace.  Were  he  to  do  so  he  would  be  hampered  by  Congress. 
It  was  Mr.  Blair's  excuse,  not  the  President's. 

The  chief  executive  of  the  nation  would  receive  any  one  accredited 
from  the  Confederate  Government,  but  Grant,  Sherman,  and  the  soldiers 
were  the  agents  upon  whom  he  relied  for  securing  lasting  peace.  He 
knew  that  in  a  few  weeks  the  Confederacy  would  have  no  power  to 
continue  the  war.  It  was  known  that  the  Confederate  army  had  very 
little  food.  Governor  Brown,  of  Georgia,  was  refusing  to  obey  the 
laws  passed  by  the  Confederate  Congress.  The  return  of  Mr.  Blair 
to  Richmond  created  a  stir  in  that  city.  The  people  regarded  it  as 
a  sign  of  approaching  peace.  Mr.  Davis  appointed  Vice-president 
Alexander  H.  Stephens,  Judge  John  A.  Campbell,  and  R.  M.  T.  Hunter 
commissioners  to  act  under  the  letter  written  by  President  Lincoln  to 
Mr.  Blair. 

"  You  are  requested,"  said  Mr.  Davis,  in  his  letter  to  them,  "  to  pro- 
ceed to  Washington  City  for  informal  conference  with  Mr.  Lincoln  upon 
the  issues  involved  in  the  existing  war,  and  for  the  purpose  of  securing 
peace  to  the  two  countries."  ( 3 ) 

President  Lincoln  was  ready  to  receive  any  one  coming  with  a  view 
of  securing  peace  to  the  people  of  "  our  common  country."  President 
Davis  was  for  securing  peace  to  the  "two  countries."  That  was  the 
difference. 

The  President  commissioned  (January  31,  1865)  Secretary  Seward 
to  proceed  to  Fortress  Monroe  to  meet  the  Confederate  commissioners. 
Explicit  and  plain  his  letter  of  instructions. 

"  The  following  things,''  wrote  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  are  indispensable : 

"First.  The  restoration  of  the  national  authority  throughout  all 
the  States. 

"  Second.  No  receding  by  the  executive  of  the  United  States  on  the 
slavery  question  from  the  position  assumed  thereon  in  the  late  annual 
message  to  Congress  and  in  preceding  documents. 


478  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  Third.  No  cessation  of  hostilities  short  of  an  end  of  the  war,  and 
the  disbanding  of  all  forces  hostile  to  the  Government.  You  will  inform 
them  that  all  propositions  of  theirs,  not  inconsistent  with  the  above, 
will  be  considered  and  passed  upon  in  a  spirit  of  sincere  liberality ;  you 
will  hear  all  they  may  choose  to  say  and  repeat  to  me ;  you  will  not 
assume  to  definitely  consummate  anything." 

Equally  explicit  was  the  instruction  of  the  President  to  General 
Grant,  sent  by  special  messenger  Major  Eckert :  "Let  nothing  which 
is  transpiring  change,  hinder,  or  delay  your  military  plans." 

General  Grant  had  desired  no  armistice,  and  informed  the  President 
that  the  troops  were  in  readiness  to  move  at  the  shortest  notice.  The 
sentinels  did  not  relax  their  vigilance.  The  sharp-shooters  were  still  on 
the  alert.  The  cannon  of  both  armies  thundered  daily. 

Secretary  Seward  visited  Fortress  Monroe  to  meet  the  agents  of 
the  Confederate  Government.  It  was  night  when  the  commissioners, 
under  a  flag  of  truce,  reached  the  headquarters  of  General  Grant 
Fi86&'  a^  ®'lty  P0^  They  found  the  commander  of  the  Union  army 
in  a  log-cabin,  busily  writing  at  a  small  table.  The  cabin  was 
lighted  by  a  kerosene  lamp.  Mr.  Stephens  was  impressed  with  the  sim- 
plicity and  naturalness  of  General  Grant. 

"  There  was  nothing,"  he  says,  "  to  indicate  his  official  rank.  There 
were  neither  guards  nor  aids  about  him.  He  furnished  us  comfortable 
quarters  on  board  one  of  his  despatch-boats.  The  more  I  became  ac- 
quainted with  him,  the  more  I  became  thoroughly  impressed  with  the 
very  extraordinary  combination  of  rare  elements  of  character  which  he 
exhibited.  During  the  time  he  met  us  frequently,  and  conversed  freely 
upon  various  subjects,  not  much  upon  our  mission.  I  saw,  however, 
very  clearly  that  he  was  anxious  for  the  proposed  conference  to  take 
place."  (4) 

General  Grant  in  turn  was  impressed  by  the  sincerity  and  earnest- 
ness of  the  commissioners. 

"  I  recognize,"  he  telegraphed  to  Stanton,  "  the  difficulties  in  the 
way  of  receiving  these  informal  commissioners  at  this  time,  and  do  not 
know  what  to  recommend.  I  am  sorry,  however,  that  Mr.  Lincoln  can- 
not have  an 'interview  with  the  two  named  in  this  despatch  (Stephens 
and  Hunter),  if  not  with  all  three  now  within  our  lines." 

President  Lincoln  read  the  despatch.  If  the  Confederates  sincere- 
ly desired  peace  he  was  ready  to  see  them,  although  they  had 
been  appointed  by  Jefferson  Davis  on  a  basis  different  from  what 
he  himself  had  stipulated.  He  did  not  know  that  Davis  had  charged 


THE  END   OF   SLAVERY. 


479 


the  commissioners  to  demand  his  recognition  as  President  of  a  separate 
nationality.  (5) 

"Say  to  the  gentlemen,"  Mr.  Lincoln  telegraphed,  "I  will  meet 
them  personally  at  Fortress  Monroe." 

It  was  midwinter — the  mercury  nearly  down  to  zero.  Mr.  Stephens, 
small  of  stature,  in  feeble  health,  wrapped  himself  in  three  overcoats 


ALEXANDER  H.   STEPHENS. 


480  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

and  a  woollen  muffler.  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Seward  were  in  the  cabin 
of  the  steamer  River  Queen,  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  com- 
^gg'  missioners.  They  saw,  at  the  farther  end  of  the  saloon,  Mr. 
Stephens  laying  aside  his  overcoats  one  by  one.  When  the  dis- 
robing was  finished  they  beheld  a  shrivelled,  boyish-looking  little  man. 

"  Seward,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  that  is  the  largest  shucking  for  so 
small  a  nubbin  that  I  ever  saw." 

There  were  friendly  greetings,  hearty  hand-shakings,  pleasant  talk 
of  old  times.  Mr.  Stephens  asked  if  there  was  no  way  of  restoring  hap- 
piness and  harmony. 

"  I  know  of  but  one  way,"  Mr.  Lincoln  replied.  "  Those  who  are 
resisting  the  laws  of  the  Union  must  cease  their  resistance." 

"  We  have  been  induced  to  believe,"  said  Mr.  Stephens,  "  that  both 
parties  might  cease  present  strife  and  take  up  a  Continental  question, 
which  would  give  time  for  their  anger  to  cool." 

"  I  suppose,"  the  President  replied,  "  you  refer  to  something  Mr. 
Blair  has  said.  Now  it  is  proper  for  me  to  state  that  Mr.  Blair  had  no 
authority  from  me  to  make  any  statement.  When  he  applied  to  me  for 
a  pass  to  go  to  Richmond  with  certain  ideas  he  wished  to  make  known 
to  me,  I  told  him  flatly  I  did  not  want  to  hear  them.  When  he  returned 
and  brought  me  Mr.  Davis's  letter,  I  gave  him  the  one  to  which  you 
allude  in  your  application  to  pass  the  lines.  I  was  always  willing  to 
hear  propositions  for  peace,  on  the  conditions  of  this  letter  and  on  no 
others.  The  restoration  of  the  Union  is  a  sine  qua  non  with  me,  and 
hence  my  instructions  that  no  conference  was  to  be  held  except  on  that 
basis."  (') 

Mr.  Stephens  possibly  thought  Mr.  Lincoln  could  be  influenced  by 
argument.  He  urged  an  armistice,  and  a  joint  expedition  of  Union  and 
Confederate  troops  to  drive  the  French  out  of  Mexico.  This  would 
establish  the  right  of  self-government  to  all  countries  in  the  western 
hemisphere  against  any  interference  from  European  nations.  The 
Confederate  Vice-president  underrated  the  logical  powers  of  Mr.  Lin- 
coln if  he  thought  to  hoodwink  him  by  such  sophistry.  Consenting  to 
a  joint  expedition  would  be  an  acknowledgment  of  the  Confederacy  as 
a  separate  nation. 

"  I  cannot,"  Mr.  Lincoln  replied,  "  entertain  a  proposition  for  an  ar- 
mistice on  any  terms  while  the  vital  question  of  reunion  is  undisposed 
of.  That  is  the  first  question  with  me.  I  can  enter  into  no  treaty, 
convention,  or  stipulation  or  agreement  with  the  Confederate  States, 
jointly  or  separately,  upon  any  other  subject  but  upon  the  basis  first 


THE  END   OF  SLAVERY. 


481 


K.    M.   T.    HUNTER. 


settled — that  the  Union  is  to  be  restored.  Any  such  agreement  or  stipu- 
lation would  be  a  quasi  recognition  of  the  States  then  in  arms  against 
the  National  Government  as  a  separate  power.  That  I  never  will  do. 
.  .  .  Even  if  the  Confederate  States  should  entertain  the  proposition  to 
return  to  the  Union,  I  could  not  enter  into  any  agreement  in  regard  to 
reconstruction,  or  upon  any  other  matters  of  that  sort,  while  there  were 
parties  in  arms  against  the  Government."  ( ' ) 

"  But,"  interposed  Mr.  Hunter,  "  there  are  instances  where  a  chief 
executive  has  entered  into  agreements  even  when  there  were  parties 
in  arms  against  acknowledged  authority.  Charles  L,  of  England, 
did  it." 

"I  do  not  profess  to  be  posted  in  history,"  Mr.  Lincoln  replied. 
"  On  such  matters  I  will  turn  you  over  to  Mr.  Seward.  All  that  I  dis- 
tinctly recollect  about  Charles  I.  is  that  he  lost  his  head."  (e) 

The  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  abolishing  slavery  was  read. 

"  The  slaves,"  said  Mr.  Hunter,  "  have  always  been  accustomed  to 
an  overseer.  If  you  suddenly  free  them  on  the  basis  of  the  Emancipa. 

31 


482  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

tion  Proclamation,  you  will  not  only  precipitate  them,  but  the  entire 
Southern  people,  into  irredeemable  ruin." 

"Mr.  Hunter,"  the  President  replied,  "you  ought  to  know  more 
about  this  matter  than  I,  for  you  have  always  lived  under  the  slave  sys- 
tem. I  can  only  say  that  your  statement  brings  to  mind  Farmer  Case, 
out  in  Illinois,  who  undertook  to  raise  a  lot  of  hogs.  It  was  no  small 
job  to  feed  them.  He  had  a  large  field  of  potatoes,  and  he  concluded 
to  turn  the  hogs  loose  and  let  them  have  full  swing.  It  would  save 
digging  the  potatoes.  He  was  looking' at  the  critters  one  day  when  a 
neighbor  came  along.  '  Case,'  said  he,  '  your  hogs  are  doing  well  just 
now,  but  what  will  become  of  them  when  the  ground  freezes  ?'  '  Well,' 
said  Case,  '  it  may  come  rather  hard  on  their  snouts,  but  it  will  be  root, 
hog,  or  die.'" (fl) 

"  Mr.  President,"  said  Mr.  Seward,  "  I  think  we  may  as  well  inform 
the  gentlemen  that  the  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  abolishing 
slavery  was  acted  on  by  Congress  yesterday,  and  it  doubtless  will  be 
ratified  by  the  requisite  number  of  States." 

"  That  is  true,  gentlemen,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln.  u  I  suggest  that  the 
States  which  have  seceded  return  and  vote  for  its  ratification.  It  is  de- 
sirable to  have  the  consent  of  the  people  as  soon  as  possible.  I  do  not 
doubt  they  will  be  ready  to  make  liberal  compensation  for  your  slaves 
—possibly  $400,000,000.  You  would  be  surprised,  gentlemen,  were  I 
to  give  you  the  names  of  those  who  favor  it." 

Mr.  Lincoln  spoke  of  the  position  of  individuals  who  had  taken  part 
in  the  Rebellion. 

"  According  to  your  view  of  the  case,"  said  Mr.  Stephens,  '•  we  are 
all  guilty  of  treason  and  liable  to  be  hanged." 

"  Yes,  that  is  so,"  Mr.  Lincoln  replied. 

"  Well,  I  have  no  fear  of  being  executed  so  long  as  you  are  Presi- 
dent," said  Mr.  Stephens. 

Hampered  by  the  conditions  imposed  by  Jefferson  Davis,  the  com- 
missioners could  not  make  any  definite  proposition  for  ending  the  war. 
Mr.  Lincoln  stated  frankly  and  decidedly  that  there  was  one  course 
they  could  pursue  which  would  end  the  struggle  at  once — submission  to 
Federal  authority. 

"  I'll  tell  you,"  he  said  to  Mr.  Stephens,  "  what  I  would  do,  were  I 
a  citizen  of  Georgia,  as  you  are.  I  would  go  home  and  get  the  Gov- 
ernor to  call  the  Legislature  together,  recall  the  troops,  elect  Senators 
and  Representatives  to  Congress,  and  ratify  the  Amendment  to  the  Con- 
stitution abolishing  slavery."('°) 


THE  END  OF   SLAVERY.  483 

Both  the  meeting  and  parting  were  friendly.  On  the  trip  up  the 
Potomac  the  President  was  looking  into  the  future.  He  knew  the  time 
was  near  when  the  people  must  deal  with  the  question  of  reconstruc- 
tion. If  there  was  to  be  a  true  restoration  of  the  Union,  there  must  be 
conciliation  on  the  part  of  the  North  towards  the  defeated  South. 
Would  not  an  offer  of  compensation  for  the  slaves  freed  go  far  towards 
bringing  about  harmony  ?  Upon  his  arrival  at  Washington  the  matter 
was  brought  to  the  attention  of  the  Cabinet.  The  President  pro- 
posed to  submit  a  message  to  Congress  recommending  an  appro- 
priation of  $400,000,000,  and  that  all  political  offences  be  condoned. 

The  Cabinet  did  not  take  kindly  to  the  proposition.  The  President 
was  surprised. 

"  Plow  long  will  the  war  last  ?"  he  asked.  No  one  answered.  It  was 
a  painful  silence.  The  President  continued :  "  Let  us  suppose  it  will 
last  100  days.  We  are  spending  $3,000,000  a  day,  which  will  amount 
to  all  the  money,  besides  all  the  lives.  But  I  see  you  are  all  opposed  to 
me,  and  I  will  not  send  the  message." 

It  was  laid  aside  and  never  again  taken  up.  In  his  desire  to  save 
life,  his  earnestness  to  secure  peace,  in  the  greatness  of  his  charity,  Mr. 
Lincoln  had  gone  to  the  extreme  verge  of  magnanimity. 

"The  earnest  desire  of  the  President,"  wrote  Mr.  Welles  in  his  diary, 
"  to  conciliate  and  effect  peace  was  manifest,  but  there  may  be  such  an 
overdoing  as  to  cause  distrust  or  adverse  feeling.  The  rebels  would 
misconstrue  it  if  the  offer  were  made."  (") 

The  Confederate  commissioners  had  not  manifested  any  desire  to 
return  to  the  Union.  Jefferson  Davis  had  stipulated  for  his  recognition 
as  chief  executive  of  an  independent  nation.  There  was  no  evidence 
that  the  slave-holding  States  could  be  conciliated  by  the  proposed  offer. 
A  noble  desire  had  taken  possession  of  the  great-hearted  President. 
The  longing  for  peace,  the  restoration  of  the  Union,  and  the  saving  of 
life  for  the  moment  outweighed  his  judgment.  Had  he  waited  a  few 
hours  we  may  be  sure  the  matter  never  would  have  been  laid  before 
the  Cabinet. 

The  Confederate  commissioners  returned  to  Richmond,  chagrined 

over  their  failure.     While  they  were  making  their  way  up  the  James 

and  through  the  Union  lines  under  their  safe  conduct,  the  Con- 

Yses4'  federate  Congress  was  considering  the  question  of  adopting  a 

new  flag  for  the  Confederacy,  as  if  it  was  to  wave  forever  as 

an  emblem  of  sovereignty,  oblivious  as  was  Belshazzar  of  approaching 

doom.     The  commissioners  reported  to  Jefferson  Davis  that  the  Con- 


484  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

federacy  must  disappear  before  there  could  be  any  peace.     A  clerk  in 
the  Confederate  War  Department  wrote  the  following  in  his  diary  : 

"As  I  supposed,  the  peace  commissioners  have  returned  from  their  fruitless  errand. 
President  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Seward,  it  appears,  had  nothing  to  propose,  and  would  listen 
to  nothing  but  unconditional  submission.  The  Congress  of  the  United  States  has 
just  passed,  by  a  two-thirds  vote,  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  abolishing 
slavery.  Now,  the  South  will  soon  be  fired  up  again,  perhaps  with  a  new  impulse,  and 
the  war  will  rage  with  greater  fury  than  ever.  Mr.  Stephens  will  go  into  Georgia  and 
reanimate  his  people.  General  Wise  spoke  at  length  for  independence  at  the  Capitol  on 
Saturday  night  amid  applauding  listeners,  and  GovernnrSmitli  spoke  to-night.  Every  effort 
will  be  made  to  popularize  the  cause  again.  General  Wise's  brigade  has  sent  up  resolu- 
tions consenting  to  a  gradual  emancipation,  but  never  for  reunion  with  the  North.  All  ' 
hope  of  peace  with  independence  is  extinct,  and  valor  alone  is  now  relied  on  for  our  sal- 
vation. Every  one  thinks  the  Confederacy  will  at  once  gather  up  its  military  strength 
and  strike  such  blows  as  will  astonish  the  world."  ( 12 ) 

Mr.  Campbell  had  comprehended  the  situation  of  affairs  more  clearly 
than  either  Stephens  or  Hunter.  He  saw  the  impracticability  of  the 
scheme  devised  by  Mr.  Blair,  which  had  been  made  the  basis  of  the  con- 
ference. He  advised  that  the  reason  for  its  failure  be  kept  secret.  Jef- 
ferson Davis,  in  his  anger,  refused  to  accept  such  advice.  He  sent  a 
message  to  Congress,  in  which  he  said  that  the  enemy  had  refused  all 
terms  except  those  which  a  conqueror  might  grant.  The  newspapers 
of  Richmond  reflected  the  general  sentiment  of  the  hour. 

"  We  have  had,"  said  the  '  Sentinel,'  "  some  peace  men  among  us, 
but  there  are  no  peace  men  now.  Xot  realizing  the  full  enormity  of 
our  enemies,  they  have  deemed  it  impossible  that  their  devilish  thirst 
for  our  blood  was  not  yet  slaked ;  that  their  rapacious  designs  upon  our 
homes  and  property,  and  their  desire  to  destroy  our  liberties  were  not 
yet  abandoned  or  abated ;  and  hence  they  have  been  anxious  that  our 
government  should  extend  the  olive-branch.  These  questions  are  set- 
tled now.  We  have  been  pressed  to  the  wall,  and  told  plainly  there  was 
no  escape  except  such  as  we  shall  hew  out  with  our  manful  swords. 
There  is  literally  no  retreat  except  in  chains  and  slavery." 

The  Governor  of  Virginia,  William  Smith,  called  a  public  meeting, 
which  was  held  in  the  African  Baptist  Church,  the  largest  in  Richmond. 
He  presented  a  series  of  resolutions  denouncing  and  spurning  as  a  gross 
insult  the  terms  offered  by  President  Lincoln.  "  Men  who  grumble  now 
deserve  a  lamp-post,"  he  said. 

"  If  the  spirit  which  animates  you  to-night,"  said  Jefferson  Davis, 
"  shall  meet  writh  a  general  response,  as  I  have  no  doubt  it  will,  I  shall 
feel  that  we  are  on  the  verge  of  success.  We  shall  not  again  be  insulted 


THE  END  OF   SLAVERY.  485 

by  such  terms  of  peace  as  the  arrogance  of  the  enemy  has  lately  pro- 
posed, but  ere  many  months  have  elapsed  our  successes  will  cause  them 
to  feel  that  when  talking  to  us  they  are  talking  to  their  masters." 

Jefferson  Davis  was  confronted  by  a  puzzling  question.  He  had 
transmitted  a  message  to  Congress  relating  to  the  enlistment  of  slaves 
as  soldiers.  Pie  thought  the  slaves  would  fight  for  the  Confederacv. 
The  Government  ought  to  purchase  them  from  their  masters.  But 
ought  not  the  negroes  to  have  their  freedom  ?  Would  they  fight  unless 
some  inducement  were  held  out  to  them  ? 

"  The  policy,"  he  said,  "  of  engaging  to  liberate  the  negro  on  his  dis- 
charge after  service  faithfully  rendered,  seems  to  me  to  be  preferable  to 
that  of  granting  immediate  manumission  or  that  of  retaining  him  in 
servitude." 

The  Southern  people  were  greatly  astonished  Avhen  they  read  the 
message.  Arm  slaves !  Give  them  their  freedom !  Was  not  slavery 
the  corner-stone  of  the  Confederacy? 

A  meeting  was  held  to  consider  the  question.     Mr.  Benjamin  said 

that  slaves  who  volunteered  to  fight  for  the  Confederacy  ought  to  have 

their  freedom.     Other  speakers  said  the  white  soldiers  would  re- 

Feb   11 

sent  the  enlistment  of  negroes.  General  Lee,  in  a  letter,  said 
that  negroes  would  make  good  soldiers.  The  Confederate  Congress 
passed  a  law  for  the  employment  of  200,000  slaves  as  soldiers,  and  au- 
thorized President  Davis  to  accept  slaves  which  might  be  given  to  the 
Confederacy  by  their  owners.  No  reward  was  promised  to  the  slaves. 
The  master  was  still  to  be  master  and  owner.  Such  half-hearted,  in- 
sincere, death-bed  repentance  could  be  of  no  avail.  The  slaves  knew 
that  Abraham  Lincoln  had  given  them  their  freedom.  They  knew  that 
200,000  of  their  race  were  marshalled  under  the  Stars  and  Stripes  as 
free  men,  citizens  of  the  Republic.  The  passage  of  the  bill  was  a  humil- 
iating confession  of  wrong-doing  and  failure. 

The  Confederate  Congress  also  passed  a  resolution  that  if  Rich- 
mond were  evacuated,  all  public  property  should  be  destroyed,  especial- 
ly the  great  warehouses  filled  with  tobacco  owned  by  the  Government. 
General  Lee  was  made  military  dictator.  Having  passed  these  bills, 
Congress  adjourned. 

General  Lee  was  making  great  efforts  to  recruit  his  army  and  obtain 
supplies.  He  knew  that  General  Grant  had  brought  a  large  force  from 
Tennessee  to  North  Carolina ;  that  Sherman  was  advancing  from  Sa- 
vannah ;  that  Sheridan  with  15,000  cavalry  would  soon  be  moving  in 
the  Shenandoah.  With  the  several  Union  armies  closing  around  him. 


486  LIFE   OF   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

the  struggle  must  eventually  end.  There  would  be  humiliation  in  de- 
feat. It  would  be  far  better  to  secure  peace  by  coming  to  an  agree- 
ment with  Grant.  A  flag  of  truce  brought  a  letter  to  the  Union  com- 
mander proposing  a  conference. 

President  Lincoln  was  at  the  Capitol  in  Washington,  signing  bills 

which  Congress  had  passed,  when  a  despatch  from  Grant  to 

'  Stanton  announced  the  proposition  of  Lee.     Mr.  Lincoln  laid 

aside  for  a  moment  the  bills,  and  wrote  this  reply,  purporting  to  be 

from  Mr.  Stanton : 

"  The  President  directs  me  to  say  that  he  wishes  you  to  have  no  conference  with  Gen- 
eral Lee,  unless  it  be  for  capitulation  of  General  Lee's  army,  or  on  some  minor  or  purely 
political  matters.  He  instructs  me  to  say  that  you  are  not  to  decide,  discuss,  or  confer 
upon  any  political  questions.  Such  questions  the  President  holds  in  his  own  hands,  and 
will  submit  them  to  no  military  conference  or  convention.  Meanwhile  you  are  to  press  to 
the  utmost  your  military  advantages." 

Abraham  Lincoln,  servant  of  the  people,  to  begin  on  the  morrow 
another  term  of  service,  determined  no  mistake  should  be  made  in  the 
closing  of  the  conflict. 


NOTES  TO  CHAPTER  XXV. 

1 i )  "  Century  Magazine,"  October,  1889. 

(2)  Ibid. 

(3)  Jefferson  Davis,  "Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Confederate  States,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  612. 

(4)  A.  H.  Stephens,  "War  Between  the  States,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  597. 

(5)  "Augusta  Chronicle,"  January  17,  1865. 

(6)  John  A.  Campbell,  "Southern  Magazine,"  December,  1874. 

( 7 )  A.  H.  Stephens,  "  War  Between  the  States,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  608. 

(8)  "Century  Magazine,"  October,  1889. 

(9)  F.  B.  Carpenter,  "  Six  Mouths  in  the  White  House,"  p.  210. 

(10)  "  Century  Magazine,"  October,  1889. 
(n)  "Century  Magazine,"  November,  1889. 

(12)  J.  B.  Jones,  "Rebel  War  Clerk's  Diary,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  710. 


SECOND  PRESIDENTIAL   TERM.  487 


CHAPTER  XXYI. 

SECOND   PRESIDENTIAL   TERM. 

4  SECOND  time  Abraham  Lincoln  stands  upon  the  portico  of  the 
•**•  Capitol  to  take  the  oath  of  office  as  President  of  the  Republic. 
Far  different  the  outlook  from  that  of  the  first  inauguration.  Then, 
uncertainty,  darkness,  gloom ;  now,  frhe  dawn  of  a  brighter  day,  the 
rising  sun  of  a  new  era.  Then,  an  unfinished  edifice  ;  now,  the 
Mi865  4'  statue  °f  Liberty  crowning  the  world's  most  beautiful  halls  of 
legislation.  Then,  war  about  to  begin;  now,  the  prospect  of 
its  end.  Then,  4,000,000  bondmen ;  now,  slavery  abolished.  The  na- 
tion then  as  helpless  as  a  child ;  now  a  giant,  astonishing  the  world  by 
the  majesty  of  its  power. 

In  the  month  of  August  preceding  the  November  election  the  Peace 
Democracy,  seemingly,  were  about  to  take  possession  of  the  Govern- 
ment. Mr.  Lincoln  had  doubted  his  re-election,  but  the  people  indorsed 
his  administration  by  giving  him  212  electoral  votes,  against  21  for 
McClellan.  None  in  the  Presidential  office  ever  had  greater  cause  for 
elation,  but  those  nearest  Mr.  Lincoln  noticed  a  growing  sense  of  re- 
sponsibility, and  a  consciousness  that  he  was  an  agent  of  divine  Prov- 
idence to  promote  the  well-being  of  his  fellow-men.  It  is  manifest  in 
his  reply  to  the  Committee  of  Congress  apprising  him  officially  of  his 
re-election. 

"  With  deep  gratitude,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  to  my  countrymen  for 
this  mark  of  their  confidence ;  with  a  distrust  of  my  own  ability  to  per- 
form the  duty  required  under  the  most  favorable  circumstances,  and 
now  rendered  doubly  difficult  by  exciting  national  perils;  yet  with  a 
firm  reliance  on  the  strength  of  our  free  government  and  the  eventual 
loyalty  of  the  people  to  just  principles  upon  which  it  is  founded,  and, 
above  all,  with  an  unbroken  faith  in  the  Supreme  Ruler  of  Nations,  I 
accept  this  trust." 

Never  had  any  nation  or  people  heard  such  words  as  were  uttered 
by  Mr.  Lincoln  as  he  stood  upon  the  portico  of  the  Capitol  before  tak- 
ing the  oath  of  office  for  a  second  term : 


488  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  FELLOW- COUNTKYMEN, — At  this  second  appearing  to  take  the  oath  of  the  Presidential 
office,  there  is  less  occasion  for  an  extended  address  than  there  was  at  the  first.  Then,  a 
statement,  somewhat  in  detail,  of  a  course  to  be  pursued,  seemed  fitting  and  proper. 
Now,  at  the  expiration  of  four  years,  during  which  public  declarations  have  been  con- 
stantly called  forth  on  every  point  and  phase  of  the  great  contest  which  still  absorbs  the 
attention  and  engrosses  the  energies  of  the  nation,  little  that  is  new  could  be  pre- 
sented. The  progress  of  our  arms,  upon  which  all  else  chiefly  depends,  is  as  well 
known  to  the  public  as  to  myself;  and  it  is,  I  trust,  reasonably  satisfactory  and  en- 
couraging to  all.  With  high  hope  for  the  future,  no  prediction  in  regard  to  it  is 
ventured. 

"On  the  occasion  corresponding  to  this  four  years  ago,  all  thoughts  were  anxiously 
directed  to  an  impending  civil  war.  All  dreaded  it  —  all  sought  to  avert  it.  While 
the  inaugural  address  was  being  delivered  from  this  place,  devoted  altogether  to 
saving  the  Union  without  war,  insurgent  agents  were  in  the  city  seeking  to  destroy 
it  without  war  —  seeking  to  dissolve  the  Union,  and  divide  effects,  by  negotiation. 
Both  parties  deprecated  war ;  but  one  of  them  would  make  war  rather  than  let  the  na- 
tion survive;  and  the  other  would  accept  war  rather  than  let  it  perish.  And  the  war 
came. 

"One-eighth  of  the  whole  population  were  colored  slaves,  not  distributed  generally 
over  the  Union,  but  localized  in  the  southern  part  of  it.  These  slaves  constituted  a  pecul- 
iar and  powerful  interest.  All  knew  that  this  interest  was,  somehow,  the  cause  of  the 
war.  To  strengthen,  perpetuate,  and  extend  this  interest  was  the  object  for  which  the  in- 
surgents would  rend  the  Union,  even  by  war;  while  the  Government  claimed  no  right  to 
do  more  than  to  restrict  the  territorial  enlargement  of  it.  Neither  party  expected  for  the 
war  the  magnitude  or  the  duration  which  it  has  already  attained.  Neither  anticipated 
that  the  cause  of  the  conflict  might  cease  with,  or  even  before,  the  conflict  itself  should 
cease.  Each  looked  for  an  easier  triumph,  and  a  result  less  fundamental  and  astounding. 
Both  read  the  same  Bible,  and  pray  to  the  same  God;  and  each  invokes  His  aid  against 
the  other.  It  may  seem  strange  that  any  men  should  dare  to  ask  a  just  God's  assistance 
iu  wringing  their  bread  from  the  sweat  of  other  men's  faces;  but  let  us  judge  not,  that  we 
be  not  judged.  The  prayers  of  both  could  not  be  answered — that  of  neither  has  been  an- 
swered fully.  The  Almighty  has  His  own  purposes.  '  Woe  unto  the  world  because  of 
offences!  for  it  must  needs  be  that  offences  come;  but  woe  to  that  man  by  whom  the  of- 
fence cometh.'  If  we  shall  suppose  that  American  slavery  is  one  of  those  offences  which, 
in  the  providence  of  God,  must  needs  come,  but  which,  having  continued  through  His  ap- 
pointed time,  He  now  wills  to  remove,  and  that  He  gives  to  both  North  and  South  this  ter- 
rible war,  as  the  woe  due  to  those  by  whom  the  offence  came,  shall  we  discern  therein  any 
departure  from  those  divine  attributes  which  the  believers  in  a  living  God  always  ascribe 
to  Him?  Fondly  do  we  hope — fervently  do  we  pray — that  this  mighty  scourge  of  war 
may  speedily  pass  away.  Yet,  if  God  wills  that  it  continue  until  all  the  wealth  piled  by 
the  bondman's  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  of  unrequited  toil  shall  be  sunk,  and  until 
every  drop  of  blood  drawn  with  the  lash  shall  be  paid  by  another  drawn  with  the  sword, 
as  was  said  three  thousand  years  ago,  so  still  it  must  be  said,  '  The  judgments  of  the  Lord 
are  true  and  righteous  altogether.' 

"With  malice  towards  none;  with  charity  for  all;  with  firmness  in  the  right,  as  God 
gives  us  to  see  the  right,  let  us  strive  on  to  finish  the  work  we  are  in;  to  bind  up  the  na- 
tion's wounds ;  to  care  for  him  who  shall  have  borne  the  battle,  and  for  his  widow,  and 
his  orphan — to  do  all  which  may  achieve  and  cherish  a  just  and  a  lasting  peace  among 
ourselves,  and  with  all  nations." 


SECOND  PRESIDENTIAL   TERM.  489 

The  address  has  no  parallel  in  political  literature.  To  the  great  au- 
dience listening  in  breathless  attention  it  was  like  a  transcription  of  a 
portion  of  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount.  From  the  hour  when  Lucy  Oil- 
man Speed  talked  with  Mr.  Lincoln  about  eternal  truths,  there  had  been 
within  him  a  growing  recognition  of  divine  Providence  in  human  af- 
fairs. It  appears  in  many  of  his  State  papers  and  private  letters. 

"Every  one  likes  a  compliment,"  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Weed.  "Thank 
you  for  yours,  and  on  my  little  notification  speech  and  on  the  recent  in- 
augural address.  I  expect  the  latter  to  wear  as  well,  or  perhaps  better, 
than  anything  I  have  produced,  but  I  believe  it  is  not  immediately  pop- 
ular. Men  are  not  flattered  by  being  shown  there  is  a  difference  of 
purpose  between  the  Almighty  and  themselves.  To  deny  it,  however, 
in  this  case  is  to  deny  there  is  a  God  governing  the  world.  It  is  a  truth 
which  I  thought  needed  to  be  told,  and  as  to  whatever  of  humiliation 
there  is  in  it  falls  most  directly  on  myself,  I  thought  others  might  af- 
ford for  me  to  tell  it."  (') 

The  great  drama  was  about  to  close.  The  army  under  Sherman  was 
in  North  Carolina.  Union  troops  were  in  Charleston  and  Wilmington. 
Sheridan  with  the  cavalry  was  on  his  way  from  the  Shenandoah  to 
Petersburg.  A  few  more  weeks,  and  the  final  blow  would  be  given. 

General  Grant,  desiring  to  have  an  interview  with  the  President, 

invited  him  to  visit  City  Point.     The  invitation  was  accepted.     He  was 

accompanied  by  Mrs.  Lincoln  and  "Tad,"  on  the  steam Q?' River 

'  Queen,  protected  by  a  small  gunboat.     Upon   the   President's 

arrival  General  Grant  and  the  members  of  his  staff  went  on  board  the 

steamer  to  pay  their  respects  to  their  commander-in-chief.     They  were 

cordially  received. 

"  I  am  not  feeling  very  well,"  said  the  President.  "  I  got  pretty 
well  shaken  up  on  the  bay  coming  down,  and  am  not  altogether  over 

it."(') 

"  Let  me  send,"  said  a  staff -officer,  "  for  a  bottle  of  champagne  for 
you,  Mr.  President ;  that  is  the  best  remedy  I  know  of  for  sea-sickness." 

"  No,  no,  my  young  friend ;  I  have  seen  many  a  man  in  my  time 
sea-sick  ashore  from  drinking  that  very  article,"  the  President  replied. 

In  the  evening  a  pitch-pine  camp-fire  was  kindled  at  the  military 
headquarters.  It  was  a  pleasure  to  the  President  to  sit  before  it,  as- 
suming any  attitude  he  pleased.  He  was  regardless  of  etiquette.  With 
his  legs  at  full  length  or  doubled  up,  the  bright  flames  illuming  his 
countenance,  he  gave  free  play  to  fancy,  and  entertained  General  Grant 
and  his  staff  with  anecdote  and  story.  He  listened  with  interest  to 


490  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

what  others  said.  He  inquired  in  regard  to  new  inventions  relating  to 
military  art. 

"  I  have  here,"  said  General  Horace  Porter,  member  of  the  staff,  "  a 
specimen  of  the  new  powder  for  the  fifteen-inch  guns  at  Fortress  Mon- 
roe. The  kernel  is  nearly  as  large  as  a  walnut." 

"  Well,"  the  President  replied,  "  that  is  a  little  larger  than  the  pow- 
der I  used  in  my  shooting  days.  It  reminds  me  of  what  once  occurred 
in  a  country  meeting-house  in  Sangamon  County.  You  see,  there  were 
very  few  newspapers  then,  and  the  country  store-keepers  had  to  resort 
to  some  other  means  of  advertising  their  wares.  If,  for  instance,  the 
preacher  happened  to  be  late  in  coming  to  a  prayer-meeting  of  an  even- 
ing, the  shopkeeper  would  often  put  in  the  time  while  the  people  were 
waiting  by  notifying  them  of  any  new  arrival  of  an  attractive  line  of 
goods.  One  evening  a  man  said :  '  Brethren,  let  me  take  occasion  to 
say,  while  w're  a-wa'tin',  that  I  have  just  received  a  new  inv'ice  of 
sportin'  powder.  The  grains  is  so  small  you  kin  scarcely  see  'em  with 
the  naked  eye.  They  are  polished  so  fine  you  kin  stand  up  and  comb 
your  ha'r  in  front  of  'em  jes'  like  it  was  a  lookin'-glass.  Hope  you'll 
come  down  to  my  store  at  the  cross-roads,  and  examine  that  powder  for 
yourselves.' 

"  When  he  had  got  about  thus  far  a  rival  merchant,  who  had  been 
boiling  with  indignation  at  the  amount  of  advertising,  got  up  and  said : 
'  Bretherin,  I  hope  you'll  not  believe  a  single  word  Brother  Jones  has 
been  saying  about  that  powder.  I've  been  down  thar  and  seen  it  for 
myself,  and  I  pledge  you  my  word,  brethren,  that  the  grains  is  bigger 
than  the  lumps  in  a  coal-pile,  and  any  one  of  you  brethren  in  your  fut- 
ure state  could  put  a  bar'l  of  that  powder  on  your  shoulder  and  march 
square  through  the  sulphurious  flames  of  the  world  below  without  the 
least  danger  of  an  explosion.' "  (3) 

Mr.  Lincoln  desired  to  see  the  army,  and  on  the  following  morning, 
mounted  on  General  Grant's  favorite  horse,  "  Cincinnati,"  he  rode  along 
the  lines.  The  soldiers  tossed  their  caps  and  cheered  lustily  for  the 
man  in  whom  they  had  unswerving  confidence. 

Again,  as  evening  came,  the  President  sat  by  the  glowing  camp-fire. 
He  spoke  of  the  events  of  the  war — of  the  changes  that  had  taken  place, 
the  patriotism  of  the  people,  the  attitude  of  England  and  France. 

"  Have  you  ever  doubted,  Mr.  President,"  one  asked,  "  of  the  final 
success  of  our  cause  ?" 

"  Never  for  a  moment.  Mr.  Seward  has  said  that  there  is  just 
enough  virtue  in  the  Eepublic  to  save  it — not  much  to  spare,  but  suffl- 


SECOND  PRESIDENTIAL   TERM.  491 

cient  for  any  emergency.  I  agree  with  him.  The  capture  of  Mason 
and  Slidell  made  me  uneasy." 

"  Was  it  not  hard  to  surrender  them  ?" 

"  Yes,  it  was  a  pretty  bitter  pill  to  swallow  ;  but  I  contented  myself 
with  believing  that  England's  triumph  in  the  matter  would  be  short- 
lived, and  that  after  the  war  we  should  be  so  powerful  that  we  could 
call  her  to  account  for  all  the  embarrassments  she  has  inflicted  on  us. 
I  felt  a  good  deal  like  the  sick  man  in  Illinois  who  was  told  he  hadn't 
probably  many  days  to  live,  and  he  ought  to  make  peace  with  any 
enemies  he  might  have.  He  said  the  man  he  hated  most  of  all  was  a 
fellow  named  Brown  in  the  next  village,  and  he  guessed  he  had  better 
commence  with  him  first ;  so  Brown  was  sent  for,  and  when  he  came  the 
sick  man  began  to  say  in  a  voice  as  meek  as  Moses  that  he  wanted  to 
die  in  peace  with  all  his  fellow -creatures,  and  hoped  he  and  Brown 
could  now  shake  hands  and  bury  all  their  enmity.  The  scene  was  be- 
coming very  pathetic.  Brown  had  to  get  out  his  handkerchief  and  wipe 
his  tears.  He  finally  melted  and  reached  out  his  hand,  and  they  had  a 
regular  love -feast.  It  was  an  affecting  parting.  Brown  had  about 
reached  the  door  when  the  sick  man  raised  himself,  and  said, '  See  here, 
Brown,  if  I  ever  should  get  well  that  old  grudge  is  going  to  stand,'  so 
I  thought  that  if  this  nation  should  happen  to  get  well  we  might  want 
that  old  grudge  to  stand  against  John  Bull."(4) 

It  was  a  season  of  delightful  recreation  to  the  President.  For  the 
moment  he  forgot  the  great  questions  confronting  him  relating  to  the 
reconstruction  of  the  seceded  States — the  future  status  of  the  liberated 
slaves,  the  pardon  of  the  Confederate  leaders.  For  four  years  he  had 
been  burdened  with  the  nation's  welfare.  The  lines  had  deepened  upon 
his  face.  He  had  endured  anxious  days,  passed  sleepless  nights.  The 
grief  of  the  nation  had  been  his  grief.  But  as  the  storm-tossed  sailor 
beholds  the  headlands  of  the  harbor  where  he  'may  ride  in  safety,  so  he 
looked  forward  to  a  haven  of  peace  and  rest.  He  could  rejoice  in  the 
thought  that  the  people  trusted  him  as  they  had  trusted  no  other  man 
since  George  Washington.  They  were  sustaining  his  administration — 
manifesting  their  patriotism  and  confidence  by  subscribing  for  the  new 
loan  of  $500,000,000,  bearing  7yV  per  cent,  interest.  It  had  been  placed 
upon  the  market  just  before  the  election.  Mr.  Lincoln  believed  that 
the  people  would  sustain  the  Government  in  financial  as  they  had  in 
military  affairs.  The  bankers  of  Great  Britain  were  not  appealed  to, 
They  trusted  the  Confederate  Government,  subscribed  to  the  Confed- 
erate cotton  loan,  but  distrusted  the  United  States.  Their  sympathies 


492  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

were  with  the  Confederacy.  The  people  of  Holland  and  Germany, 
with  truer  instinct  and  clearer  vision,  had  purchased  the  bonds  of  the 
United  States.  The  new  loan  might  have  been  negotiated  at  Frank- 
fort, Hamburg,  and  Amsterdam,  but  President  Lincoln  and  his  Cabinet 
determined  to  call  upon  the  people  for  money  to  carry  on  the  Avar. 
The  appeal  had  not  been  in  vain.  In  forty-three  days  $161,000,000  was 
subscribed,  not  by  bankers  as  a  speculation,  but  by  the  people  in  every 
section  of  the  country.  (5) 

The  army  under  Sherman  had  reached  Goldsboro'.     Its  commander, 
wishing  to  confer  with  General  Grant,  proceeded  to  Wilmington,  and 
from  that  port  to  City  Point.     I  had  witnessed  his  departure 
from  Savannah,  beheld  the  Stars  and  Stripes  floating  once  more 
over  Sumter,  and  was   again  with  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 
While  at  headquarters,  near  the  cabin  which  General  Grant  had  occu- 


GENERAL  GRANT'S  HEADQUARTERS. 

pied  during  the  winter,  I  saw  him  step  from  the  door,  followed  by 
President  Lincoln,  Generals  Sherman,  Meade,  Ord,  and  Crook. 

"  Good-morning.  What  news  have  you  ?"  said  the  President,  shak- 
ing my  hand  as  he  entered  the  headquarters. 

"  I  have  just  arrived,  Mr.  President,  from  Savannah  and  Charleston." 

"Indeed!  Well,  I  am  right  glad  to  see  you.  How  do  the  people 
down  there  like  being  back  in  the  Union  again  ?" 

"  I  think  some  of  them  are  reconciled,  if  we  may  draw  conclusions 
from  the  action  of  one  planter,  who  came  down  Savannah  River  on  a 
flat-boat  loaded  with  cotton,  bringing  wife  and  children,  a  negro  wom- 
an and  her  children,  of  whom  he  was  the  father.  Of  course  he.  was 
anxious  to  sell  his  cotton." 

The  eyes  of  the  President  sparkled  as  he  replied, "  Oh  yes,  I  see, 


SECOND   PRESIDENTIAL  TERM.  493 

patriarchal  times  once  more  !  Abraham,  Sarah,  Hagar,  Isaac,  and  Ish- 
mael,  all  in  one  boat."  General  Sherman  laughed  heartily,  and  General 
Grant's  countenance  was  illuminated  by  a  smile.  The  President  added, 
"  I  reckon  they  will  accept  the  situation  now  they  can  sell  their  cotton 
at  a  price  never  dreamed  of  before  the  war."(9) 

All  present  turned  to  a  map  lying  on  a  table. 

"  We  are  in  a  position  to  catch  Lee  between  our  thumb  and  finger," 
said  Sherman,  pointing  to  Grant's  position  at  Petersburg,  and  his  own 
at  Goldsboro'. 

In  the  cabin  of  the  River  Queen  the  next  advance  of  the  armies  was 
discussed  by  the  President,  Grant,  and  Sherman.  The  last  named  thus 
narrates  the  conversation : 

"  Mr.'  Lincoln  made  many  inquiries  about  the  events  which  attended 
the  march  from  Savannah  to  Goldsboro',  and  seemed  to  enjoy  the 
humorous  stories  about  our  bummers  which  he  had  heard.  When  in 
lively  conversation  his  face  brightened  wonderfully,  but  if  the  conversa- 
tion flagged  it  assumed  a  sad  and  sorrowful  expression.  General  Grant 
and  I  explained  to  him  that  my  next  move  would  bring  my  army  of 
80,000  men  in  close  communication  with  Grant's  army,  and  that  un- 
less Lee  could  escape,  and  make  junction  with  Johnston  in  North  Caro- 
lina, he  would  soon  be  shut  up  in  Richmond,  with  no  possibility  of 
supplies,  and  would  have  to  surrender.  Mr.  Lincoln  seemed  unusually 
impressed  with  this.  General  Grant  said  that  Sheridan  was  passing  his 
cavalry  across  James  River,  and  he  would  extend  his  left  to  the  south 
side  road.  If  Lee  let  go  his  fortified  lines  he  (Grant)  would  follow  him 
so  close  that  Lee  could  not  possibly  fall  on  me  alone  in  North  Carolina. 
I  expressed  the  fullest  confidence  that  my  army  was  willing  to  cope 
with  Lee  and  Johnston  combined  till  Grant  could  come  up.  We  both 
agreed  that  one  more  bloody  battle  probably  would  be  fought  before 
the  close  of  the  war.  .  .  .  More  than  once  he  exclaimed, '  Must  more 
blood  be  shed  ?  Cannot  this  last  bloody  battle  be  avoided  ?'  We  ex- 
plained that  we  had  to  presume  Lee  must  see  that  Johnston  alone  was- 
no  barrier  to  my  progress,  and  if  my  army  should  reach  Burksville  he 
was  lost  in  Richmond.  We  were  forced  to  believe  he  would  not  await 
that  inevitable  conclusion,  but  make  one  more  desperate  effort.  .  .  .  We 
talked  generally  about  what  was  to  be  done  when  Lee's  and  Johnston's 
armies  were  beaten  and  dispersed.  On  this  point  Mr.  Lincoln  was  very 
full.  He  said  he  had  long  thought  of  it,  and  he  hoped  this  end  could 
be  reached  without  more  bloodshed,  but  in  any  event  he  wanted  us  to 
get  the  deluded  men  of  the  rebel  armies  disbanded  and  back  to  their 


494  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

homes.  Ho  contemplated  no  revenge,  no  harsh  measures,  but  quite  the 
contrary.  Their  sufferings  and  hardships  during  the  war  would  make 
them  submissive  to  law."(7) 

General  Grant  was  not  disposed  to  wait  till  Sherman  should  reach 
Burksville.  He  desired  to  compel  Lee  to  meet  him  in  the  open  field. 
If  he  were  to  wait,  the  soldiers  from  the  Western  States  might  become 
unduly  elated  by  a  feeling  of  superior  prowess  over  those  from  the 
Eastern  States.  He  determined  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  should  have 
an  opportunity  of  finishing  the  work  it  had  thus  far  maintained  against 
the  strongest  of  the  Confederate  armies.  He  made  the  Fifth  Corps 
and  the  cavalry  a  movable  force  to  operate  on  his  left,  and  changed  his 
headquarters  to  be  near  the  scene  of  action.  "  I  feel  like  ending  the 
matter,  if  possible,  before  going  back,"  he  said  to  Sheridan. 

The  cavalry  of  General  Lee  and  three  brigades  of  Pickett's  division 
of  infantry  confronted  Sheridan  at  Dinwiddie  Court-house.  The  bat- 
tle ended  in  the  retirement  of  the  Confederates  to  Five  Forks, 
towards  which  the  Fifth  Corps  and  the  cavalry  advanced. 

It  was  nearly  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  when  I  reached  General 

Sheridan's  headquarters.     Ayer's  division  of  infantry  was  advancing 

through   the   woods.     The   cavalry   had   dismounted,  and  were 

April  1 

'  fighting  as  infantry.  The  movement  of  the  Fifth  Corps  threat- 
ened to  separate  Pickett  from  the  main  body  of  Lee's  army.  The  Con- 
federate soldiers  lost  heart  at  the  moment  when  they  needed  the  most 
courage.  The  troops  under  Sheridan  swept  over  the  Confederate  in- 
trenchments  and  captured  6000  prisoners,  six  cannon,  and  thirteen 
battle-flags. 

General  Grant  was  at  Dabney's  Mill,  six  miles  away.  He  had 
listened  to  the  cannonade  and  the  volleys  of  musketry,  which  suddenly 
ceased.  What  its  meaning?  The  battle  was  over,  but  which  side  was 
victorious  ?  Horace  Porter,  of  his  own  staff,  brought  the  news.  Grant 
stepped  into  his  tent  and  wrote  an  order  to  Meade :  "  Assault  along  the 
whole  line !" 

He  sent  a  second  telegram  to  President  Lincoln  at  City  Point :  "  I 
have  ordered  everything  to  advance,  to  prevent  concentration  against 
Sheridan." 

He  telegraphed  to  Meade :  "  I  believe  that  with  a  bombardment  be- 
forehand the  enemy  will  abandon  his  works." 

The  time  had  arrived  when  the  whole  army  was  to  take  part.  In 
the  evening  at  ten  o'clock  the  cannonade  began.  It  was  continued 
through  the  night,  from  James  River  to  the  extreme  left  of  the  Union 


SECOND  PRESIDENTIAL  TERM.  495 

line.  President  Lincoln  heard  the  deep  reverberations.  He  compre- 
hended that  the  decisive  hour  was  near,  and  was  turning  over  the  pro- 
found questions  that  presented  themselves  to  his  mind.  On  what  basis 
ought  the  conquered  States  to  be  restored  to  the  Union  ?  What  clem- 
ency ought  he  to  show  the  men  who  had  led  the  Southern  States  into 
the  Rebellion  ?  What  should  be  done  wTith  Jefferson  Davis  ?  Would  it 
not  be  well  for  the  country  if  the  leaders  were  to  escape  to  some  for- 
eign land  ?  Congress  would  not  be  in  session  before  December.  Such 
questions  as  were  likely  to  arise  must  not  be  left  to  the  military  au- 
thorities for  settlement.  He  alone  must  deal  with  them. 


NOTES  TO    CHAPTER  XXVI. 

(1)  Weed's  "Memoirs,"  vol.  ii.,  p.  449. 

(2)  Horace  Porter,  "Century  Magazine,"  October,  1885. 

(3)  Ibid. 

(4)  Ibid. 

(5)  Jay  Cooke  to  Author. 

(6)  Author's  Note-book,  1865. 

(7)  Shermau  to  I.N.Arnold,  Arnold's  "Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  p.  421. 


496  LIFE  OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


CHAPTER   XXVII. 

IN   RICHMOND. 

THE  stars  were  sinning  from  a  cloudless  sky  and  day  was  dawning 
when  the  troops  of  the  Ninth  Army  Corps  rushed  upon  the  Con- 
federate intrenchments  east  of  Petersburg,  captured  twelve  cannon  and 
800  prisoners.     The  Sixth   and  Second  corps  were  in  motion. 
Sunday,  President  Lincoln  knew  Grant  had  determined  to  make  the  most 
1865. '  of  the  advantage  gained  at  Five  Forks.     A  little  later  came  the 
information  that  the  Second  and  Sixth  corps  were  engaged.     I 
watched  the  varied  movements,  saw  the  white  battle-clouds  above  the 
contending  forces,  beheld  the  last  charge — compact  lines  rising  like  an 
ocean  billow  over  the  fortifications — and  then  the  flag  of  the  Union 
waving  in  triumph. 

Very  gratifying  the  telegram  from  Grant  to  the  President : 

"The  whole  captures  are  not  less  than  twelve  thousand,  and  probably  fifty  pieces  of 
artillery." 

To  the  Union  armies  it  was  a  day  of  victories. 

The  people  of  Richmond  in  the  early  morning  heard  the  church 
bells  summoning  the  corps  of  citizen  soldiers  to  the  rendezvous.  Many 
times  during  the  siege  had  the  tocsin  sounded — so  often  that  the  clang- 
ing created  no  alarm.  The  corps  was  organized  for  guard  duty,  or  to 
hold  some  unimportant  point,  that  Lee  might  have  the  entire  army  in 
an  emergency.  No  information  had  been  received  of  the  battle  at  Five 
Forks.  During  the  night  Long-street's  corps  had  been  passing  through 
the  city  to  attack  Sheridan.  Before  Lee  could  execute  the  plan  his 
whole  line  was  being  assailed.  Again  the  church  bells — not  clanging, 
but  solemnly  and  sweetly  ringing  the  hour  for  public  worship. 

"  What  news  have  you  ?"  asked  a  lady  of  an  officer,  as  they  walked 
to  Rev.  Mr.  Hoge's  church. 

"  All  quiet.     The  croakers  are  peaceful,"  the  reply. 

"  Do  you  think  Richmond  safe  '?" 

"  Never  safer.     We  had  a  narrow  escape  from  being  starved  out  a 


IN   RICHMOND.  497 

few  weeks  ago.  It  frightened  people  into  crowding  provisions  into  the 
city.  I  am  assured  this  morning  that  we  have  not  been  so  safe  for 
many  months."' ' ) 

Secretary  Breckinridge  was  sitting  in  his  office  when  this  startling 
despatch  came  to  him  from  General  Lee  : 

"My  lines  are  broken.     Richmond  must  be  evacuated  to-night." 

The  worshippers  in  St.  Paul's  Church  had  finished  the  devotional 
service  and  the  rector  was  preaching,  when  an  officer  walked  up  the 
aisle  and  handed  a  slip  of  paper  to  Jefferson  Davis.  The  people  saw 
he  was  much  agitated  as  he  hastily  left  the  church.  The  service  closed 
abruptly. 

The  news  that  the  city  was  to  be  evacuated  quickly  spread.  There 
was  hurrying  to  and  fro,  and  activity  everywhere. 

A  Southern  historian  has  thus  pictured  the  scene : 

"The  disorder  increased  every  hour,  the  streets  were  thronged.  Pale  women  and 
little  shoeless  children  struggled  in  the  crowd.  Oaths  and  blasphemous  shouts  smote  the 
ear.  Wagons  were  being  hastily  loaded  at  the  departments  with  boxes  and  trunks,  which 
were  taken  to  the  Danville  depot.  All  the  departments  were  in  confusion.  There  was 
no  system,  no  answer  to  inquiries.  Important  officers  were  invisible,  and  every  one  felt 
like  taking  care  of  himself."  ( 2 ) 

Tho  mayor  of  the  city  was  informed  by  General  Ewell  that  the 
tobacco  warehouses  were  to  be  set  on  fire ;  it  would  endanger  the  en- 
tire city,  but  he  must  obey  orders.  The  mayor  and  a  deputation  of 
citizens  called  upon  President  Davis,  and  protested  against  the  execu- 
tion of  the  order. 

"  Your  statement,"  said  Davis,  "  that  the  burning  of  the  warehouses 
will  endanger  the  city  is  only  a  cowardly  pretext  to  save  your  property 
from  the  Yankees." (3)  General  Ewell  endeavored  to  impress  upon  the 
authorities  the  necessity  of  providing  protection  against  the  mob  after 
the  withdrawal  of  the  troops.  A  half-dozen  members  of  the  council 
hastily  assembled,  and  decided  that  the  liquor  in  the  city  should  be 
destroyed. 

The  railroad  to  Danville  and  the  James  River  Canal  were  the  only 
avenues  by  which  the  Confederate  Government  could  leave.  Coaches, 
wagons,  carts,  vehicles  of  every  description,  were  brought  into  use  to 
convey  to  the  railroad  station  chests  and  boxes  packed  with  public 
documents  and  the  personal  baggage  of  Jefferson  Davis  and  his  Cabi- 
net. An  excited  crowd  gathered.  "Women  gave  way  to  lamentations, 
men  cursed  and  blasphemed,  as  soldiers  with  fixed  bayonets  pushed 

33 


498  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

back  all  except  a  favored  few.  From  Lumpkins's  prison  came  a  gang 
of  fifty  negroes  with  clanking  chains — the  last  slave  coffle  of  North 
America. 

From  the  day  when  cotton  became  "  king,"  in  the  estimation  of  the 
propagandists  of  slavery,  Virginia  had  been  purchasing  human  flesh  for 
southern  markets.  The  Richmond  mart  with  its  iron-grated  cells  was 
scarcely  a  stone's-throw  from  the  mansion  purchased  by  the  Confeder- 
ate Government  for  Jefferson  Davis.  There  was  no  room  on  the  train 

for  Lumpkins's  chattels.  What  loss ! 
In  1861  those  fifty  men  and  women 
would  have  brought  $50,000,  but  on 
that  Sunday  evening  they  were  utter- 
ly valueless.  There  was  no  longer  a 

KEY   OF   THE   RICHMOND   SLAVE  PRISON.          SlaVG     "^     ^     th°     United     StateS~ 

[m  possession  of  the  author.]  no  longer  a  slave.     Lumpkms  could 

only  turn  his  chattels  loose  amid  the 

surging  crowd.  The  prison,  whip,  shackles,  driver,  auction  block  —  rel- 
ics of  barbarism  —  were  of  the  past.  The  excited  multitude  saw  cars 
provided  for  the  horses,  coach,  and  coachman  of  Jefferson  Davis.  Oaths 
and  curses  fell  upon  the  ears  of  the  departing  President  and  Cabinet, 
when  at  8  P.M.  the  train  moved  away  from  the  station.  Later  in  the 
evening  the  Governor  of  the  State  and  members  of  the  Legislature  took 
their  departure  on  a  canal-boat.  ( 4 ) 

Day  had  not  dawned  when  there  came  a  series  of  thunder -like  peals 
which  awakened  President  Lincoln  and  the  army,  caused  by  the  blow- 
ing up  of  the  war-vessels  of  the  Confederate  navy.  The  soldiers 
AiP8658'  of  tne  Ninth  Corps,  with  whom  I  had  passed  the  night,  were  in- 
stantly alert.  They  needed  no  other  reveille.  General  Wilcox, 
commanding  the  division  nearest  Petersburg,  found  only  deserted  forti- 
fications where  a  few  hours  before  Confederate  cannon  had  flashed  defi- 
ance. I  traversed  the  trenches,  surveyed  the  almost  impregnable  works, 
and  passed  on  with  the  troops  into  the  city.  The  army  was  compelled 
to  wait  for  the  arrival  of  pontoons  and  the  laying  of  a  bridge  across 
the  Appomattox,  before  it  could  begin  the  pursuit  of  Lee.  General 
Grant  made  his  headquarters  at  the  mansion  of  Mr.  Wallace.  I  saw 
him  a  few  moments,  and  then,  comprehending  that  Richmond  was  the 
objective  point  for  a  correspondent,  hastened  to  Meade  station,  on  the 
military  railroad. 

A  train  came  from  City  Point  bringing  President  Lincoln.  Just 
before  reaching  the  station  it  was  stopped  by  a  procession  of  several 


IN  RICHMOND.  501 

thousand  Confederate  prisoners  crossing  the  track.  They  were  mostly 
boys,  who  had  been  forced  into  the  army  by  the  remorseless  Confed- 
erate Conscription.  They  were  in  rags,  and  had  no  blankets.  Many 
had  neither  shoes  nor  hats.  Mr.  Lincoln  watched  them  in  silence 
a  while,  then  said,  as  if  in  soliloquy  :  "  Poor  boys !  poor  boys  !  If  they 
only  knew  what  we  are  trying  to  do  for  them  they  would  not  have 
fought  us,  and  they  would  not  look  as  they  do."(B) 

An  escort  awaited  the  President  at  the  station.  The  Union  soldiers 
gave  a  cheer.  He  thanked  them  for  what  they  had  accomplished, 
mounted  a  horse  and  rode  to  Petersburg.  He  dismounted  at  the  man- 
sion of  Mr.  Wallace,  with  whom  he  had  been  acquainted  when  member 
of  Congress.  Mr.  Wallace's  young  son,  fired  by  Southern  patriotism 
and  prejudice,  saw  Mr.  Lincoln  entering  the  grounds. 

"  You  are  not  going  to  let  him  come  into  the  house,  are  you,  father  ?" 
he  said. 

"  I  don't  think  it  will  be  best  to  try  to  stop  a  man  who  has  such  an 
army,"  the  father  replied. 

"•  I  think  we  have  met  before.  May  I  take  a  seat  on  your  piazza  ?'' 
said  Mr.  Lincoln. 

"  I  am  pleased  to  see  you.  Will  not  you  and  General  Grant  take 
seats  in  the  parlor?"  said  Mr.  Wallace. 

The  President  accepted  the  courteous  invitation.  When  seated,  Mr. 
Wallace  narrated  the  conversation  between  himself  and  his  son,  at 
which  Mr.  Lincoln  laughed  heartily.  They  talked  of  former  times,  re- 
calling the  days  before  the  war.  Mr.  Wallace  was  much  impressed  by 
the  quiet,  unassuming  ways  of  the  President  and  General  Grant.  The 
latter,  while  the  troops  were  passing,  sat  quietly  on  the  piazza  smoking 
a  cigar.  ( 6 ) 

More  dramatic  the  scenes  in  Richmond  during  the  early  morning 
hours.  The  Confederate  troops  were  leaving  the  city.  Stragglers  and 
citizens,  men  and  women,  were  breaking  open  stores  and  shops.  One 
who  participated  in  the  plundering  has  thus  described  the  events  of 
the  morning : 

"  I  turned  into  Thirteenth  Street,  and  from  thence  into  Gary.  A 
strong  odor  of  whiskey  greeted  my  nasal  organ.  A  voice  cried, '  Look 
out  below !'  A  moment  later  a  barrel  of  whiskey  was  hurled  from  the 
third  story  of  a  warehouse.  It  was  dashed  to  pieces  against  the  pave- 
ment, the  liquor  running  in  streams  down  the  gutter.  A  crowd  was 
gathered  around  the  door  of  the  medical  purveyor's  office,  where  stood 
a  guard  with  fixed  bayonets.  From  this  building  barrels  of  liquor  were 


502 


LIFE  OF   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


PARKK   STATION. 


rolled  into  the  streets  and  knocked  to  pieces.  The  streets  literally  ran 
with  whiskey.  A  lieutenant  told  me  that  it  was  to  prevent  the  Yankees 
from  getting  tight  when  they  should  enter  the  city.  Unfortunately, 
the  Confederate  officers  were  allowed  to  fill  their  canteens.  Drunken 
officers  were  unable  to  maintain  any  authority  over  the  excited  men, 
who  roamed  at  will  over  the  city."(7) 

The  blowing  up  of  the  vessels  increased  the  frenzy.  Long  trains 
of  wagons  and  artillery  were  crossing  the  bridges  at  the  moment. 
After  the  wagons  came  the  infantry.  A  spectator  has  vividly  pictured 
the  scene : 

"  Custis  Lee's  division  came  first,  many  of  the  men  singing,  others 
joking,  but  the  majority  tramped  on  silently,  evidently  depressed  by  the 
great  disaster.  Lee's  forces  were  about  forty-five  minutes  in  passing, 
and  then  came  Kershaw's  division,  a  much  larger  body  of  troops.  Old 
women  and  girls  were  constantly  passing  and  repassing,  their  backs 
bending  low  beneath  the  weight  of  heavy  sacks  of  flour,  meal,  sugar, 
butts  of  cloth  and  cotton  goods.  Some  loaded  their  carts  with  plunder, 
some  returned  again  with  their  wheelbarrows,  while  many  more  were 
rolling  barrels  of  bread-stuff  or  meat.  .  .  . 

"  While  Kershaw's  division  was  passing,  General  Ewell  came  over 
from  Richmond.  The  appearance  of  this  distinguished  veteran  was  by 


IN  RICHMOND.  503 

no  means  prepossessing  as  he  sat  on  his  horse  with  his  old  black  hat 
pulled  over  his  brows.  He  rode  an  old  gray  horse,  wore  a  faded  cloak, 
and  carried  a  stout  walking-stick.  Shortly  after  I  recognized  the  well- 
known  form  of  J.  C.  Breckinridge.  He,  too,  halted,  and  for  a  moment 
viewed  the  passing  troops.  He  wore  a  suit  of  plain  black,  with  a  cape 
or  talma  thrown  over  his  shoulders.  He  was  attended  by  several  offi- 
cers in  dress  uniform.  My  soldiers  recognized  the  familiar  face  of 
'  Old  Breck,'  and  acknowledged  his  presence  by  hearty  cheers,  which 
the  secretary  returned  by  touching  his  cap.  ...  At  length  the  last  strag- 
gler crossed,  and  as  delay  now  seemed  dangerous,  the  order  to  fire  the 
bridge  was  given,  and  in  a  few  moments  the  whole  structure  was  en- 
veloped in  a  broad  sheet  of  flame.  ...  As  we  mounted  our  horses,  flames 
suddenly  burst  from  the  windows  and  roof  of  one  of  the  tallest  build- 
ings. Haxall's  mills  were  burning,  and  a  moment  after  we  perceived 
that  Crenshaw's  mills  and  a  great  tobacco  warehouse  were  wrapped  in 
flames.  The  laboratory  was  now  on  fire,  and  explosion  followed  ex- 
plosion in  quick  succession." (8) 

By  mid-forenoon  800  buildings  were  burning.  A  few  citizens  at- 
tempted to  work  the  fire  -  engines,  but  to  no  purpose.  The  panic- 
stricken  crowd  was  powerless  to  stay  the  progress  of  the  flames.  A 
little  past  four  o'clock  in  the  morning  Major  Atherton  H.  Stevens, 
with  two  companies  of  the  Fourth  Massachusetts  Cavalry,  reconnoitred 
the  Confederate  lines  east  of  the  city.  He  found  the  intrenchments 
evacuated  and  the  cannon  spiked.  He  met  a  carriage  containing  the 
mayor  and  Judge  Meredith  of  the  Confederate  State  Court,  who  ten- 
dered the  surrender  of  Kichmond.  Major  Stevens  proceeded  to  the 
Capitol,  ascended  the  roof,  pulled  down  the  State  flag  which  was  flying, 
and  hoisted  a  guidon  of  his  troop  in  its  place.  It  was  nearly  eight 
o'clock  when  the  infantry,  with  General  Weitzel  at  the  head  of  the  col- 
umn, entered  the  city.  The  colored  soldiers  sang, 

"John  Brown's  body  lies  a- mouldering  in  the  grave, 
His  soul  is  marching  on." 

With  even  ranks,  steady  steps,  colors  waving,  drums  beating,  the 
column  passed  up  Main  Street  to  the  grounds  surrounding  the  Capitol, 
laid  aside  arms  and  equipments,  manned  the  fire  -  engines,  mounted  the 
roofs,  poured  buckets  of  water  upon  the  kindling  shingles,  tore  down 
buildings,  and  fought  the  destroying  flames.  These  the  benign  acts  of 
the  men  who,  through  the  four  years  of  conflict,  had  been  stigmatized 
as  a  "  vandal  horde." 


504  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

It  was  past  noon  when,  after  a  ride  from  City  Point,  I  entered  Rich- 
mond. The  city  was  a  sea  of  flame.  A  great  cloud  of  smoke  ascended 
heavenward.  A  division  of  the  Twenty-fifth  Army  Corps,  was  then 
entering  the  city.  On  Main  Street  I  came  upon  a  company  of  negro 
soldiers  working  a  fire-engine.  I  dismounted  at  the  Spotswood  Hotel. 
No  one  welcomed  me.  Its  spacious  hall  was  deserted  save  by  the 
clerk,  who  stood  by  a  window  watching  the  flames  at  that  moment 
threatening  the  building. 

"  Can  I  have  a  room  ?"  my  question. 

"  You  can  have  the  entire  hotel,  but  you  will  be  burned  out  in  a 
few  minutes,"  the  reply. 

Upon  the  desk  lay  the  open  register  with  a  long  list  of  names  having 
the  prefix  of  colonel,  major,  captain,  and  affix  C.S.A.  I  wrote  my  name 
— the  first  from  the  "  foreign  country,"  as  the  newspapers  had  been  ac- 
customed to  speak  of  the  United  States,  and  took  possession  of  a  commo- 
dious room  and  looked  out  upon  the  scene.  The  fire  at  that  moment 
was  leaping  from  a  building  so  near  that  a  biscuit  could  have  been 
tossed  across  the  intervening  space.  From  the  arsenal  came  explosions 
of  bursting  shells.  The  grounds  around  the  Capitol  were  piled  with 
furniture.  Old  men  leaning  heavily  upon  their  staves,  weeping  women, 
haggard  and  woe -begone,  with  barefooted  children,  were  huddled  in 
groups,  enduring  indescribable  agony.  The  cause  they  had  espoused 
had  gone  down  never  to  rise  again.  The  money  in  their  possession 
was  as  valueless  as  last  year's  withered  forest  leaves.  A  thousand  dol- 
lars would  not  purchase  a  mouthful  of  food.  Their  homes  were  in 
ashes — burned  by  the  action  of  Jefferson  Davis.  He  could  have  pre- 
vented the  destruction  of  the  city,  but  had  been  deaf  to  the  entreaties 
of  the  mayor  and  citizens.  Negro  soldiers — men  who  had  been  sold 
on  the  auction  •  block,  who  had  been  freed  by  the  act  of  Abraham 
Lincoln — were  dividing  their  rations  with  the  homeless  and  famishing 
multitude. 

President  Lincoln  had  returned  from  Petersburg,  and  was  once  more 
at  City  Point.  It  was  natural  that  he  should  desire  to  visit  Richmond, 
not  to  enter  the  Confederate  capital  as  victor,  neither  to  witness  the 
desolation,  but  to  begin  the  work  of  reconstruction.  Might  he  not  put 
himself  in  communication  with  some  one  holding  official  position  and 
bring  about  a  restoration  of  civil  authority?  He  intuitively  distrusted 
military  government  as  being  antagonistic  to  the  best  interests  of  the 
people.  He  comprehended  the  meaning  of  the  brilliant  apothegm  of 
Wendell  Phillips — that  one  can  do  many  things  with  a  bayonet,  but 


IN  RICHMOND.  505 

cannot  sit  on  it.  A  civil  government  recognizing  the  authority  of  the 
United  States  must  be  established  at  the  earliest  possible  moment  in 
Virginia.  Impelled  by  such  a  motive,  arrangements  were  made  for  a 
visit  to  Richmond. 

The  President,  his  son  "  Tad,"  Admiral  Porter,  and  Captain  A.  H. 
Adams,  of  the  navy ;  Captain  Penrose,  of  the  army,  detailed  by  Secre- 
tary Stanton  to  attend  the  President;  and  Lieutenant  W.  W. 
AiP8654'  Clemens,  of  the  signal  corps — ascended  the  James  on  the  JKiver 
Queen,  accompanied  by  a  tug  and  the  gunboat  Bat.  Obstruc- 
tions prevented  the  vessels  from  going  beyond  Drewry's  Bluff. 

I  was  standing  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  not  far  from  Libby  Prison, 
when  a  barge  approached  rowed  by  twelve  sailors.  The  President, 
recognizing  me,  inquired  if  I  could  direct  him  to  the  headquarters  of 
General  Weitzel.  I  replied  in  the  affirmative.  Near  at  hand  a  dozen 
or  more  negroes  were  at  work  under  the  direction  of  a  lieutenant  con- 
structing a  bridge  across  the  canal. 

"  You  were  a  slave,  I  suppose,"  I  said  to  one. 

"  Yes,  mars." 

"  Would  you  like  to  see  the  man  who  made  you  free  ?" 

"  What,  mars  ?" 

"  Would  you  like  to  see  Abraham  Lincoln  ?  There  he  is,  that  tall 
man." 

"  Be  dat  President  Linkum  ?" 

"  Yes." 

"  Mars  Linkum  has  come !     Mars  Linkum  !"  he  shouted. 

The  boat  reached  the  landing.  Captain  Adams  stepped  ashore; 
then  six  sailors  in  blue  jackets  and  caps,  armed  with  carbines,  followed 
by  the  President,  "  Tad,"  and  other  members  of  the  party,  and,  lastly, 
six  other  sailors.  A  negro  led  the  way,  and  the  procession  began  its 
march  towards  Capitol  Hill.  I  transcribe  from  the  columns  of  the 
Boston  "  Journal,"  April,  1865,  my  account  of  the  event,  written  during 
the  evening  of  that  day  : 


"What  a  spectacle  !  Such  a  hurly-burly — such  wild,  indescribable,  ecstatic  joy  I 
never  before  have  witnessed.  A  colored  man  acted  as  guide  ;  six  sailors,  wearing  their 
round  blue  caps,  short  jackets,  and  bagging  pants,  with  navy  carbines,  were  the  advance 
guard.  Then  came  the  President  and  Admiral  Porter,  flanked  by  the  officers  accompany- 
ing him,  and  the  correspondent  of  the  Boston  "Journal ;"  then  six  more  sailors — twenty 
of  us  all  told — amid  a  surging  mass  of  men,  women,  and  children,  black,  white,  and  yel- 
low, running,  shouting,  dancing,  swinging  their  caps,  bonnets,  and  handkerchiefs.  Sol- 
diers saw  the  President,  and  swelled  the  increasing  crowd,  cheering  with  wild  enthusiasm. 


506  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

One  colored  woman,  standing  in  a  doorway  as  the  President  passed  along  the  sidewalk, 
shouted:  '  Thank  you,  dear  Jesus,  for  this  !  thank  you,  Jesus  !'  Another  by  her  side  was 
clapping  her  hands  and  shouting  '  Bress  de  Lord  !'  A  colored  woman  snatched  her 
bonnet  from  her  head,  whirled  it  in  the  air,  screaming,  'God  bress  you,  Mars  Linkum!' 
A  few  white  women  looking  out  from  the  houses  waved  their  handkerchiefs.  One  lady, 
in  a^  large  and  elegant  building,  looked  and  turned  away  as  if  from  a  disgusting  exhibi- 
tion. President  Lincoln  walked  in  silence,  acknowledging  the  salutations  of  officers, 
soldiers,  and  citizens,  black  and  wMte,  alike.  It  was  the  man  of  the  people  among  the 
people.  It  was  the  great  deliverer  meeting  the  delivered.  Yesterday  morning  the  majority 
of  the  thousands  who  crowded  the  streets  and  hindered  our  advance  were  slaves.  Now 
they  were  free,  beholding  him  who  had  given  them  liberty. 

"The  procession  advanced  at  a  rapid  pace.  The  President  manifested  weariness, 
and  halted  for  a  moment  near  the  railroad  station  on  Broad  Street.  He  was  wearing  his 
overcoat.  The  sun  was  shining  from  a  cloudless  sky.  Cavalrymen  with  gleaming  sabres 
were  clattering  down  the  hill  from  the  Capitol,  having  been  informed  that  the  President 
was  on  his  way.  While  thus  halting,  an  aged  negro  without  a  coat,  his  tattered  garments 
made  from  cotton  bagging,  whose  crisp  hair  appeared  through  his  almost  crownless  straw- 
hat,  half  kneeling,  invoked  God's  blessing  upon  the  man  who  had  given  him  freedom  : 
'May  de  good  Lord  bress  and  keep  you  safe,  Mars  Linkum!' 

"The  President  lifted  his  own  bat  from  his  head,  bowed,  wiped  the  gathering  moist- 
ure from  his  eyes,  and  then  the  procession  moved  on  to  the  mansion  from  which  Jeffer- 
son Davis  had  taken  his  departure  on  Sunday  evening.  The  sailors  formed  in  two  lines, 
presented  arms,  and  the  President  and  party  entered  the  building.  Mr.  Lincoln  dropped 
wearily  into  a  chair,  before  which  stood  a  writing-table— a  chair  often  occupied  by  the 
Confederate  President."  (") 


The  President  manifested  no  signs  of  exultation.  In  Petersburg  his 
countenance  had  been  radiant  and  joyful,  but  at  that  moment  it  was 
one  of  indescribable  sadness.  A  great  column  of  smoke  was  still  as- 
cending from  the  burnt  buildings.  He  had  caught  a  glimpse  of  the 
desolation,  the  misery  and  woe,  bequeathed  by  the  departed  Confeder- 
ate authorities.  He  was  confronted  by  great  questions.  How  could 
he  best  exercise  the  powers  given  him  to  relieve  suffering,  and  bring 
about  a  restoration  of  civil  authority  ? 

A  few  moments  later  the  mayor  of  the  city  and  Judge  Campbell, 
one  of  the  commissioners  in  the  Hampton  Roads  conference,  arrived. 
They  were  cordially  welcomed. 

The  President,  accompanied  by  Admiral  Porter,  General  Weitzel, 
and  General  Shepley,  rode  through  the  city,  escorted  by  cavalry,  fol- 
lowed by  thousands  of  colored  people.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  much  af- 
fected as  they  crowded  around  the  carriage  to  touch  his  hands.  A 
clergyman  who  was  serving  in  the  Christian  Commission  has  pictured 
the  scene  : 

"I  was  standing  upon  the  open  square  before  the  Court-house  at 


PRESIDENT  LINCOLN   IN   RICHMOND. 


IN   RICHMOND.  509 

Kichmond.  Until  the  preceding  afternoon  no  black  person  had  been 
permitted  to  set  foot  upon  that  ground.  But  now  it  swarmed  with 
emancipated  slaves.  They  were  frantic  with  excitement.  They  sang, 
they  danced,  they  shouted  hallelujah !  They  were  expecting  something, 
but  what  I  did  not  know.  Suddenly  a  great  hush  fell  upon  us  all,  and 
the  President,  in  an  open  carriage,  was  driven  into  the  square.  Slowly 
his  vehicle  moved  as  he  bowed  and  threw  his  salutations  to  those 
who  were  ready  to  worship  him.  The  carriage  crossed  the  open  space 
and  halted  in  the  street  beyond.  Mr.  Lincoln  arose  from  the  back  seat, 
on  which  he  had  been  sitting,  turned  half  round,  faced  the  great  mul- 
titude of  blacks  who  thronged  the  area  behind  his  carriage,  and  reached 
out  his  hands  till  he  stood  in  the  attitude  of  a  minister  pronouncing  the 
benediction.  Thus  he  remained,  without  speaking  a  word,  for  more  than 
a  minute,  while  the  carriage  stood  still ;  and,  when  the  horses  moved 
forward,  in  the  same  attitude  he  was  driven  out  of  sight."  (10) 

The  President  made  a  second  visit  to  Richmond  on  April  5,  and  held 
a  conference  with  Mr.  Campbell. 

"I  had,"  said  Mr.  Campbell  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  "an  interview  with 
Jefferson  Davis,  Benjamin,  and  Breckinridge  just  before  they  left  the 
city.  I  said  to  them  :  '  The  military  power  of  the  Confederacy  is  bro- 
ken ;  its  independence  is  hopeless.  It  only  remains  for  us  to  make  the 
best  terms  we  can.  The  trouble  is,  the  President  of  the  United  States 
cannot  enter  into  negotiations  with  you,  but  he  recognizes  the  States. 
The  troops  of  Virginia  will  recognize  the  authority  of  the  Legislature.' 
If  you,  Mr.  President,  will  permit  that  body  to  convene,  it  will  doubtless 
recall  them." 

"  Judge  Campbell,"  the  President  replied,  "  let  us  have  no  misunder- 
standing. I  will  give  you  in  black  and  white  my  only  terms : 

"  1.  The  territorial  integrity  of  the  Republic. 

"  2.  ~No  change  of  Executive  or  Congressional  action  on  the  subject 
of  slavery. 

"  3.  No  armistice." 

"  Could  you  not  make  a  modification  of  the  third  point  in  relation 
to  an  armistice  ?"  Campbell  asked. 

"  I  will  not,"  the  President  replied,  "  negotiate  with  men  so  long  as 
they  are  fighting  against  us.  The  last  election  established  the  deliber- 
ate determination  of  the  country." 

He  was  lenient,  charitable,  but  inflexible  in  his  decision  to  secure 
abiding  peace.  No  further  attempt  was  made  to  secure  a  modification 
of  the  terms. 


510 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


CONFEDERATE   PRESIDENTIAL   MANSION. 


The  President  returned  to  Fortress  Monroe,  and  visited  the  hos- 
pitals. Although  weary  and  burdened  with  care,  he  spent  sev- 

APgrg58'  eral  hours  with  the  sick  and  suffering,  informing  them  that  the 
war  would  soon  be  over,  and  thanking  them  for  what  they  had 

accomplished. 


NOTES  TO  CHAPTER  XXVII. 

(')  Mary  Tucker  Magill,  "Independent,1'  January,  1886. 

(2)  E.  A.  Pollard,  "Lost  Cause,"  p.  694. 

(3)  General  Ewell  to  J.  B.  Lossing,  "Independent,"  March  11,  1866. 

(4)  Ibid. 

(6)  William  Burnett  Wright,  "  Congregationalist,"  vol.  xl.,  No.  22. 

(")  Mr.  Wallace  to  C.  C.  Carpenter,  "  Century  Magazine,"  June,  1890,  p.  306. 

(7)  A  Confederate  Courier's  Experience,  "Watchman,"  February  3,  1866. 

(8)  Ibid. 

(9)  Author's  account  in  Boston  "Journal,"  written  April  4,  1865. 

(10)  William  Burnett  Wright,  "  Congregational ist,"  vol.  xl.,  No.  22. 


THE  CLOSING  SCENE.  511 


CHAPTER    XXVIII. 

THE  CLOSING  SCENE. 

IN  the  farm-house  of  William  McLean,  at  Appomattox,  General  Lee 
surrendered  the  Confederate  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  to  General 
Grant.     The  thrilling  news  ran  along  the  lines  of  the  Union  army.     A 
mighty  shout  rent  the  air.     Men  cheered  and  yelled  with  irre- 
Pressible  delight.     No  more  fighting  nor  weary  marches.     No 
ghastly  wounds;   but  home,  wife,  and   children  awaited  them. 
Thenceforth  joy,  peace,  and  rest ! 

President  Lincoln  had  returned  to  Washington.  He  had  been  but  a 
short  time  in  the  executive  mansion  when  the  following  despatch  came 
from  General  Grant : 

"General  Lee  surrendered  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  this  afternoon  on  terms 
proposed  by  myself." 

It  was  the  supreme  moment  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  life.  The  country  was 
saved,  the  nation  redeemed.  All  he  had  labored  for,  lived  for,  prayed 
for,  had  been  accomplished.  Bells  rang,  cannon  thundered,  thanks 
ascended  to  God  in  every  city,  town,  and  hamlet. 

A  multitude  gathered  in  the  grounds  around  the  White  House  to 
express  their  congratulations.  Beneficent  the  countenance  of 
the  President  as  he  looked  into  the  radiant  faces  of  his  fellow- 
citizens. 

"  We  meet  this  evening  in  gladness  of  heart,"  he  said.  "  The  sur- 
render of  the  insurgent  army  gives  hope  of  righteousness  and  peace. 
...  In  the  midst  of  this,  He  from  whom  all  blessings  flow  must  not  be 
forgotten." 

During  the  war  there  had  been  much  apprehension  among  the 
people  for  the  safety  of  the  President. 

"  You  are  not  sufficiently  careful  of  yourself,"  said  a  member  of  the 
Cabinet  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  just  before  his  re-election.  "  There  are  bad 
men  in  Washington." 

The  President  took  a  package  of  letters  from  his  desk. 


512  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

"  Every  one  of  these  letters,"  lie  said,  "  contains  a  threat  of  assassi- 
nation. I  might  be  nervous  if  I  were  to  dwell  upon  the  subject,  but  I 
have  come  to  the  conclusion  there  are  opportunities  enough  to  kill  me 
every  day  of  my  life  if  there  are  persons  disposed  to  do  it.  It  is  not 
possible  to  avoid  exposure.  I  shall  not  trouble  myself  about  it." 

Solicitude  for  the  President's  safety  was  not  confined  to  the  City  of 
Washington.  General  Van  Allen,  of  New  York,  the  day  after  Mr.  Lin- 
coln returned  from  Kichmond,  addressed  a  letter  to  him  expressing  his 
apprehensions. 

"  I  intend  to  adopt  the  advice  of  my  friends  and  use  due  precau- 
tions," the  President  wrote  in  reply. 

The  day  commemorating  the  entombment  of  the  World's  Redeemer 
was  not  celebrated  by  fasting  and  solemn  reflections,  but  by  thanks- 
giving and  hallelujahs.  It  was  Good  Friday,  and  also  the  anni- 
Fnday,  versary  of  the  surrender  of  Sumter.  Four  years  had  passed. 
1865.  '  The  time  had  come  when  the  emblem  of  national  authority 
was  to  float  again  in  beauty  where  it  had  been  dishonored. 
General  Robert  Anderson  was  to  raise  the  same  flag  which  he  had 
lowered  when  surrendering  the  fort.  On  that  December  morning,  1860, 
when  he  took  possession  of  Sumter,  the  voice  of  Rev.  Matthias  Harris 
was  heard  in  prayer.  Once  more  he  kneeled  and  led  the  assembled 
multitude  in  devotion.  Selections  from  the  Bible  were  read  alternately 
by  Rev.  Richard  S.  Storrs  and  the  people : 

"  'The  Lord  hath  done  great  things  for  us;  whereof  we  are  glad.' 

"  '  Turn  again  our  captivity,  O  Lord,  as  the  streams  in  the  south.' 

"  '  They  that  sow  in  tears  shall  reap  in  joy.' 

"  '  He  that  goeth  forth  and  weepeth,  bearing  precious  seed,  shall  doubtless  come  again 
with  rejoicing,  bringing  his  sheaves  with  him.' 

"  '  Some  trust  in  chariots,  and  some  in  horses;  but  we  will  remember  the  name  of  the 
Lord  our  God.' 

"'We  will  rejoice  in  thy  salvation,  and  in  the  name  of  our  God  we  will  set  up 
our  banners.'" 

With  orchestra,  choir,  and  congregation  joining  in  the  "  Gloria  of 
the  Church  Universal,"  the  Stars  and  Stripes  floated  once  more  where 
it  had  been  humiliated  by  treason. 

An  address  was  given  by  Henry'  Ward  Beecher  which  breathed  the 
spirit  of  brotherhood  and  charity. 

"  We  offer,"  he  said,  in  conclusion,  "  to  the  President  of  these  United 
States  our  solemn  congratulations  that  God  has  sustained  his  life  and 
health  under  the  unparalleled  burdens  and  sufferings  of  four  bloody 


THE  CLOSING  SCENE.  513 

years,  and  permitted  him  to  behold  this  auspicious  consummation  of 
that  national  unity  for  which  he  has  waited  with  so  much  patience  and 
fortitude,  and  for  which  he  has  labored  with  such  disinterested  wisdom." 

It  was  a  day  of  joy  and  gladness  in  the  White  House.  Captain 
Robert  Lincoln,  who  had  witnessed  the  surrender  of  Lee,  arrived  in 
season  to  breakfast  with  his  father  and  mother.  He  narrated  the  last 
scene  at  Appomattox.  Breakfast  finished,  the  President  passed  a  pleas- 
ant hour  with  Mr.  Colfax,  speaker  of  the  House,  who  was  about  to 
make  a  journey  across  the  continent.  At  eleven  o'clock  the  Cabinet 
met  in  regular  session.  General  Grant  arrived,  and  was  warmly  wel- 
comed. 

"  I  am  somewhat  anxious  in  regard  to  Sherman,"  said  General 
Grant. 

"  We  shall  have  news  from  him  soon,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  for  I  had 
my  usual  dream  last  night — the  one  I  have  had  just  before  the  occur- 
rence of  several  important  events." 

"  What  are  the  particular  features  of  your  dream  ?"  asked  Mr. 
Welles. 

"  I  might  say  that  it  relates  to  your  department,"  the  President 
replied.  "  I  am  always  in  a  vessel  which  I  cannot  describe,  and  am 
moving  rapidly  towards  a  dark  and  undefined  shore.  I  had  the  dream 
before  the  firing  on  Sumter,  before  the  Bull  Run  battles,  Antietam, 
Gettysburg,  Stone  River,  Vicksburg,  and  Wilmington." 

"  Stone  River  was  no  victory,  Mr.  President,"  said  General  Grant. 
"  A  few  such  victories  as  that  would  have  ruined  us.  I  do  not  know 
that  anything  of  importance  resulted  from  that  battle." 

"  I  might  not  wholly  agree  with  you  about  that,"  said  the  President, 
"  but  I  had  this  dream  before  that  engagement.  Victory  has  not 
always  followed  my  dream.  I  have  no  doubt  that  a  battle  has  been,  or 
is  soon  to  be  fought,  between  Sherman  and  Johnston,  for  my  thoughts 
were  in  that  direction,  and  I  know  of  no  other  important  event  likely 
to  occur." 

At  the  moment  of  this  conversation  a  Confederate  officer  was  ap- 
proaching General  Sherman's  lines  with  a  letter  from  General  John- 
ston asking  for  a  conference,  with  the  view  of  surrendering  his  army. 

Richly  endowed  natures  behold  at  times  by  mental  vision  what 
others  may  not  see.  The  Bible  tells  us  that  by  the  eastern  wall  of  Jeru- 
salem the  first  martyr  of  the  Christian  Church,  while  laying  down  his 
life  for  his  faith,  beheld  heaven  opened  and  the  Son  of  Man  standing  at 
the  right  hand  of  God.  Saul,  fierce  persecutor,  beheld  a  blinding  light, 

33 


514  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

talked  with  Jesus,  and  became  like  a  child  in  spirit.  John  saw  a  new 
heaven  and  a  new  earth  descending  from  God  out  of  heaven.  Upon  a 
house-top  in  Joppa,  Peter,  in  mid-day  slumbers,  beheld  phenomena  far 
more  mysterious  than  that  dreamed  by  President  Lincoln,  and  heard 
from  one  unseen  a  truth  never  before  announced — that  they  who  fear 
God  and  work  righteousness  in  every  nation  are  accepted  of  Him. 
Thrice  that  vision.  More  than  three  times  sailed  the  ship  that  was 
bearing  President  Lincoln  to  the  shadowy  shore.  At  that  noon  hour 
the  nation  and  himself  were  approaching  a  haven  of  peace. 

"We  are  not  to  conclude  that  the  President  believed  in  omens. 
Neither  may  we  say  that  what  he  had  seen  was  a  hallucination  or  the 
phantasm  of  a  disordered  imagination.  The  reality  of  his  dreaming 
cannot  be  questioned.  We  may  conclude  that  philosophy  has  not  as 
yet  fully  comprehended  mental  and  psychic  conditions. 

The  Cabinet  took  up  the  great  questions  of  the  hour — the  restora- 
tion of  the  revolted  States,  and  what  should  be  done  with  the  Con- 
federate leaders. 

"  I  have  no  desire,"  said  the  President,  "  to  kill  or  hang  them.  Let 
us  frighten  them  out  of  the  country — open  the  gates,  let  down  the  bars, 
scare  them  off.  Enough  lives  have  been  sacrificed  ;  we  must  extinguish 
our  resentments  if  we  expect  to  live  in  harmony  and  peace." 

In  the  afternoon  the  President,  with  Mrs.  Lincoln,  drove  in  his 
carriage  through  the  suburbs  of  the  city.  He  was  welcomed  every- 
where by  affectionate  recognition.  He  was  very  happy,  and  talked  of 
the  past  and  also  of  the  future. 

"  When  these  four  years  are  over,  Mary,"  he  said,  "  we  will  go  back 
to  Illinois,  and  I  will  again  be  a  country  lawyer.  God  has  been  very 
good  to  us." 

Mr.  Lincoln  occasionally  sought  rest  and  recreation  by  attending  the 
theatre.  On  that  evening  the  drama  of  "  Our  American  Cousin"  was  to 
be  enacted  at  Ford's  Theatre.  Miss  Laura  Keene,  a  favorite  actress, 
had  chosen  it  on  the  occasion  of  her  benefit.  It  was  known  that  the 
President  and  Mrs.  Lincoln,  and  possibly  General  and  Mrs.  Grant,  would 
be  present.  The  desire  to  see  the  two  men  foremost  in  the  affections 
of  the  people  filled  the  theatre.  General  and  Mrs.  Grant,  desiring  to 
leave  the  city,  informed  the  President  that  they  could  not  accept  the 
proffered  invitation  to  accompany  himself  and  Mrs.  Lincoln.  Invita- 
tions were  accordingly  sent  to  Miss  Harris  and  Major  Eathburn,  daugh- 
ter and  stepson  of  Senator  Harris. 

Early  in  the  evening  Mr.  Colfax  called  again  at  the  White  House  to 


THE   CLOSING  SCENE.  515 

say  farewell.  He  was  accompanied  by  Mr.  Ashman,  who  was  president 
of  the  Republican  Convention  which  nominated  Mr.  Lincoln  in  1860. 

"  Was  it  not,"  asked  Mr.  Ashman,  "  rather  imprudent  for  you  to  ex- 
pose yourself  in  Richmond  ?  "We  were  much  concerned  for  your  safety." 

"  I  would  have  been  alarmed  myself  if  any  other  person  had  been 
President  and  gone  there,  but  I  did  not  find  any  danger  whatever,"  Mr. 
Lincoln  replied. 

Upon  a  matter  of  business  the  President  made  a  remark  which  he 
saw  disturbed  Mr.  Ashman. 

"  You  did  not  understand  me,"  Mr.  Lincoln  quickly  said.  "  I  did  not 
mean  it.  I  take  it  all  back.  I  apologize  for  it." 

The  carriage  was  waiting  to  convey  the  President  to  the  theatre. 
He  desired  to  see  Mr.  Ashman  again  early  the  next  morning,  and  wrote 
upon  a  card : 

Allow  Mr.  Ashman  to  come  at  9  o'clock  A.M.  to-morrow.   . 

A.  LINCOLN. 

At  the  door  of  the  White  House  the  President  said  to  Colfax  :  "  Sen 
ator  Sumner  has  the  gavel  of  the  Confederate  Congress,  which  he  got 
at  Richmond  to  hand  to  the  Secretary  of  War;  but  I  maintained  he 
must  give  it  to  you.  You  tell  him  to  hand  it  over.  You  are  going  to 
the  Pacific  Coast.  Do  not  forget  to  tell  the  people  in  the  mining  region 
what  I  told  you  this  morning  about  their  development.  Good-bye." 

The  audience  crowding  the  theatre  rose  and  cheered  as  the  presi- 
dential party  entered  the  box  assigned  them.  The  orchestra  played 
"  Hail  to  the  Chief."  The  President  acknowledged  the  kind  reception, 
and  the  performance  went  on.  Mr.  Lincoln  greatly  enjoyed  it.  The 
curtain  rose  upon  the  second  scene  of  the  last  act.  Miss  Keene,  per- 
sonating Mrs.  Montchessington,  was  saying  to  Asa  Trenchard : 

"  You  don't  understand  good  society.  That  alone  can  excuse  the  impertinence  of 
which  you  are  guilty." 

"  I  guess  I  know  enough  to  turn  you  inside  out,"  the  reply  of  Trenchard. 

A  pistol  report  startles  the  laughing  audience.  A  man  leaps  from 
the  President's  box,  falls  upon  the  stage,  rises,  flourishing  a  knife  drip- 
ping with  blood. 

"  Sic  semper  tyrannis !  The  South  is  avenged !"  he  shouts,  and 
disappears. 

"  John  Wilkes  Booth !"  some  one  exclaims.  There  is  instant  com- 
motion— a  rush  towards  the  stage  and  the  box. 


516 


LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 


The  President  had  fallen  forward.  Major  Rathburn  had  received  a 
fearful  wound  in  his  arm. 

The  President  was  borne  to  a  small  house  across  the  street.  Mrs. 
Lincoln,  dazed  and  wild  with  grief,  followed,  tenderly  cared  for  by  Miss 
Harris.  Physicians  and  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  were  summoned. 

All  "Washington  was  in  com- 
motion—  thronging  the 
streets,  learning  not  only 
that  the  President  had  been 
shot,  but  that  another  assas- 
sin had  gained  entrance  to 
the  house  of  Mr.  Seward  as 
a  messenger  with  medicine 
from  his  physician.  The  as- 
sassin had  snapped  a  pistol  at 
Mr.  Frederick  Seward,  and 
beaten  him  senseless  with  the 
weapon ;  had  inflicted  sev- 
eral wounds  upon  Mr.  Sew- 
ard with  a  knife,  and  also 
wounded  two  attendants. 

Through  the  night  the 
members  of  the  Cabinet, 
physicians,  and  the  weeping 
family  watched  the  ebbing 
tide  of  life.(') 

A  little  past  seven  o'clock 
in  the  morning  Abraham 
Lincoln  died,  with  inexpress- 
ible peace  upon  his  face. 

"  Now  he  belongs  to  the 
ages,"  said  Secretary  Stanton, 
breaking  the  silence. 

Who  was  John  Wilkes  Booth  ?  What  motive  impelled  him  to  com- 
mit the  crime  ? 

The  Confederate  Government,  in  its  desperation  during  the  last 
months  of  the  war,  had  used  pitiable  and  despicable  means  to  postpone 
approaching  doom.  The  Confederate  agents  in  Canada  had  employed 
William  L.  McDonald  to  manufacture  an  explosive  compound  to  be 
placed  in  hotels  and  steamships  for  their  destruction.  On  the  evening 


HOUSE  IN  WHICH  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  DIED. 


THE  CLOSING   SCENE.  517 

of  November  5, 18(54,  while  the  people  of  New  York  were  rejoicing  over 
the  re-election  of  President  Lincoln,  incendiary  fires  were  kindled  in 
thirteen  places,  which,  however,  were  quickly  extinguished.  Steam- 
boats had  been  burned  on  the  western  rivers. 

John  Y.  Beall,  educated  in  the  University  of  Virginia,  owner  of  100 
slaves,  captain  in  the  Confederate  Army,  an  accredited  agent  of  the  Con- 
federacy, had  been  employed  to  wreck  railroad  trains.  When  arrested 
and  brought  to  trial  he  took  a  commission  from  his  pocket,  signed  by 
Jefferson  Davis,  to  show  that  he  was  an  officer  in  the  Confederate  serv- 
ice, and  ought  not  to  be  held  accountable  as  a  private  individual  for 
throwing  a  railroad  train  from  its  track  and  endangering  the  lives  of 
innocent  passengers,  lie  manifested  no  sorrow  for  what  he  had  done. 

While  President  Lincoln  was  having  the  interview  with  the  Con- 
federate commissioners  at  Fortress  Monroe,  Professor  McCullough  was 
presenting  to  Senator  Oldham,  of  Texas,  a  scheme  which  the  Senator  in 
turn  laid  before  Jefferson  Davis.  It  was  a  proposition  to  burn  all  the 
shipping  of  the  Northern  States.  (2) 

"  We  can  burn,"  he  wrote,  "  every  transport  that  leaves  the  harbor 
of  New  York  or  other  Northern  port  with  supplies  for  the  armies  of 
the  enemy,  burn  every  transport  and  gunboat  on  the  Mississippi  River, 
as  well  as  devastate  the  country,  and  fill  the  people  with  consternation." 

Jefferson  Davis  did  not  thrust  this  letter  into  the  fire,  but  wrote  the 
following  words : 

"Hon.  W.  I.  Oldham:  February  12, 1865. 

"In  relation  to  plans  and  means  to  burn  the  enemy's  shipping,  towns,  etc.,  prepara- 
tions are  in  the  hands  of  Professor  McCullough,  and  are  known  only  to  one  party.  Ask 
the  President  to  have  an  interview  with  General  Harris,  formerly  of  Missouri,  on  this 
subject.  Secretary  of  War  at  his  convenience  please  see  General  Harris,  and  learn  what 
plan  he  has  for  overcoming  difficulties  heretofore  experienced.  J.  D."(3) 

Soon  after  the  re-election  of  President  Lincoln  an  advertisement  ap- 
peared in  a  newspaper  published  in  Selma,  Ala.,  proposing  to  raise  a 
fund  for  the  assassination  of  the  President  and  Yice  -  president  of  the 
United  States. 

A  letter  from  Lieutenant  Alston,  proposing  assassination,  was  turned 
over  to  Mr.  Seddon  by  Jefferson  Davis,  bearing  this  indorsement: 
"For  attention."  (4) 

Among  those  who  were  ready  to  engage  in  desperate  undertakings 
for  the  benefit  of  the  Confederacy  was  John  Wilkes  Booth,  a  dramatic 
actor.  I  saw  him  frequently  during  the  war.  After  John  Brown 
seized  Harper's  Ferry,  Booth  had  assisted  at  his  capture.  He  visited 


518  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

Eichmond,  making  his  way  secretly  through  the  lines.  He  was  in 
communication  with  Confederate  agents  in  Canada.  He  was  twenty- 
six  years  old ;  his  form  was  manly,  his  bearing  that  of  a  gentleman. 
In  parlor  and  drawing-room  he  was  ever  an  attractive  figure.  .  He  de- 
lighted in  tragic  and  startling  scenes.  He  had  tasted  the  wine  of 
popular  applause  upon  the  stage,  and  delighted  to  be  before  the  public. 

Booth  did  not  imitate  those  who  conspired  against  Caesar,  and 
select  his  associates  in  crime  from  those  occupying  high  social  position, 
but  chose  his  accomplices  from  a  gang  of  ruffians.  Among  them  was 
Lewis  Powell,  often  known  as  Lewis  Payne.  He  had  served  the  Con- 
federates as  a  spy.  George  Atzeroth  had  frequently  been  in  Eichmond 
with  an  invoice  of  goods  contraband  of  war.  Daniel  E.  Harold  had 
been  a  student  of  pharmacy.  Spangler,  Arnold,  McLaughlin,  and  Dr. 
Mudd  were  lesser  accomplices.  Their  rendezvous  was  in  a  boarding- 
house  kept  by  Mary  E.  Surratt,  whose  son  John  was  also  an  accom- 
plice. (5)  Just  when  Booth  made  their  acquaintance  is  not  known.  By 
his  almost  hypnotic  power  they  became  obedient  to  his  imperious  will. 

During  the  four  years  of  the  war  President  Lincoln  had  been  de- 
nounced as  "usurper,"  "autocrat,"  "tyrant,"  "czar"  in  the  newspapers 
of  the  Peace  Democracy.  This  destroyer  of  the  liberties  of  the  South- 
ern people,  as  Booth  regarded  President  Lincoln,  had  turned  loose 
4,000,000  slaves,  thus  robbing  the  masters  of  their  property.  The  Ides 
of  March  had  brought  humiliation  to  the  Confederacy.  Why  should 
not  the  world  be  rid  of  such  a  despot?  Booth  had  often  exclaimed 
upon  the  stage : 

"Shall  Rome  stand  under  one  man's  awe?    What  Rome? 
My  ancestors  did  from  the  streets  of  Rome 
The  Tarquin  drive,  when  he  was  call'd  a  king. 
'  Speak,  strike,  redress !' — Am  I  entreated 
To  speak  and  strike  ?    O  Rome !    I  make  thee  promise, 
If  the  redress  will  follow,  thou  receiv'st 
Thy  full  petition  at  the  hand  of  Brutus !" 

Why  should  not  John  Wilkes  Booth  enact  in  life  what  he  had  per- 
formed upon  the  stage — avenge  the  South  and  make  his  name  famous  ? 
It  is  not  probable  that  he  gave  any  thought  as  to  what  benefit  or  loss 
might  come  to  the  people  of  the  Southern  States  by  murdering  the 
President.  Eevenge  and  vanity  impelled  him.  He  determined  to  send 
a,  bullet  through  the  brain  of  the  "tyrant"  who  had  conquered  and 
despoiled  the  South,  who  had"  walked  in  triumph  through  the  streets  of 
the  capital  of  the  Confederacy.  Passion  and  self-gratulation  had  taken 


JOHN    \VII.KES  BOOTH-. 
[From  a  photograph  taken  in  1864.] 


THE  CLOSING  SCENE.  521 

possession  of  him.  Every  detail  of  preparation  and  execution  was 
thought  out.  He  knew  the  President  was  to  attend  the  theatre.  As 
an  actor  he  had  been  many  times  upon  its  stage,  and  was  acquainted 
with  all  its  passageways.  He  visited  the  building,  examined  the  box 
which  would  be  occupied  by  the  Presidential  party,  bored  a  hole  in  its 
door  through  which  he  might  look  before  entering  to  fire  the  fatal  shot. 
His  forethought  provided  a  wooden  bar  to  be  placed  across  another  door 
opening  to  the  area  behind  the  box.  By  this  means  he  could  prevent 
any  interference  with  the  execution  of  his  plans.  That  the  world  might 
know  his  motives  and  applaud  his  act,  he  wrote  a  carefully  prepared 
statement,  which  he  intrusted  to  a  fellow -actor,  Mr.  Mathews,  to  be  de- 
livered to  the  "  National  Intelligencer  "  for  publication. 

He  hired  a  fleet  horse  at  a  livery-stable,  and  rode  the  animal  to  ac- 
custom himself  to  its  gait.  His  scheme  contemplated  the  assassination 
of  President  Lincoln,  also  Vice-president  Johnson  and  Secretary  Sew- 
ard.  The  last-named  had  been  thrown  from  his  carriage,  and  was 
lying  helpless  upon  his  bed  with  a  .fractured  jaw  and  arm.  Harold 
was  detailed  to  murder  the  Vice-president,  and  Payne  the  Secretary  of 
State. 

The  box  in  which  the  President  and  his  party  were  sitting  had  been 
decorated  with  the  Stars  and  Stripes.  It  was  ten  o'clock,  and  the  curtain 
had  risen  upon  the  second  scene  of  the  last  act.  At  that  moment  Booth 
dismounted  from  his  horse  in  the  alley  at  the  rear  of  the  theatre.  He 
gave  the  reins  to  a  boy,  passed  into  the  restaurant,  and  drank  a  glass  of 
brandy.  He  then  entered  the  front  of  the  theatre,  and  reached  the  door 
opening  to  the  area  behind  the  President's  box.  He  was  well  known 
to  the  employes,  and  was  admitted  by  the  attendant.  He  placed  the 
wooden  bar  across  the  door,  stepped  to  the  box  door,  peeped  through 
the  hole  which  he  had  bored  and  saw  the  position  of  the  President,  drew 
his  revolver  and  knife,  and  softly  entered.  He  held  the  pistol  near  the 
President's  head,  fired,  and  leaped  forward.  Major  Rathburn  sprang  to 
seize  him.  Booth  struck  at  his  throat  with  the  knife.  Eathburn,  in 
parrying  the  stroke,  received  a  wound  in  the  arm.  In  leaping  upon  the 
stage  a  spur  on  one  of  Booth's  feet  caught  in  the  folds  of  the  flag  he 
hated,  and  he  fell  headlong.  A  bone  of  one  leg  was  broken  ;  but  he  rose, 
uttered  his  triumphant  shout,  ran  across  the  stage,  gained  the  alley, 
sprang  upon  his  horse,  and  disappeared. 

There  is  poetic  justice  in  the  thought  that  the  flag  of  the  republic 
should  be  the  means  of  bringing  swift  retribution  to  the  murderer  and 
his  accomplices.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  fracture  of  one  limb,  it  is 


522 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


MRS.  SURRATT'S  HOUSE. 

[From  a  photograph  taken  in  1865.] 

altogether  probable  that  before  sunrise  he  would  have  been  on  the  Vir- 
ginia side  of  the  Potomac,  and  before  the  week  ended  so  far  away  that 
he  would  have,  for  a  time  at  least,  escaped  capture. 

A  little  past  ten  o'clock  a  sentinel  stationed  at  the  navy-yard  bridge 
crossing  the  Eastern  Branch  of  the  Potomac  saw  a  man  on  horseback 
rapidly  approaching. 

"  I  live  out  here  in  Charles  County,  and  have  been  waiting  for  the 
moon  to  rise,"  said  the  horseman.  The  sentinel  allowed  him  to  pass, 
and  he  rode  swiftly  on. 

Another  man  on  horseback  came.  He  also  said  that  he  lived  in 
Charles  County  and  was  going  home,  and  was  permitted  to  cross. 


THE   CLOSING  SCENE.  523 

A  third  horseman  arrived. 

"  That  fellow  ahead  of  me  has  stolen  my  horse,"  he  said. 

"  I  can't  allow  you  to  pass,"  the  sentinel  replied.  No  explanation 
or  entreaty  availed. 

The  first  who  had  crossed  the  bridge  was  Booth,  and  the  second 
Harold,  who  was  acting  as  his  assistant. 

It  was  midnight,  and  the  moon  two  hours  above  the  horizon, 
when  Booth  and  Harold  rode  up  to  a  tavern  owned  by  Mrs.  Surratt,  in 
the  village  of  Surrattsville.  The  landlord,  Mr.  Lloyd,  knew  that  some 
desperate  undertaking  had  been  planned.  Harold  leaped  from  his  horse 
and  entered  the  tavern.  "  We  have  killed  the  President.  Let  me  have 
the  things,"  he  said.  The  landlord  made  no  reply,  but  handed  him  a 
bottle  of  whiskey,  a  field-glass,  and  two  guns.  Booth  could  not  take  a 
gun.  He  was  suffering  terrible  pain.  They  rode  to  the  house  of  Dr. 
Mudd.  Booth  was  well  acquainted  with  him.  Though  living  in  Mary- 
land, Dr.  Mudd  had  ever  sympathized  with  the  South.  He  lifted  Booth 
from  his  saddle  to  a  bed,  and  set  the  fractured  limb.  Through  the  fol- 
lowing day  the  murderer  and  his  accomplice  rested.  When  night  came 
they  left  Surrattsville  and  rode  to  Port  Tobacco.  Thomas  Jones  shel- 
tered them  —  not  in  his  own  house,  but  in  a  thicket  —  giving  them 
food,  and  waiting  for  an  opportunity  to  ferry  them  to  the  Virginia  snore. 

Booth  had  been  recognized  by  a  number  of  persons  when  he  leaped 
upon  the  stage  of  the  theatre.  The  police  very  soon  learned  that  he 
had  frequented  Mrs.  Surratt's  house.  The  sentinel  at  the  bridge  had 
a  story  to  tell  of  two  horsemen  making  their  way  to  Charles  County. 
Detectives  were  quickly  on  their  track.  The  assassin  Payne,  who  at- 
tempted the  life  of  Secretary  Seward,  and  who  had  wounded  Mr.  Fred- 
erick Seward  and  the  attendants,  had  left  behind  a  blood-stained  knife, 
a  broken  revolver,  and  his  hat.  He  did  not  ride  to  Charles  County  to 
join  the  chief  conspirator,  but  made  his  way  to  a  piece  of  woods.  If 
he  had  matured  a  plan  to  escape,  it  was  abandoned.  For  two  days  he 
remained  in  hiding.  He  could  think  of  no  better  course  to  pursue  than 
to  return  to  the  house  of  Mrs.  Surratt,  where  the  conspirators  had  been 
at  home  in  maturing  their  plans.  It  was  nearly  midnight  when  the 
officers  who  had  taken  possession  of  Mrs.  Surratt's  house  heard  a  knock- 
ing at  the  door.  It  was  opened  by  Major  Smith,  who  saw  a  man  wear- 
ing a  cap  made  from  a  portion  of  his  coat-sleeve.  He  had  a  pick  upon 
his  shoulder. 

"  Who  are  you  ?    What  do  you  want  ?"  asked  the  officer. 

"  I  have  come  to  dig  a  drain  for  Mrs.  Surratt,"  said  the  man. 


524 


LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


"  Have  you  engaged  this  man  to  dig  a  drain  for  you  ?"  the  question 
put  to  Mrs.  Surratt. 

"Before  God,  I  do  not  know  him — never  saw  him  before.  I  have 
not  hired  him,"  Mrs.  Surratt  replied,  lifting  her  right  hand  that  the 
officer  might  know  she  was  swearing  a  solemn  oath.  Little  did  she  mis- 
trust that  her  words  and  acts  would  lead  to  the  conviction  of  both 
herself  and  Payne  as  conspirators  in  the  terrible  crime. 

The  military  authorities  had  little  difficulty  in  getting  upon  the 
track  of  Booth  and  Harold.  The  trail  began  at  the  bridge  across  the 
Eastern  Branch.  The  besotted  tavern  -  keeper  of  Surrattsville,  fearing 
he  might  be  implicated,  voluntarily  came  and  told  all  he  knew. 
The  trail  led  to  Port  Tobacco.  Soldiers  were  searching  houses  and 
scouring  the  woods.  Gunboats  were  passing  up  and  down  the  Poto- 
mac. Several  times  Jones  had  attempted  to  ferry  them  to  the  Virginia 
shore  in  the  night  and  had  turned  back,  but  at  last  succeeded.  In 
Maryland,  Booth  found  those  who  gave  hearty  hospitality.  He  was 
greatly  disappointed  at  not  receiving  a  like  welcome  across  the  Poto- 
mac. He  had  struck  the  blow  to  avenge  the  South,  and  was  chagrined 
and  angered  by  the  coldness  of  his  reception. 


[0.  Dark  corridor  leading  from  the  dress-circle  to  box. — H.  Entrance  to  corridor. — I.  The  bar  used  by  Booth 
to  prevent  entrance  from  without. — J.  Dress-circle. — K.  The  parquette. — L.  The  foot-lights. — M.  The 
stage. — F.  Open  door  to  the  President's  box. — G.  Closed  door. — N.  Place  where  Booth  vaulted  over  to- 
the  stage  below.] 

DIAGRAM   OF  THE  BOX   OCCUPIED  BY  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN. 


THE  CLOSING  SCENE. 
Booth  made  this  entry  in  his  diary : 


525 
* 


" Friday,  April  21.— After  being  hunted  like  a  dog  through  swamps  and  woods,  and 
last  night  chased  by  gunboats  till  I  was  forced  to  return,  wet,  cold,  and  starving,  with 
every  man's  hand  against  me,  I  am  here  in  despair  !  And  why  ?  For  doing  what  Brutus 
was  honored  for— what  made  Tell  a  hero.  ...  I  struck  for  my  country  and  that  alone — a 
country  ground  beneath  his  tyranny.  And  yet  now  behold  the  cold  hand  they  extend 
to  me." 

From  those  who  gave  him  food  he  obtained  newspapers,  and  learned 
that  his  fellow-actor,  Mathews,  had  burned  the  article  which  had  been 


FORD'S  THEATRE,  AS  DRAPED  AFTER  THE  PRESIDENT'S    DEATH. 
[From  a  photograph  taken  at  the  time.] 

intended  for  publication.  So,  then,  the  world  would  never  read  his 
vindication  of  himself.  During  the  days  while  hiding  in  the  thickets, 
his  ear  open  to  every  sound,  his  intellect  alert,  conscience  arraigned  him. 
He  stood  before  the  Great  White  Throne,  the  Judgment  -  seat  of  the 
Universe. 

"  I  am  abandoned,  with  the  curse  of  Cain  upon  me,"  the  entry  in  his 
diary. 

Vanity  put  in  its  specious  plea  for  self -justification. 

"  If  the  world  knew  my  heart,  that  one  blow  would  make  me  great," 
he  wrote. 

By  no  such  pleading  could  he  set  aside  the  universal  verdict  that 


526  LIFE   OF  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN. 

t 

instead  of  crushing  a  "tyrant"  he  had  murdered  a  lenient  friend.  In- 
stead of  his  name  upon  the  scroll  of  fame,  he  was  to  be  ranked  with 
Cain  and  Judas  and  the  outcasts  of  all  time — accursed  of  God  and  man. 

Booth  and  Harold  made  their  way  from  place  to  place,  finding  shelter 
at  last  in  the  barn  of  Mr.  Garrett,  near  Bowling  Green,  on  the  Kappa- 
hannock.  At  midnight  a  company  of  soldiers  surrounded  the 
Ai86525'  building.  When  called  upon  to  surrender  Harold  complied; 
Booth  refused,  and  the  barn  was  set  on  fire.  The  flames  re- 
vealed his  position  to  Sergeant  Corbett,  who  sent  a  bullet  through  the 
assassin's  brain.  The  final  scene  of  the  tragedy  was  in  the  yard  of  the 
Old  Capitol  Prison  —  the  execution 'of  Payne,  Harold,  Atzerodt,  and 
Mrs.  Surratt.  Arnold,  McLaughlin,  Dr.  Mudd,  and  lesser  accomplices 
were  imprisoned  at  Key  "West.  Quick  had  been  Nemesis.  John  H. 
Surratt  alone  escaped.  He  went  to  Canada,  from  thence  to  Europe, 
enlisted  as  a  soldier  in  the  service  of  the  Pope,  deserted,  and  fled  to 
Egypt.  Vigilant  eyes  followed  him.  He  was  arrested,  brought  to  the 
United  States,  and  tried ;  but  the  jury  disagreed. 

It  was  suspected,  but  could  not  be  definitely  proven,  that  Jacob 
Thompson,  in  Canada,  agent  of  the  Confederacy,  supplied  Booth  with 
money.  Neither  could  it  be  certainly  demonstrated  that  Jefferson  Davis 
or  Secretary  Benjamin  were  acquainted  with  or  gave  countenance  to 
Booth's  intentions.  But  the  historic  facts  will  ever  remain  that  the 
assassination  of  Abraham  Lincoln  was  contemplated  before  his  first  in- 
auguration ;  that  it  was  never  lost  sight  of  during  the  war  by  persons 
hostile  to  him  ;  that  he  received  many  letters  containing  threats  against 
his  life.  It  was  no  sudden  impulse  on  the  part  of  Booth,  but  a  crime 
deliberately  planned  and  executed. 


NOTES   TO   CHAPTER   XXVIII. 

(!)  The  persons  present  at  the  death  of  President  Lincoln  were  Mrs.  Lincoln,  Robert 
Lincoln,  Secretaries  Stanton,  Welles,  McCullough,  Usher,  Denuison,  and  Speed  ;  Generals 
Halleck,  Meigs,Farnsworth,  Auger,  and  Todd  ;  Senator  Sumner,  Rev.  Mr.  Gurley,  Schuyler 
Colfax,  Governor  Farwell,  Judges  Cartter  and  Otto,  Surgeon-general  Barnes,  Drs.  Stone, 
Crane,  and  Teale  ;  Major  John  Hay,  and  Maunsell  B.  Field. 

(*)  Jacob  Thompson  to  Secretary  Benjamin.  Letter  dated  at  Toronto,  C.  W.,  Decem- 
ber 8,  1864.  Unpublished  Confederate  Archives. 

(3)  Senator  W.  I.  Oldham  to  Jefferson  Davis,  February  11,  1865.  Unpublished  Con- 
federate Archives. 

(*)  Pitman,  "Report  of  Conspiracy  Trials,"  p.  51. 

(5)  Mrs.  Surratt  resided  at  541  H  Street.  She  also  owned  an  estate  at  Surrattsville, 
on  the  road  leading  to  Port  Tobacco. 


APOTHEOSIS.  527 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

APOTHEOSIS. 

THE  world  stood  aghast  at  the  tragic  death  of  Abraham  Lincoln. 
Church  bells  tolled,  business  ceased,  workmen  left  their  occupa- 
tions. The  marts  of  trade  were  deserted.  Strong  men  were  overcome 
by  their  emotions.  Rulers  had  been  assassinated  in  other  lands,  but 
never  before  in  the  New  World. 

Easter  Sunday  dawned  upon  a  people  stricken  with  grief.  The  day 
April  16,  was  not  given  to  joy  and  gladness  commemorating  the  rising  of 

;65-  the  world's  Redeemer  from  the  tomb,  but  to  lamentations  for 
the  martyred  redeemer  of  the  republic. 

Everywhere  the  great  sorrow  of  the  people  was  manifested  by  em- 
blems of  mourning.  There  was  touching  pathos  in  the  attempts  of  the 
poorest  to  express  their  grief  by  draping  their  homes. 

A  regiment  of  colored  soldiers,  freed  from  slavery  and  made  citizens 
by  the  Emancipation  Proclamation,  formed  the  escort  of  the  funeral 
procession  from  the  White  House  to  the  church  where  Mr.  Lincoln  had 
worshipped,  and  from  thence,  after  appropriate  religious  service,  to  the 
Capitol.  In  its  rotunda  thousands  looked  once  more  upon  the  peaceful 
face.  Illinois  claimed  that  the  last  resting-place  of  her  greatest  citizen 
should  be  at  Springfield.  The  route  thither  was  the  one  travelled  by 
Mr.  Lincoln  on  his  journey  to  Washington  when  about  to  assume  the 
duties  of  the  Presidential  office.  Generals  of  the  Army,  admirals  of  the 
Navy,  deputations  from  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives 
formed  a  guard  of  honor.  Far  different  the  reception  in  Baltimore 
from  that  of  1861.  Then,  conspirators  planning  his  death;  now,  the 
highest  possible  honor. 

The  State  of  Pennsylvania  officially  expressed  its  bereavement  in 
the  Capitol  at  Harrisburg.  At  Philadelphia,  Mr.  Lincoln  had  said  in 
Independence  Hall  he  would  rather  be  assassinated  than  surrender  the 
principles  embodied  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Speechless 
now  his  lips,  yet  never  before  had  they  been  so  eloquent.  Then,  uncer- 


528  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

tainty  ;  now,  the  country  saved.  Then,  readiness  to  give  his  life ;  now. 
the  life  given. 

In  New  York  half  a  million  people  gazed  upon  the  inanimate  form. 
In  the  Capitol  at  Albany,  at  Syracuse,  Rochester,  and  Buffalo  thousands 
manifested  their  sorrow.  People  congregated  at  intermediate  towns  to 
catch  a  glimpse  of  the  passing  train.  No  edifice  at  Cleveland  could 
contain  the  multitude.  The  States  of  Ohio  and  Indiana  rendered  hom- 
age to  the  greatness  of  Abraham  Lincoln  in  the  Capitols  at  Colum- 
bus and  Indianapolis.  At  Chicago  a  countless  throng  passed  through 
the  corridors  of  the  Court-house,  where  his  body  lay  in  state.  In  the 
Capitol  at  Springfield  his  old  friends  and  acquaintances  beheld  in  the 
benignity  of  his  countenance  the  benediction,  "  With  malice  toward 
none,  with  charity  for  all." 

At  last  the  coffin-lid  was  closed.  Simple  the  ceremonies  at  the  tomb 
May  14,  in  Oak  Kidge  Cemetery :  a  hymn,  a  prayer,  a  brief  address,  and 

65-  the  reading  of  the  second  inaugural  of  the  departed  President. 
No  words  could  be  more  appropriate. 

All  the  world  laid  wreaths  upon  the  bier  of  Abraham  Lincoln — sov- 
ereign and  subject,  crowned  and  uncrowned,  emperor,  king,  czar,  sul- 
tan, pasha  ;  monarchy,  republic,  commonwealth,  city,  and  town ;  people 
of  every  race  and  clime.  No  other  ruler  ever  had  such  apotheosis. 
Statesman,  orator,  journalist,  and  poet  came  with  their  immortelles. 

Through  the  war  the  aristocracy  of  England  and  the  mercantile  in- 
terests of  that  country,  for  commercial  gain,  sided  with  the  South ; 
but  lords  and  commoners,  rising  in  their  seats,  expressed  their  horror 
at  the  crime,  and  gave  condolence  to  the  republic. 

"  If  any  one  was  able  to  relieve  the  pain  and  animosities  which  pre- 
vailed it  was  Abraham  Lincoln,"  the  words  of  Lord  John  Russell. 

"  In  the  character  of  this  victim,"  said  Disraeli,  "  in  the  accessories 
of  his  last  moments,  there  is  something  so  homely  and  innocent  that  it 
takes  the  question  out  of  all  the  pomp  of  history  and  the  ceremonial  of 
diplomacy ;  it  touches  the  heart  of  nations  and  appeals  to  the  domestic 
sentiment  of  mankind." 

From  the  outbreak  of  the  Rebellion  the  sympathies  of  the  working- 
men  of  England  had  been  with  the  North.  When  the  throbbing  engines 
of  the  Lancashire  manufacturers  became  motionless  for  want  of  cotton, 
when  half  a  million  men  and  women  were  seeking  employment,  when 
hunger  was  keenest  and  children  crying  for  bread,  they  prayed  for  the 
success  of  the  North.  By  a  heaven-born  instinct  they  comprehended 
that  the  men  upholding  the  flag  of  the  Union  were  fighting  a  battle  for 


APOTHEOSIS. 


529 


MONUMENT  TO  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,   OAK  RIDGE  CEMETERY,  SPRINGFIELD,  ILL. 

[From  a  photograph  taken  by  the  author  in  1890.] 

all  the  world.  The  working-men  of  London  sent  these  words  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States  : 

"Abraham  Lincoln  has  endeared  himself  to  his  country  and  man- 
kind, especially  to  the  toiling  millions  of  the  civilized  world.  The  loss 
of  such  a  man  is  ours  as  well  as  yours.  He  is  enshrined  in  the  hearts 

34 


530  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

of  the  laborers  of  all  countries  as  one  of  the  few  uncrowned  monarchs 
of  the  world." 

"  A  man,"  reads  the  tribute  of  the  Working-men's  International  As- 
sociation, "neither  to  be  browbeaten  by  adversity  nor  intoxicated  by 
success,  slowly  maturing  his  steps,  never  retracing  them ;  carried  away 
by  no  surge  of  popular  favor,  disheartened  by  no  slacking  of  the  popu- 
lar pulse ;  illuminating  scenes  dark  with  passion  by  the  smile  of  humor ; 
doing  his  Titanic  work  as  humbly  and  truly  as  heaven-born  rulers  do 
little  things  ;  who  succeeded  in  becoming  great  without  ceasing  to  be 
good.  The  world  only  discovered  him  a  hero  after  he  had  fallen  a 
martyr."  Kobert  Leighton,  poet,  wrote : 

"Rest  to  the  uncrowned  king,  who,  toiling,  brought 
His  bleeding  country  through  a  dreadful  reign ; 
Who,  living,  earned  a  world's  revering  thought, 
And  dying,  leaves  his  name  without  a  stain." 

Said  the  "  Bradford  Keview :"  "  The  great,  pure,  single-hearted  man, 
who,  with  unequalled  moral  courage  and  absolute  perseverance,  had 
steered  the  vessel  of  State  through  such  a  time  of  trial  as  the  world 
never  before  witnessed." 

"  We  doubt,"  said  the  "  Dublin  Freemen's  Journal,"  "  whether  mod- 
ern history  contains  a  grander  character  than  the  humble  lawyer  of 
Illinois.  His  public  virtues  shone  as  brightly  as  his  private  worth,  and 
both  made  him  the  best  beloved  man  in  the  United  States." 

"History,"  said  the  "London  Daily  News,"  "will  respect  him  as 
actuated  by  an  abiding  sense  of  duty,  as  striving  to  be  faithful  in  his 
service  of  God  and  of  man,  as  possessed  with  deep  moral  earnestness, 
and  as  endowed  with  vigorous  common -sense  and  faculty  for  dealing 
with  affairs." 

Said  the  "  London  Star :"  "  With  a  firm  faith  in  his  God,  his  country, 
and  his  principles  of  freedom  for  all  men,  whatever  their  color  and  con- 
dition, he  has  stood  unmoved  amid  the  shock  of  armies  and  the  clamors 
of  factions.  He  quailed  not  when  defeat  in  the  field  seemed  to  herald 
the  triumph  of  the  foe.  He  boasted  not  of  victory,  nor  sought  to  arro- 
gate to  himself  the  honors  of  the  great  deeds  which  have  resounded 
through  the  world ;  but,  gentle  and  modest  as  he  was  great  and  good, 
he  took  the  chaplet  from  his  own  brow  to  place  it  on  the  lowly  graves 
of  the  soldiers,  whose  blood  has  been  so  liberally  poured  forth  to  conse- 
crate the  soil  of  America  to  freedom.  He  dies  and  makes  no  sign,  but 
the  impress  of  his  noble  character  and  aims  will  be  borne  by  his  country 


APOTHEOSIS.    ,  531 

while  time  endures.  He  dies,  but  his  country  lives  ;  freedom  has  tri- 
umphed ;  the  broken  chains  at  the  feet  of  the  slaves  are  the  mute  wit- 
nesses of  his  victory.7' 

Graceful  the  tribute  of  England's  jester,  "  London  Punch :" 

"You  lay  a  wreath  on  murdered  Lincoln's  bier, 

You,  who  with  mocking  pencil  wont  to  trace, 
Broad  for  the  self-complacent  British  sneer, 

His  length  of  shambling  limb,  his  furrowed  face, 

"His  gaunt,  gnarled  hands,  his  unkempt,  bristling  hair, 

His  garb  uncouth,  his  bearing  ill  at  ease, 
His  lack  of  all  we  prize  as  debonair, 

Of  power  or  will  to  shine,  of  art  to  please ; 

"You,  whose  smart  pen  backed  up  the  pencil's  laugh, 
Judging  each  step  as  though  the  way  were  plain  ; 
Reckless,  so  it  could  point  its  paragraph, 
Of  chief's  perplexities  or  people's  pain; 

"Beside  this  corse,  that  bears  for  winding-sheet 

The  Stars  and  Stripes  he  lived  to  rear  anew, 
Between  the  mourners  at  his  head  and  feet, 
Say,  scurrile  jester,  is  there  room  for  you? 

"Yes;  he  had  lived  to  shame  me  from  my  sneer, 

To  lame  my  pencil,  and  confute  my  pen ; 
To  make  me  own  this  hind  of  princes  peer, 
This  rail-splitter  true-born  king  of  men. 

"My  shallow  judgment  I  had  learned  to  rue, 
Noting  how  to  occasion's  height  he  rose; 
How  his  quaint  wit  made  home-truth  seem  more  true; 
How,  iron-like,  his  temper  grew  by  blows; 

"How  humble  yet  how  hopeful  he  could  be; 

How,  in  good -fortune  and  in  ill,  the  same; 
Nor  bitter  in  success,  nor  boastful  he, 
Thirsty  for  gold,  nor  feverish  for  fame. 

"  He  went  about  his  work — such  work  as  few 

Ever  had  laid  on  head  and  heart  and  hand — 
As  one  who  knows,  where  there's  a  task  to  do, 

Man's  honest  will  must  Heaven's  good  grace  command; 


:  The  Old  World  and  the  New,  from  sea  to  sea, 

Utter  one  voice  of  sympathy  and  shame ; 
Sore  heart,  so  stopped  when  it  at  last  beat  high ; 
Sad  life,  cut  short  just  as  its  triumph  came!" 


532  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"He  conquered,"  said  the  "Paris  £poque,"  "without  ever  departing 
from  republican  forms,  without  one  single  infraction  of  the  laws  of  his- 
country.  When  every  temptation  was  offered  him,  when  certain  violent 
measures  were  demanded  by  the  situation,  he  still  thought  he  could  do- 
without  them.  He  took  his  stand  upon  legality,  and  never  lent  himself 
to  an  exceptional  or  arbitrary  act.  He  was  the  living  law." 

Said  Leopold  Gaillard :  "  No  funeral  oration  can  attain  to  the  sim- 
ple and  religious  eloquence  of  the  second  inaugural,  which  will  remain 
as  the  political  bequest  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  He  enters  into  that  body 
of  the  elite  of  the  historic  army  which  M.  Guizot  once  called  the  bat- 
talion of  Plutarch." 

"  He  was  an  honest  man,  giving  the  word  its  full  meaning,"  wrote 
Prevost  Paradol.  "  The  idea  of  doing  more  or  anything  else  than  his 
duty  never  entered  his  plain,  upright  mind.  He  has  not  lived  alone  for 
his  country,  since  he  leaves  to  every  one  in  the  world  to  whom  liberty 
and  justice  are  dear  a  great  remembrance  and  a  pure  example." 

"  Death  has  revealed  to  all  eyes,"  said  the  "  Eevue  des  Deux  Mondes,v 
"  the  worth  of  this  honest  man.  Opinion  has  done  Mr.  Lincoln  wrong 
while  living.  It  is  now  making  solemn  efforts  to  repair  that  wrong- 
when  he  is  no  more." 

"Abraham  Lincoln,"  said  Emilio  Castelar  in  the  Spanish  Cortes. 
"  was  the  humblest  of  the  humble  before  his  own  conscience,  the  great- 
est of  the  great  before  history." 

From  the  people  of  England,  the  peasantry  of  France,  Germany, 
Italy,  and  all  European  countries,  from  the  republics  of  South  America,, 
from  India  and  China,  came  heartfelt  tributes.  In  the  chalets  of  the 
Alps,  in  the  peasant  homes  along  the  Danube,  and  on  the  vine -clad 
banks  of  the  Khine,  the  portrait  most  frequently  seen  was  that  of  Abra- 
ham Lincoln.  Throughout  the  United  States,  pulpit  and  platform  voiced 
the  universal  grief.  Those  who  had  denounced  him  as  "  tyrant "  and 
"  usurper  "  bowed  their  heads  in  shame  as  all  people  laid  unfading  flow- 
ers on  his  bier. 

In  the  world's  valhalla  are  the  statues  of  those  who  have  done 
great  things  for  their  fellow-men.  Pericles,  builder  of  the  Parthenon, 
was  willing  to  pay  for  its  construction  if  but  his  name  alone  could  be 
sculptured  upon  the  enduring  marble.  Abraham  Lincoln's  Parthenon 
was  his  country.  Not  his  own  name,  but  the  Constitution  and  the 
Union  was  the  only  legend  he  desired  to  see  inscribed  upon  the  edifice. 
Cincinnatus — patrician,  dictator— though  holding  the  plough  and  using 
the  spade  on  his  glebe,  had  little  in  common  with  the  people.  Abra- 


APOTHEOSIS. 


533 


ham  Lincoln — boatman,  ploughman,  President — gave  his  sympathies  to 
all  men,  irrespective  of  race  or  condition.  Where  shall  be  found  his 
compeer  in  the  battalion  of  the  Christian  era?  Not  Alfred  the  Great, 
nor  Richard  the  Lion-hearted — none  of  England's  kings ;  neither  Marl- 
borough,  Cromwell,  nor  Wellington ;  not  Frederick  the  Great  of  Ger- 
many ;  neither  Gustavus  Adolphus,  William  the  Silent,  Henry  of  !Na- 


GAUDENS,  UKCOLN  PAKK,  CHI 


534  LIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

varre,  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  nor  George  Washington.  Not  with  these^ 
may  Abraham  Lincoln  be  compared.  Nature  gave  not  to  them  as  to 
him  such  ability  to  foresee,  provide,  and  execute,  such  quality  of  states- 
manship and  manhood,  such  combination  of  greatness  and  goodness. 
To  none  of  them  has  been  given  such  affectionate  remembrance  as  to 
him.  Washington  will  ever  be  the  father,  Lincoln  the  savior,  of  our 
country.  The  inspiration  of  his  life  was  the  song  of  the  heavenly  host 
to  the  shepherds  of  Bethlehem,  "  Peace  on  earth,  good-will  to  man.'' 

The  millions  whom  Abraham  Lincoln  delivered  from  slavery  will 
ever  liken  him  to  Moses,  the  deliverer  of  Israel.  Only  in  part  are  they 
to  be  compared.  Humble  alike  their  birth,  but  the  childhood  of  one 
was  passed  in  the  luxurious  court  of  Pharaoh,  that  of  the  other  amid 
the  poverty  of  a  frontier  cabin.  The  learned  of  Egypt's  realm  revealed 
the  wisdom  of  the  ages  to  the  youthful  Hebrew ;  itinerant  teachers  im- 
parted limited  instruction  to  the  boy  of  the  rustic  school.  Moses  be- 
comes a  shepherd ;  Abraham  Lincoln  swings  an  axe.  One  meditates 
on  lofty  themes  in  the  solitude  of  Sinai ;  the  other  on  the  banks  of  the 
Sangamon.  One  discovers  God  in  the  mystery  of  the  burning  bush 
at  Horeb ;  to  the  other,  in  a  restful  retreat,  comes  the  uplifting  revela- 
tion that  God  is  his  Father,  and  all  men  his  brothers.  Moses  gives 
just  and  righteous  laws  to  Israel,  Abraham  Lincoln  a  new  charter  of 
liberty  to  his  country.  Both  lead  their  fellow -men  out  of  bondage, 
both  behold  the  promised  land  of  a  nation's  larger  life,  but  neither  is. 
privileged  to  enter  it. 

Says  James  Kussell  Lowell  of  Abraham  Lincoln  : 

"  Nature,  they  say,  doth  dote, 
And  cannot  make  a  man 
Save  on  some  worn-out  plan, 
Repeating  us  by  rote  : 

For  him  her  Old- World  moulds  aside  she  threw, 
And,  choosing  sweet  clay  from  the  breast 

Of  the  unexhausted  West, 
With  stuff  untainted  shaped  a  hero  new, 
Wise,  steadfast  in  the  strength  of  God,  and  true. 

Great  captains,  with  their  guns  and  drums 
Disturb  our  judgment  for  the  hour, 

But  at  last  silence  comes  ; 
These  are  all  gone,  and,  standing  like  a  tower, 
Our  children  shall  behold  his  fame, 

The  kindly,  earnest,  brave,  far-seeing  man, 
Sagacious,  patient,  dreading  praise,  not  blame, 

New  birth  of  our  new  soil,  the  first  American." 


APOTHEOSIS.  535 

I  attempt  no  estimate  of  the  character  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  I  am 
too  near  him  in  time.  There  must  be  the  perspective  of  many  years 
before  his  goodness,  his  greatness,  and  his  influence  upon  the  world  can 
be  justly  and  fully  comprehended.  Analysis,  eulogy,  and  comparison 
thus  far  have  failed  to  portray  the  true  lineaments  of  this  matchless 
man.  Like  the  snow-clad  summit  of  the  loftiest  mountain,  gleaming  in 
its  distinctive  grandeur,  shall  he  shine  with  stainless  whiteness  and  eter- 
nal glory ! 


INDEX. 


ANDERSON,  Robert,  Lieutenant,  70,  210,  242,  248, 
263,  512. 

Andrew,  John  A.,  Governor,  251,  325. 

Andrews,  E.  W.,  General,  462. 

Anecdotes :  Helps  Katy  Roby  in  spelling,  37 ; 
wrestling -match,  64 ;  settles  with  Post-office 
Department,  95 ;  defends  Edward  D.  Baker,  99 ; 
law  case  about  a  colt,  103  ;  about  pension  mon- 
ey, 104;  against  liquor-seller,  197;  Mr.  Cass's 
oxen,  108  ;  journey  to  Washington,  131 ;  com- 
pares height  with  countryman,  201 ;  writing 
his  autograph,  208 ;  Grace  Bedell,  208,  220 ; 
celebration  by  colored  Sunday-schools,  321; 
reads  "  Outrage  at  TJtica,"  342 ;  asked  to  re- 
lieve Grant,  367 ;  impressions  as  to  result  of 
battle  of  Gettysburg,  379 ;  "  Sykes's  dog,"  386 ; 
reprieve  of  Mr.  Luckett,  388 ;  fondness  for 
Shakespeare,  399 ;  kindness  of  heart,  401 ; 
opinion  of  Grant,  403 ;  Farmer  Case,  482 ; 
Brother  Jones  and  the  powder,  490. 

Armstrong,  Hannah,  81,  162. 

Armstrong,  Jack,  64. 

Arnold,  Isaac  N.,  392,  409. 

Ashley,  James  M.,  412. 

Ashman,  George,  190,  515. 

Atchison,  David  R.,  139,  151. 

Atzeroth,  George,  518. 

Averill,  General,  359. 

BACON,  Leonard,  Rev.,  444. 

Baker,  Edward  Dickinson,  99,  128,  279. 

Banks,  Nathaniel  P.,  General,  251,  272,  322,  347, 

381. 

Barnard,  William,  324. 
Bateman,  Mr.,  207. 
Bates,  Edward,  Attorney -general,  240,  246,  262, 

271,  338,  402. 
Battery:   Sherman's,  258 ;  Mott's,  317;   Calef's, 

378. 
Beall,  John  Y.,  517. 


Beauregard,  P.  G.  T.,  General,  248,  267,  312. 

Beecher,  Henry  Ward,  Rev.,  512. 

Bell,  John,  187. 

Belmont,  August,  439. 

Benjamin,  Judah,  283,  485. 

Bird,  Mr.,  366. 

Birney,  James  G.,  91. 

Black,  Mr.,  Attorney-general,  211. 

Blackburn,  Luke,  Dr.,  260. 

Blair,  Francis  P.,  262,  476,  484. 

Blair,  Montgomery,  Postmaster-general,  240,  246, 

330,  345, 426. 
Blenker,  General,  307. 
Boone,  Daniel,  7. 
Boone,  George,  6. 
Booth,  John  Wilkes,  515. 
Boutwell,  Mr.,  390. 
Bragg,  Braxton,  General,  383. 
Branlette,  Governor,  403. 
Breckinridge,  John  C.,  203,  222,  279,  282,  497, 

503. 

Breckinridge,  Robert  J.,  Rev.,  413. 
Breshwood,  Captain,  215. 
Brooks,  Colonel,  354. 
Brooks,  Mr.,  365. 
Brough,  John,  383. 
Brown,  Governor,  212,  477. 
Brown,  John,  158,  173. 
Buchanan,  George,  Dr.,  53. 
Buchanan,  James,  151,  157,  236. 
Buckingham,  William  A.,  325. 
Buckner,  Simon  B.,  General,  260. 
Buell,  General,  290,  312. 
Buford,  General,  378. 
Bullitt,  Mr.,  334. 
Burns,  John,  385. 
Burnside,  Ambrose  E.,  General,  350,  353,  358, 

361,  369,  404. 
Butler,  Benjamin  F.,  General,  184,  251,  258,  265, 

270,  286,  312,  333,  390,  392. 


538 


INDEX. 


CALHOTJN,  John  C.,  81, 157. 

Cameron,  Secretary,  240,  246,  295. 

Campbell,  John  A.,  Judge,  242,  477,  484,  506, 

509. 

Carpenter,  F.  B.,  399. 
Case,  Mr.,  423. 
Cass,  Lewis,  211. 
Chase,  Salmon  P.,  Secretary,  24(5^246,  293,  313, 

319,  330,  338,  345,  356,  392, 416, 470. 
Chandler,  Zachariah,  420. 
Chittenden,  L.  E.,  221,  231,  405. 
Clay,  Clement  C.,  415,  428. 
Clay,  Henry,  124,  260. 
Colfax,  Schuyler,  513. 
Collamer,  Senator,  356. 
Comstock,  Judge,  442. 
Conway,  Moncure,  366. 
Crandall,  Prudence,  90. 
Crawford,  Martin  J.,  242. 
Crook,  General,  492. 
Curtin,  Andrew  G.,  229,  325. 
Curtis,  Judge,  153. 

DANA,  Charles  A.,  442,  467. 

Davis,  David,  219,  227. 

Davis,  Henry  Winter,  379,  420,  430,  464. 

Davis,  Jefferson,  140;  elected  President  of  the 
Confederacy,  217;  sends  an  order  to  General 
Beauregard,  248  ;  telegram  to  Governor  Letch- 
er,  256 ;  conference  with  Messrs.  Gilmore  and 
Jacques,  434;  confers  with  Francis  P.  Blair, 
476 ;  addresses  a  public  meeting  at  Richmond, 
484. 

Defrees,  Mr.,  274. 

Dennison,  William,  325. 

Discovery  of  Gold  in  California,  134. 

Dix,  Dorothy,  Miss,  224. 

Dix,  John  A.,  General,  212,  215,  322. 

Dodge,  William  E.,  235. 

Douglass,  Frederick,  457. 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  82,  97,  136,  139,  144,  152, 
157,  166,  202,  239,  251,  266. 

Dupont,  Admiral,  283. 

EARLY,  Jubal  A.,  423,  445. 
Eckert,  Mr.,  467,  478. 
Edwards,  Ninian,  109. 
Elkins,  David,  Rev.,  23,  28. 
Ellsworth,  Colonel,  258. 
Emory,  General,  425. 
English,  473. 

Ericsson,  Captain,  264,  303. 
Evans,  Cadwallader,  6. 
Everett,  Edward,  187,  383. 
Ewell,  General,  374,  378,  497. 


FARRAGUT,  Admiral,  312. 

Felton,  Samuel  M.,  224. 

Fenton,  Reuben  E.,  432. 

Fessenden,  William  P.,  280,  356,  418,  470. 

Floyd,  John  B.,  210. 

Foote,  Commodore,  298. 

Forney,  John  W.,  409,  464. 

Forquar,  General,  88. 

Forsyth,  John,  242. 

Forts:    Moultrie,  211;    Sumter,  211,  248,  512; 

Pulaski,  212;  Pickens,  242  ;  Fortress  Monroe, 

265,319,479;  Walker,  283  ;  Beauregard,  283 ; 

Warren,  284,  370 ;  Henry,  298  ;  Donelson,  298 ; 

Stevens,  425. 

Fox,  Gustavus  V.,  Captain,  242,  264,  303,  464. 
Franklin,  General,  292,  337,  342,  360,  362. 
Fremont,  John  C.,  152,  277,  282,  322,  411. 
French,  General,  373. 
Frost,  General,  263. 

GAILLARD,  Leopold,  532. 

Gardner,  Lieutenant-colonel,  210. 

Garfield,  James  A.,  291. 

Garrett,  Thomas,  323. 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  53,  91,  259,  313,  323, 
415. 

Gilmore,  John  R.,  434. 

Goldsborough,  Admiral,  319. 

Grant,  Ulysses  S.,  General,  252 ;  presides  at  meet- 
ing in  Galena,  274;  appointed  brigadier-general 
and  goes  to  Paducah,  277 ;  captures  Fort  Don- 
elson, 298 ;  at  Pittsburgh  Landing,  312 ;  takes 
Vicksburg,  381 ;  appointed  lieutenant-general, 
396 ;  at  the  Wilderness,  406 ;  at  Petersburg, 
445 ;  at  City  Point,  478 ;  receives  despatch 
from  Lee,  486;  visit  from  Lincoln,  489;  sur- 
render of  Lee,  511 ;  at  Washington,  513. 

Greeley,  Horace,  161,  217, 278, 335,  346,  361, 395> 
427,  434. 

Green,  William  G.,  73. 

Grimes,  Senator,  226,  356. 

Gulliver,  John  P.,  Rev.,  176. 

HALL,  James  C.,  392. 

Halleck,  H.  W.,  General,  supersedes  Fremont, 
285  ;  letter  to  McClellan,  290 ;  called  to  Wash- 
ington to  direct  military  movements,  334 ;  calls 
on  McClellan,  339 ;  differs  with  Burnside  in  re- 
gard to  plans,  354 ;  refuses  request  of  Hooker, 
373  ;  letter  to  Secretary  Stanton,  426. 

Hamilton,  Charles,  158. 

Hamlin,  Hannibal,  196,  420. 

Hanks,  John,  7. 

Hardie,  Colonel,  375. 

Harding,  George,  162. 


INDEX. 


539 


Harold,  Daniel  E.,  518. 

Harris,  Matthias,  Rev.,  512. 

Harris,  Senator,  356,  514. 

Hay,  John,  429. 

Hazel,  George,  23. 

Heintzelman,  General,  309,  315,  322,  373. 

Henderson,  Senator,  412. 

Henry,  Joseph,  Professor,  278,  365. 

Herndon,  William,  161,  164. 

Hicks,  Governor,  258,  272. 

Hines,  Captain,  416. 

Hitchcock,  General,  316. 

Hodges,  A.  G.,  403. 

Holcombe,  Professor,  428. 

Holmes,  Oliver  Wendell,  137. 

Holt,  Joseph,  212. 

Hood,  John  B.,  General,  470. 

Hooker,  Joseph,  General,  301,  307,  318,  358,  360, 

372. 

Howard,  Senator,  356. 
Hunter,  David,  219,  227. 
Hunter,  General,  312,  423. 
Hunter,  R.  M.  T.,  477,  481. 
Hurlburt,  S.  A.,  245. 
Hussey,  Obed,  162. 
Hutchinson  family,  293. 

IMBODEN,  J.  D.,  General,  424. 

JACKSON,  Claiborne  F.,  262. 

Jackson,  Stonewall,  General,  322,  334,  340. 

Jacques,  Rev.  Mr.,  434. 

Jayne,  Julia,  120. 

Jewett,  William  Cornell,  427,  434. 

Johnson,  Andrew,  413. 

Johnson,  Herschel  V.,  203. 

Johnson,  John  M.,  254. 

Johnson,  Oliver,  323. 

Johnson,  Reverdy,  162,  256,  333,  390. 

Johnston,  Joseph  E.,  General,  267,  322. 

Judd,  Norman  B.,  148,  189,  219,  226. 

KANSAS-NEBRASKA  Bill,  140. 

Kelley,  William  D.,  197,  286,  320,  349. 

Kelton,  Adjutant-general,  339. 

Key,  John  J.,  Major,  346. 

Keyes,  General,  302,  307,  309,  315,  322,  367. 

LAMON,  Ward,  219,  227,  245. 

Lane,  Henry  M.,  388. 

Lane,  Joseph,  203. 

Latham,  Milton  S.,  286,  306. 

Lee,  Robert  E.,  General,  253,  324,  334,  340,  355, 

373,  378,  445,  485, 494,  503,  511. 
Letcher,  Governor,  256. 


Lincoln,  Abraham  (1),  8,  12. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  President,  birth,  19 ;  at  school, 
23,  32,  36 ;  death  of  his  mother,  28 ;  goes  to 
mill,  35 ;  ferryman  at  Gentry's  Landing,  38 ; 
takes  a  flat-boat  to  New  Orleans,  42 ;  life  at 
Decatur,  111.,  46  ;  second  trip  to  New  Orleans, 
54 ;  clerk  at  New  Salem,  60 ;  in  Black  Hawk 
War,  68  ;  candidate  for  Legislature,  71 ;  enters 
store  with  Mr.  Berry,  72 ;  postmaster  at  New 
Salem,  78 ;  surveyor,  81 ;  elected  to  Legislature, 
82  ;  Ann  Rutledge,  84  ;  second  election  to  Leg- 
islature, 89 ;  decides  to  study  law,  94 ;  riding 
the  circuit,  102 ;  meets  Mary  Todd,  109 ;  goes  to 
Kentucky  with  Mr.  Speed,  111 ;  "  Rebecca  "  let- 
ter, 120;  marriage,  123;  meets  Henry  Clay,  124; 
elected  to  Congress,  125  ;  member  of  Executive 
Committee  of  society  to  aid  emigrants  to  Kan- 
sas, 141;  campaign  speeches,  145, 153;  counsel 
in  McCormick-Manny  case,  162  ;  defends  Will- 
iam Armstrong,  162;  speech  at  Springfield, 
164;  at  Chicago  and  Bloomington,  167;  at 
Cooper  Institute,  175;  in  Connecticut,  176; 
nominated  for  President,  194;  elected,  210; 
prepares  for  Washington,  215;  journey,  218; 
plot  for  assassination,  224 ;  at  Washington, 
232 ;  inauguration,  236 ;  difficulties,  244 ;  is- 
sues call  for  volunteers,  250 ;  efforts  to  keep 
Kentucky  in  the  Union,  259 ;  besieged  by  office- 
seekers,  264 ;  second  call  for  troops,  266  ;  ap- 
points McClellan  to  command,  270 ;  message  to 
Congress,  274 ;  receives  tidings  of  death  of 
Colonel  Baker,  278 ;  sets  aside  order  of  Gen- 
eral Fremont,  282  ;  action  in  Trent  affair,  284 ; 
appoints  Halleck  to  succeed  Fremont,  285 ; 
disappointed  at  inactivity  of  McClellan,  290 ; 
confers  with  McDowell  and  Franklin,  292 ; 
appoints  Edwin  M.  Stanton  Secretary  of  War, 
295 ;  sends  orders  to  McClellan,  297 ;  death 
of  Willie,  298 ;  disappointment  at  failure  of 
McClellan's  plans,  303 ;  conference  with  Mc- 
Clellan, 305  ;  council  of  division  commanders, 
307 ;  reorganizes  army,  309 ;  sets  aside  order 
of  Hunter,  313;  appeal  for  action  towards 
abolishing  slavery,  314,  327;  visits  Fortress 
Monroe,  319 ;  directs  movements  of  Army  of 
Potomac,  322 ;  meditates  issuing  proclamation 
of  emancipation,  328  ;  orders  Halleck  to  direct 
military  movements,  334 ;  letter  to  Horace 
Greeley,  337 ;  asks  McClellan  to  resume  com- 
mand of  troops,  339 ;  issues  emancipation  proc- 
lamation, 344  ;  visits  Harper's  Ferry,  347  ;  in- 
terviews with  members  of  Congress,  349 ; 
removes  McClellan  from  command,  353  ;  diffi- 
culties of  situation,  355  ;  interview  with  Sena- 
tors in  regard  to  removal  of  Secretary  Seward, 


540 


INDEX. 


356 ;  returns  resignation  of  Burnside,  359 ; 
appoints  Hooker  to  command  army,  362 ; 
changes  sentence  of  Vallandigham,  370 ;  reply 
to  Governor  Seymour,  372 ;  appoints  General 
Meade  to  succeed  Hooker,  374  ;  letter  to  Grant, 
381 ;  letter  to  Republican  Convention  of  Illi- 
nois, 382 ;  dedication  of  cemetery  at  Gettys- 
burg, 383  ;  plan  for  restoring  seceded  States  to 
the  Union,  390;  appoints  Grant  lieutenant-gen- 

•  eral,  396  ;  reviews  Burnside's  troops,  404 ;  re- 
nominated,  413;  nominates  William  P.  Fessen- 
den  Secretary  of  Treasury,  418 ;  replies  to 
Horace  Greeley,  428  ;  issues  proclamation  for 
thanksgiving,  441;  re-elected,  468;  meets 
agents  of  Confederate  Government  at  Fortress 
Monroe,  479  ;  telegram  to  Grant,  486  ;  second 
inauguration,  487 ;  visits  General  Grant  at 
City  Point,  489 ;  enters  Richmond,  505 ;  re- 
ceives news  of  Lee's  surrender,  511 ;  assassi- 
nation, 515. 

Lincoln,  Mordecai,  4. 

Lincoln,  Robert,  513. 

Lincoln,  Samuel,  1,  3. 

Lincoln,  Thomas,  13;  at  Nolin'a  Creek,  Ky.,  18; 
Knob  Creek,  23  ;  moves  to  Pigeon  Creek,  Ind., 
24 ;  second  marriage,  30 ;  moves  to  Decatur, 
111.,  46. 

Locke,  David  R.  ("  Petroleum  V.  Nasby"),  451, 461- 

Logan,  John  A.,  233. 

Lovejoy,  Elijah  P.,  Rev.,  96,  368. 

Lovejoy,  Owen,  369,  390. 

Lowell,  James  Russell,  534. 

Lyon,  Nathaniel,  Captain,  262. 

Lyons,  Lord,  310. 

MAGOFFIN,  Governor,  259. 

Magruder,  General,  316. 

Manny,  Mr.,  162. 

Marcy,  General,  302. 

Marshall,  Humphrey,  General,  291. 

Mason,  James  M.,  151,  242,  256,  283,  473. 

McClellan,  George  B.,  General,  170,  265;  called 
to  Washington,  268  ;  appointed  commander  of 
forces,  270 ;  treatment  of  Lincoln,  286 ;  in- 
action, 290 ;  displeased  by  conference  of  Lin- 
coln with  McDowell  and  Franklin,  292  ;  plans 
for  re-opening  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad, 
300 ;  meets  Lincoln,  305 ;  a'ssigned  to  com- 
mand of  Army  of  the  Potomac,  309  ;  at  York- 
town,  316;  calls  for  troops,  321,  325;  sends 
despatch  to  Stanton,  324 ;  fails  to  co-opeTate 
with  Pope,  338 ;  secures  plan  of  movements 
of  Lee's  army,  341 ;  at  Harper's  Ferry,  346 ; 
removed  from  command,  353 ;  nominated  for 
Presidency,  439  ;  defeated,  468. 


McCormick,  Cyrus,  162. 

McCullough,  Professor,  517. 

McDowell,  General,  268,  292,  307,  322. 

McLean,  Judge,  157,  162. 

McPherson,  Mr.,  349. 

Meade,  George  G.,  General,  374,  379,  404,  492. 

Meigs,  Quartermaster-general,  292. 

Miles,  General,  340. 

Milroy,  General,  386. 

Missouri  Compromise,  136. 

Moorhead,  Mr.,  349. 

Morgan,  John,  General,  382,  444. 

Morgan,  Edwin  D.,  325,  412. 

Morrow,  Colonel,  359. 

Morton,  Oliver  P.,  458. 

Mosby,  General,  363. 

Mudd,  Dr.,  518. 

NAGLEE,  General,  306. 

Nelson,  William,  250,  312. 

Newspapers :  "  The  Liberator,"  54,  90 ;  "  Louis- 
ville Journal,"  63,  80 ;  "  New  England  Review," 
78  ;  "  Louisville  Gazette,"  80  ;  "  Emancipator," 
90;  "Philanthropist,"  91;  "Springfield  Jour- 
nal," 120 ;  "  Baltimore  Sun,"  135  ;  "  New  York 
Tribune,"  161, 164,  335  ;  "  Anti-slavery  Stand- 
ard," 164;  "Chicago  Tribune,"  164;  "Charles- 
ton Mercury,"  212;  "Albany  Evening  Jour- 
nal,1' 314;  "Boston  Advertiser,"  314;  "New 
Bedford  Standard,"  314;  "Philadelphia  Led- 
ger," 314 ;  "  Philadelphia  Press,"  369  ;  "  Rich- 
mond  Examiner,"  370,  442  ;  "  Toledo  Blade," 
451;  "Richmond  Sentinel,"  484;  "Bradford 
Review,"  530;  "Dublin  Freeman's  Journal," 
530;  "London  Daily  News,"  530;  "London 
Star,"  530;  "London  Punch,"  531;  "Paris 
Epogue,"  532. 

Nicolar,  Mr.,  227. 

OFFUT,  Denton,  54. 
Oglesby,  Richard,  188. 
Oldham,  W.  J.,  517. 
Ord,  General,  492. 

PARKER,  Governor,  441. 

Patterson,  General,  267. 

Payne,  Lewis,  518. 

Pemberton,  General,  381. 

Pendleton,  George  H.,  286,  441. 

Petigru,  Mr.,  245. 

Phelps,  General,  333. 

Phillips,  Wendell,  175,  366,  411. 

Piatt,  Donn,  386. 

Pickens,  Governor,  212,  250,  283. 

Pickett's  division,  378,  494. 


INDEX. 


541 


Pierce,  Franklin,  139,  217,  239,  382. 

Pinkerton,  Allen,  224,  292. 

Polk,  Leonidas,  General,  277. 

Pomeroy,  Senator,  356. 

Pope,  John,  219,  227,  277. 

Pope,  General,  334,  337. 

Porter,  Admiral,  506. 

Porter,  Fitz-John,  General,  337. 

Porter,  Horace,  General,  490,  494. 

Prentice,  George  D.,  78,  261. 

Pry  or,  Roger  A.,  248. 

RADFORD,  Reuben,  72. 
Rathburn,  Major,  514,  521. 
Raymond,  Henry  J.,  359,  361,  431. 
Reid,  Whitelaw,  467. 
Reynolds,  General,  374,  378. 
Rice,  Henry  M.,  286,  306. 
Riney,  Zachariah,  23. 
Rives,  Mr.,  234. 
Robertson,  Judge,  267. 
Rollins,  Mr.,  472. 
Romans,  A.  S.,  242. 
Rosecrans,  General,  268,  383. 
Rosecrans,  Lowell  H.,  261. 
Rusling,  James  B.,  General,  379. 
Rutledge,  Ann,  83. 

SAUNDERS,  George  N.,  428. 

Schenck,  General,  373,  379,  386. 

Schoepf,  General,  291. 

Scott,  Dred,  153. 

Scott,  Winfield  S.,  General,  211,  221,  236,  268. 

Secession  of  South  Carolina,  210. 

Seddon,  John  A.,  234,  517. 

Seward,  Frederick  W.,  226,  516. 

Seward,  William  H.,  182, 190,  232,  240,  284,  329, 

345,  356,  358,  361,  441,  477,  516. 
Seymour,  Horatio,  Governor,  355,  371,  382,  439. 
Shannon,  Wilson,  Governor,  142. 
Shepley,  General,  506. 
Sheridan,   Philip    H.,    General,   445,   463,   468, 

489. 
Sherman,  W.  T.,  General,  283,  404,  445, 458,  470, 

489,492,513. 
Shields,  Mr.,  119,147. 
Ships  :  Dorothy,  3  ;  John,  3  ;  Rose,  3  ;  Talisman, 

68;  Star  of  the  West,  212;   Mayflower,  239; 

Merrimac,  263,  303,  306,  318;    Monitor,  264, 

303,  307 ;    Snuquehanna,  283  ;    Wabash,  283  ; 

San  Jacinto,  284  ;  Trent,  284  ;  Minnesota,  285  ; 

Congresx,  306  ;  Cumberland,  306 ;  River  Queen, 

480,  489,  493,  505 ;  Bat,  505. 
Sickles,  General,  379. 
Sigel,  General,  424. 


Slidell,  John,  283,  473. 

Slocum,  General,  374. 

Smith,  General,  360. 

Smith,  Gold  win,  319. 

Smith,  Secretary,  241,  246,  338. 

Smith,  William,  Governor,  484. 

Sojourner  Truth,  455. 

"Sons  of  Liberty,"  415,  437. 

Soule,  Pierre,  151. 

Speed,  James,  261. 

Speed,  Joshua,  95,  109,  262. 

Speed,  Lucy  Gilman,  112,  346. 

Stanton,  Edward  M.,  162,  212,  295,  302,  307,  317, 

319,  328,  338,  344,  359,  369,  374,  386,  426,  449, 

467,  516. 

Stedman,  E.  C.,  367.     . 
Stephens,  Alexander,  217,  477. 
Stevens,  Athertoii  H.,  Major,  503. 
Stevens,  Miss,  374. 
Stevens,  Thaddeus,  280,  392. 
Storrs,  Richard  S.,  Rev.,  512. 
Stringham,  Commodore,  270. 
Stuart,  General,  322,  337,  348,  373. 
Sumner,  Charles,  324,  356,  390,  412,  420,  454, 

470. 

Sumner,  Edwin  V.,  219,  227. 
Sumner,  General,  309,  315,  322,  354,  359,  362. 
Surratt,  Mary  E.,  518. 
Swett,  J.  B.,  Colonel,  437. 

TANEY,  Roger  B.,  Chief-justice,  153,  236,  469. 

Tappan,  Arthur,  53,  90. 

Thomas,  George  B.,  General,  291,  316. 

Thomas,  Lorenzo,  Adjutant-general,  296. 

Thompson,  George,  400. 

Thompson,  Jacob,  212,  415,  429. 

Thompson,  Joseph  P.,  Rev.,  442. 

Todd,  David,  418. 

Todd,  Major,  374. 

Todd,  Mary,  109,  120,  123. 

Toombs,  Robert,  248. 

Trumbull,  Lyman,  148,  282,  356,  412,  470. 

Turner,  Major,  346. 

Tyler,  John,  233. 

USHER,  J.  P.,  362. 

VALLANDIGHAM,  Clement  L.,  286,  369,  382,  415, 

439. 

Vinton,  Francis,  Rev.,  299. 
Voorhees,  Daniel  W.,  388,  472. 

WADE,  Benjamin  F.,  323,  356,  367,  420,  430. 
Wadsworth,  James  S.,  General,  315,  359,  385. 
Wallace,  General,  424. 


542 


INDEX. 


<(  Ward,  Artemus,"  342. 

Washburne,  Eliliu  B.,  176, 226, 232, 379, 396, 461. 

Weed,  Thurlow,  190,  356,  431,  489. 

Weitzel,  General,  503,  506. 

Welles,  Gideon,  240,  246,  263,  328,  338,  345,  483. 

Whittier,  John  G.,  158,  294,  359. 

Wilcox,  General,  498. 

Wilkes,  Commodore,  284. 

Willis,  Judge,  383. 

Wilson,  Henry,  187,  244,  252,  319,  365,  390. 


Wilson,  James  F.,  412. 
Wood,  Fernando,  217. 
Wool,  General,  319,  322. 
Worden,  Captain,  304. 
Wright,  General,  426. 
Wright,  Mr.,  366. 
Wright,  Rebecca,  446. 

YATES,  Governor,  277. 

ZOLLICOFFER,  Felix,  General,  234,  291. 


THE   END. 


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